81

BIS RIC 16

· 357676000001 BIBLIOTECA DI RICERCHE LINGUISTICHE E FILOLOGICHE

16 =:

GIORGIO BANTI

·ON THE MORPHOLOGY OF VEDIC GENDER-DISTINGUISHING PRONOMINALS

DIPARTIMENTO DI STUDI GLOTTOANTROPOLOGICI UNIVERSIT A' « LA SAPIENZA »

ROMA 1984

INTRODUCTION

1. The purpose of this study is to analyse on a strictly syn­

chronical basis a specific area of the morphology of the Vedic

language in order to elicit mechanisms and regularities that un­

derlie its seemingly very complex and rich phenomenology. To this

end we have chosen the inflectional type that ls shared by the

demonstratives, the relative and interrogative pronouns, the in­

definites, and a heterogeneous group of words that includes, a·­

mong others, svá-. 'own', some quantifiers like éka- 'one', v1sva­'each, all', etc., and several place and time adjectives like

úttara- 'upper, later', ápara-'after, following', etc.

Debrunner and Wackernagel (1929-30), henceforth D&W, call this

last group "pronominals" (Pronominalia, pp. 579 ff.), and define

them as "nouns that are conceptually near to t:he pronouns" (p.

579). The other groups of words they instead label as "gender­

distinguishing pronouns" (geschlechtige Pronomina, pp. 494 ff.).

When they refer to the morphology that characterises these bvo

classes of words, they speak of "pronominal inflection" (prono­minale Flexion, ego p. 495) or of "inflection of the gender­

distinguishing pronouns 11 (Flexionsweise der geschlechtigen Pro-­

nomina, ego p. 579). 'l'hese terms, particularly "pronominal in-­

flection" or "pronominal declension", have been generally follo\\'­

eé! in the 1ater literature and are still in common usage not onl'l

with reference to Old 1ndic, but also in general 1ndo-European

s·tudies. Some authors, however, felt i t neeessary to distinguish

the inflectional type of the gender-distinguishing pronouns from

the inflectional type of the personal pronouns, which is a very

different system in Vedic (cf. eg. §§ 7e11, 39bII) and in mOf3t -­

if not all - 1ndo-European languages. For instance, Macdonell

(1910) employs sometimes the r.ather lengthy label of "adjectival

pronominal deelension" (eg. p. 300) to this end.

However, since the "adjectival" eharacter of this declension

lies only in its distinguishing different genders, we will speak

here rather of gender-distinguishing pronominal (gd-pronominal)

morphology. Moreover, ·sinee the eommon feature of arl elasses of

words that follow this inflectional type in Vedic would appear to

be simply their following it, and not some kind of semantic af­

finity, we believe that the issue can be simplified by establish­

ing a class of gd-pronominal words or gd-pronominals whose mem-

---~--------------------~--..,.---------~~~--~=,,,,, ------------------------~

6 7

bership i8 defined on formal grounds only, ie. by the fact of ha~ parated in the final part of an inflected form and which recurs

ing gd-pronominal inflections. in parallel forms belonging to the same inflectional class. This

is the traditional way in which this term has been used, and it 2 . a) Our analysis focuses mainly onthe language of the Bg­

veda. Later Vedic and Classical 8anskrit have be en taken account

of only secondarily and only when it was strictly necessary. The

higher age of the Bgveda has in fact preserved a more archaic

ture in its hymns, which differs in various respects from the

pattern that was established in the later language, not least

as a result of the contribution of the grammarians' codifica­

tion. In this regard, a synchronic analysis can yield results

that are of interest not only to the general linguist, but also

to the comparative indo-europeanist.

b) The editions of the text that have been used for this

study have be en Aufrecht's in its 1955 reprint, t1ax Müller's

its 1965 reprint, and the recent Indian edition by Vishva Bandhu

et al. (1964). Whenever necessary, Geldner's translation has

been used, even though in more than one instance we preferred

to translate the original text differently.

It should be obvious that this study could not have been car­

ried through without the help of Grassmann' s (1872) dictionary,

and of the Vedic indexes by Vishva Bandhu et al. (1942-63).

In several instances, particularly in §§ 9-17, the oc curren­

ces of single case forms have been quantified. Unless specified

differently, such figures have been drawn from Grassmann (1872) I

this being the most reaClily available source. It should be noted

l~wever that his lists are often not accurate and should be re­

garded as having only a broadly indicative value. Moreover, in

the case of particularly frequent forms such as tám or tát, Grassmann registered the occurrences up to a certain point only,

~g. for tám up to RV 1.78.4 and for tát up to RV 1.110.3. This

has been indicated here by adding a plus before the relevant

figures.

3. a) The common morphological terminology is used as exten­

sively as possible here, to avoid enlarging further the already

overtaxed jargon of linguists.

It should be noted, however, that the terms 'ending' I 'suf­

fix', 'base' and 'stem' are used in somewhat different manners.

By 'endinq I we rcfer here broadly to any segrnent that (;an he se-

is still perfectly valid for practical purposes. Thus we speak,

eg., of the m.N.sg. ending -a~ ofthe a-stems, the m.N.sg. end­

ing -i~ of the i-stems, etc. However, this term is not used to

describe the internal structure of a word. In fact, in the m.N.

sg. forms devá~ 'god' and agnl~ 'fire', which can be seen to

contain these endings -a~ and -i~, a closer analysis requires us

d I' to isolate a segment -~ which binds to the stems ',eva- arid agn1-~.

8uch segments, which can also be zero-segments as in the N.sg.

jihva 'tongue' and devt 'goddess' of the a- and ~-stems respect­

ively, and which often occur in different inflectional classes

in parallel case forros, are referred to here by the term '(case)

suffixes' . , 8tem' is used as a complementary term to 'suffix'. In other

words what remains of a form after its suffix. has be en cut away,

is referred to as stem. 'Base', instead, is useq mnre brciadly

for any segment to which a suffixal morpheme binds. In this ri1an­

ner, the term 'base' is used for referring to stems, but also

to a subpart of a stem when it is possible to regard it as bou,nd

to a suffixal segment (cf. also §42aI).

b) I) '1'he notation that is used here also follows in i ts

broad outlines the' common usage in phe)Ilological and morphologic·~

al studies. It should be noted however that most gd-pronominal

words can be regarded as being used both as adject.ives and as

nouns (eL ego § 14h). In addition, it is often not immediately

obvious whether a certain form should be regarded as an adject­

ival modifier or as a nominal "apposi tion (cf. § lScI-II, dII).

Accordingly, in order to avoid possibly arbi i:rary decis,lons,

which are in any case of no real relevanceto theissues here

under discussion, the symbol 'W', ie. word, has been used very

frequently for labelling inflected gd-pronominal forros. Notice

that sometimes it is necessary to use this symbol also word-in­

ternally ,(cf. § 49).

II) It has been considered as an unnecessary complication to

use the IPA symbols for transcribing old Indic forms, as well as

those of other sister languages that have been occasionally men­

tioned. Ac~ordingly, for example, long vowels are marked by a

--- --~ --~~~------

§ 3 ] 8

macron even in underlying forms.

It should be pointed out, however, that surface e, o, ai, au are regarded here as being underlying lai, au, ai, au/ also syn-;

chronically. ,This seems justifíed, for example, by their behav­

iour in sandhi (cL ego /g~u + il -7- gávi, /raí + a/ -7- Paya, etc.

and § 35e). In practice, however, surface ai (from /ai/) is easil

ly distinguished from underlying /ai/, since surface forms are

always given in italics and without bracketing, ego yá8ya¿:,whil~

underlying forms are either in Roman types enclosed by slashes,

ego /y~i/r or in italics enclosed by labelled square brackets, ego [yái] .

W In addition, it should_be noted that in order to avoid unne-

cessary subtletíes, underlying forms are fully specified in all

their details only when these are really relevant. Por instance,

in discussing the inflectional structure of er¡a, which can be

regarded as realising underlying /aisa/ (cf. § 13bI), we shall write only lesa + 0/ or [esa 0J . • . w

GENERAL FEATURES OF THE GD-PRONOMINAL1\10RPHOLOGY

4. a) The gd-pronominal inflectional type occurs in i ts sim­

plest form in the paradigm of the relati.ve pronoun yá-, which is

shown in (1).

, (1) Paradigm of the relative pronoun ya-

sg. N.

Ac.

1.

D.

Ab.

G.

L.

dÚ. NAc.

IDAb.

GL.

pI. N.

Ac.

1.

DAb.

G.

L.

m. n. f.

y ár¡ yát

.... ya

-------------, . ... y am yam

-- --------- --------------I - f ,

vena, vena yaya r-------------- ~---------

[yásyaiJ , ---_.-

yásmat ------------- yásya1j , yasya

------------¡-.-.---------t , , -yasm~n yasyam

-yá-u!J-y~-ye-' --J y_~=-------_--~

yabhyCim

yór¡ Cyáyor¡-_-_~~-_ ------'-- --

f ye ....

ya., ....

van \

yJbhi1j

yJbhya;1j

f -yeE}arn ,

yer¡u

-+ yan~ y

-- 1----

Y

y

Y --- r--

y

abhi1j

abhya~l .... -asam .... asu

b) ,In the mn. 1 . sg. yá- has both yéna and yéna. , In the, o::her

gd-pronominals, this alternation i.s attested in svena,,-,svena, téna,....., tJna, ená '" ena and ena ., • .., ena as well.

It is also present in the nominal a-stems. Here, however -ena beside being rather rare (only 27 times vs. 718 forms with -ena, cf. D&W, p. 92) seems to occur only when the metre strictly re-

---------------------------~-----~"*~ ti _"",'

10

quires a long vowel. In fact, in almost all instances of it that;

can be traced in the list of Macdonell (1910, p. 256 f.) and

Grassmann's dictionary, the long a is in one of the long syllable¡

posi tions of the cadence of a dodecasyllable or a hendecasyllablej.

as in RV 6.32. 2a sá motáro suryer¡.o kavInam 'he the two mothers .

of the seers with the sun', which has regularly -V--. It is for

this reason that D&W (ego p. 92) consider the ending-eno in nom-¡

inal stems as due to "metrical lengthening", even though Wacker­

nagel (1896, p. 312) states that "they dared -eno in the Instru­

mental of the a-stems after the Instrumenta1s with constant -a in the other stems".

In the gd-pronomina1s, however, the position of -ena appears

to be rather different. In the first place, it is much more fre­

quent, even though the Pada-text always reads -ena, except for + , - • f

ena. For instance, " yena is twlce as connnon 1n the J3.gveda as ye-na" (Macdonell, 1910, p. 303). Against dozens of occurrences of .

+ , I -, t ena, it ls possible to restore ena only in RV 6.20.10b pr'a purGVa! -+ .~ , 'h -+ • (' t stavanta, ena ya,7nm,. 'so (ena) may the Purus pral se pra ... s 0:-

vante) (you) with the sacrifices', in order to have a normal

decasyllable cadence -v---. Moreover, whereas ena occurs three

times in RV 5.2.11d, 9.96.2d and 10.108.3c, there is on1y a

single example of ena in RV 1.173 o 9a ásama yáth¿i sw¿akhéiya ena 'in order that we may be good friends (sur¿ak7iáyaZ,¡) wi th him' o

More importantly, a significant. number of gd-pronominal forms

with -enel occur in positions where the metre does not strictly

requi.re a long syllable. In this manner" yéno téno and 8véno are

ahmys found in the ]3gveda at the beginning of a verse (cf. D&W f

p. 92), often in the same contexts where their doublets with

short Ll also occur ~ This can be, seen quite c1early by comparing

the. two octosyllables RV 1.80.2c and 8.9.4d, respectively (2a) and (2b);

(2) a. RV 1.80.2c

yéno vy,:tr~ 11.11' adbhyá~ 'by means of which Vrtra from the waters'

b. RV 8.9.4d

yéna v:¡;:trcÍrtl dketatha~ 'by means of which you may observe Vrtra'

No "metrical necessity" can be invoked for RV 1.80.2c, because f -otherwise also RV 8.9. 4d should have had yena. In fact DMÑ (p.

92) reC¡iird --c:r¡Q élS dll~' to metrical lenqt-heninq ()['Iy JI' t11(' norn-

§ 4 ] 11.

inal a-stems, whereas in the gd-pronominals it would be a "ge-

l , tl' on' (ÜbeY'tragung) of the -o of most other 1nst-rument.a 1:3 nera 1sa '. (even of the a-stems)". _. ,

More simply, nominal and gd-pronominal -ena may be unlfled by

positing beside the ending -ena of the ~-~tems ~n alterna~ive

ending -eno, whatever its historical or1gln, WhlCh was qU1te

well established in the gd-pronominal a-st:ems, while in the nom­

inal a-stems it tended to be used more sparingly, in practice,

only when it could solve a metrical problem (cf. also §§ 25d11,

43bI, 50cII-I1I).

e) For ablatival yat, at and tat, cf. § 7aIL

d) has the two alternative endings -a and -au, The m.NAc.du. which occur for this case form also in mosto other stem classes.

Before consonants and pause, -o is much more frequent than -au, the proportions being respéctively 22.6 : 1 and 39 : 1 (see D&W,

p. 46). Before vowels -o and -av (the regular prevocalic form of

any underlying jauj) ha ve almost the same frequency, except be­

fare tt-, where only -o occurs. t-Je thus have parallel distribu­

tions like ego RV 1.155.1c ya sanuni 'who on the top' a~d RV

7.84 o 2b yáu setfbhi~ • who wit.h bonds', or RV L 1610 7~ t~kr.:YJot~na ie. jta akrnotanaj 'you made ·them' and RV 1.116.1c yav arbhagaya ie. jyau ~;~hagayaj 'who to the young one'. Instead, to RV 8.22.

14a ta usási 'those at dawn' there are no parallel cases like

eg. l':taV' U~áS1:. If we represent a word boundary by # and a pause

by ##, the distribution of -a and -au can be described in the

following way:

(3) Distribution of the m.NAc.du. endings -a and -au

a. -a:

b. -au:

i.

i1.

iiL

1.

ii.

iiL

# e # v ##

# e, not frequent. .b!

~ v, except if V = u~

##, not frequent.

The proviso o,f (3biU can be dispensed with ~f w! adopt ~he

traditional view that the alternation between -a # u- and -av # other vowels should be ascribed to a sandhi process (cf. ego

Wackernagel, 1896, p. 326; Macdonell, 1910, p. 67) that would

J

§ 4 ]

convert an underlying /-au/ or /-av/ into -a in the context u

# u. In this manner the distribution of the two endings appears

be perfectly parallel, even though the cases (3bi) and (3biii)

tend to be less frequent than their corresponding (3ai) and

(3aiii). Since no synchronic phonological rule can justify the

alternation of -a and -au before consonants, pause or vowels

like .~ or t, it seems reasonable to regard them as two separate

endings within the synchronic system of the languaqe.

e) 1) In the GL.du. the most: common ending is -áyol; three genders. It is also the normal ending of nominal a- and

stems which occurs ego in de váy o l.z 'of the two gods' (devá- m.)

or in svadháyol; 'in the two homesteads' (svadha- f.).

11) In the nominal a-stems there are also a few forms with

-ol; or -yo~, which however may be seen rather as forms of i- or

:Z:--stems, since they all have -y- before their final -ol;. For

stance, D&W (p. 99) suggest that RV 10.96.10a utá sma sá&na ha­ryatásya pastyo': 'and the seat of thedesired one (haryatásya) Ls inthe two ... ' S?OUld be seen as having in its L.du. pastyo': él form not of pastya- n. or pas~ya- f. 'dwelling', but rather

of an otherwise unattested pasti- to be compared with Latin tis 'side post, jamb'.

More simply, in the case of RV 3.55.2c puraryyól; sámnano': it

can be argued (cf. D&W, p. 99) that puraryyól; is not a reduced e -, 7 J,orm of a n.L.du. puraryayo J (¡ in

rather the regular G.du. of the

of the two ancient goddesses').

the blO ancient seats'), but - .....

f. purary~- ('in the two seats

III) In the gd-pronominals, instead, there are a few

occurrences of -ó':: yó':. eno': and avól;. Interestingly, they

used only as masculinos, while the gd-pronominal forms with

are certainly used also for the other genders (cf. yáyo': used

m.G. in HV 3.50.2b and as f.G. in RV 2.33.1c, or ayó': n.G. in 6.2.5. 6a) .

In part..:icuIar, eno': and avól; always occur as masculine Geni­

tives: RV 1.136.1f eno~ kEtatrám 'their (t.he two gods') might',

RV 1.136. Sf eno¿l ... vY'atám 'their (Indra and Varutja' s) command',

RV 6.69.8b ná ... katarás canáino': 'neither of them (Indra and

Vi!i!tju) I ¡ RV 7.103.4a anyó anyévn ... enoh 'each of them (the froqs,

13

m.) ... the other' , RV 6.67.11a aIJó,: ... vOlrj ehaY'rliEto': 'or the pro-

tection of both of you (Mitra

'of both of you (Asvins)', RV

I -,-and Varuna) '/ RV 7.67 .4a OVOY' Vom

10.13?',5~ 'I,VÓP va[ml. .. ál)o.~ 'the

favour of both of you (Mitra and Varutja) , .

IV) YÓh. is instead a m. L. governed by BcÍca 't.oqethex wi th ' 1- 1 .. l' ,

in RV 10.105. 4a which is to be restored as saoa yOY' Mlcr'W3 (;(D'-

krse 'together with whom (the two bay steeds, m.) Indra ís

;~ised'~ The text has sácayór ... / that is interpreted by the p ,- 'h Pada as sáca ayól;¡, probably mistaken for saCia ayo. 'together

'th both of these'. Yet the parallel with the first verse of W1.. , ,. ......

the preceding stanza RV 10.105.3a apa yor -z.ndrah papaJe and of

the following one RV 10.105. Sa ádhi yás tar¿i;háu késavanúi, makes

the restored relative more plausible than the demonstrative.

A m.L. may also be present in RV 10.105.3a, which has just

been quoted, if the hapax ápa ... papa,ie Ls translated with Grass­

mann (1872, p. 759) and Monier-Williams (1974, p. 575) as 'be­

come stiff in front of, start back from'. Yet Geldner (1951,

111, p. 323) translates 'without whom Indra falls back', empha­

sizing the parallel with sáea yó': 'together with whom'. Should

he be right, yó,: would ha ve here almost an AbIative value, some­

thing which is not impossible (cf. § 6dII)

It should be pointed out, however, that both stanzas RV 10.

105.3-4 are rather anomalous, not only with regard to the cor­

rect interpretation of their wording, but also for their metre.

In fact, both 10.105.3a and 10.105.4a should be octosyllables,

but their cadence has a rather awkward pattern --v-o This, to­

gether with several other anomalies, leads plausibly to the con­

clusion that the text may be corrupt here.

f) In the n.NAc.pl. the two endings -a and -ani seem to al­

terna te freeIy, even though accordinq to D&W (p. 103) in the

nominal a-stems at least the·shorter -a tends to occur at the

side of -ani (and the other long n.pl. endinqs). They reqister

eg. v1sIJa bhúvanani 'all beings' (RV L 35. 5d, 1. 64. 3c, 1. 166. 4c , • , " -. bh ' - (RV 1 8.42.1c,'bhúvanani V~8va 1.113Ad) vs. V1,svanL .. uvana .~

92. 9a), v1sva bhúvana (RV 1.85. 8c, 1.101. 6c, 1.109. 6d), and 1nB­

vani bhúvanani (RV 1.108. lb) .

g) 1) Wi th respect to the mn. 1 .pl., i t has been tradi tional­

ly held that the gd-pronominal a-stems have only -ebhi': in the

l}gveda, as distinct from the nominal a-stems which have both

-ebhi~ and -ai~ (cf. D&W, p. 106, 502; Renou, 1952, p. 232;

In fact, in the text yá-, tá-, etá-, tyá-, ká- and both , a- and unaccented a- have only the former ending: yébhih (18

15

n.NAc.sg. anyát, well estanllshed by its 28 occurrences in

text, 1.s particularly important because it assigns anyá- to

at-class of gd-pronominals (cf. § 9a). In fact, all the other

of this class str'ictly followthe gd-pronominal morpho-

logy and lack characteristically nominal forms. In this regard,

anyá- would represent the only exception.

times), tébhi~ (28), etébhi~ (1), tyébhilJ (1), kébhih (i), (16), ebhiJ; (4). Instead, already in the saunaklya A~harvaveda tái~ is as frequent as tébhilJ, while yái~ outnumbers ykbJz-z:h etá- has only etái~ (cf. Vishva Bandhu et al., 1942-63, PP: 111) Accordingly, the evidence would suggest that it is more

1430 ff., 2566 f.; D&W, p. 502 f .. , give somewhat different appropriate to assume that -ai~ is not a characteristically nom-

ures though). inal ending in the BV, at least not in the same sense as D. -aya, This reflects a more general decline in the use of the end- L. -e, G.pl. -anam etc. are. It is true that sorne gd-pronominals

ing -ebhi~ in the history of Old Indic. Whereas in the ~gve- Ilike yá-, tá- or the ayám-demonstrative, with their 18, 28 and

da there are 543 occurrences of it from 211 stems, against 666 lrespectively 16 ebhi~-forms, appear clearly to exclude ai~­occurrences of -ai~ from 221 stems, in the Atharvaveda there arlforms. But it is also true that such forms occur with the 0-

only 53 -ebhi~ vs. 263 -ai~, and in Classical Sanskrit the onlyltherW1.se exclusively gd-pronominal anyá-, and with other pre~ for~ surviving ;he generalisation of -ai~ will be the mn.I.Pl.ldominantlY gd-pronominal words like v~8va-, purva~ and pára-ebh-¿.~ of the ayam-demonstrative, perhaps because the "monosyl- I (cf. § llbI, lII). .

labic ái~ would not fit in with the paradigm of the ayám-pronouJ In conclusion, I.pl. -ai~ must be regarded as an ending that

which is made up of only disyllabic forms" (D&W, p. 503). Inter~only tends to be used more frequently with nominal stems than

estingly, in pali and the epigraphical Prakrits the only ending(with gd-pronominals just as, inversely, I.sg. -ena tends to be

attested in the a-stems is instead -ehi« -ebhi~; cf. ego 'used more frequentJ.y with gd-pronominals than with nominal stems hOfer, 1951, p. 84). (cL § 4b).1

11) However, it must be pointed out that there are in the

~gveda a number of ai~-forms from gd-pronominals: anyáih (once

in 1.161.5d, vS. anyébhi~ once in 2.18.2d), v~8vaih (5 ~imes ~, b . -+ .,

vS'. V1..-sve h1..-~ 20 times),. purvai~ (once in 10.15.10d,vs. purve-bh1..-~ 2 times in 1.1.2a, 10.96.5b), svái~ (8 times, vs. svébhih 6 times), samanái~ (once in 1.69.8f, vs. samanébhi~ once in 1: 165. 7b). In two instances there are even no doublets with

párai~ (once in 10.15.10d) andavamái~ (once in 3.30.16a). Most

of these gd-pronominals have m.NAc.sg. -am, and can have a num­

ber of typically nominal endings beside their gd-pronominal

endings (cf. § l1a-c, and (16) in particular). As a consequence

were we to claim that I.pl. -ai~ is a nominal ending, their

forms could simply be added to the list of their other forms with nominal endings.

In the case, however, of anyá- 'other' we should not ignore

the fact that all its relevant case forms have qd-pronominal

flections (anyásmin once, m.pl. anyé 22 times, ~nyésam 3 times l., ., anyasya1..- once, anyasya~ 5 times, anyásyam once, anyaBWrlonce).

h) For f.I.sg. tya and a possible eta (RV 10.95.2a) vs. etá­ya (RV 8.26.19a), see § 13e.

i) The f.D.sg. of yá- does not occur in the ~gveda (cf.

Grassmann, 1872, pp. 1068, 1766). It is for this reason that the

form yásyai, which does not occur before the Yajurvedió sa~hitas (eg. Taittirlya, Maitraya~I, etc.; for the exact references cf.

Vishva Bandhu et al., 1942-63, 'p. 2562 f.), has been enclosed in

square brackets in (1).

Nevertheless, the ending -asyai is well attested in the ~gve­

dic forms tásyai, asyái, asyai, anyásyai (10.97.14b anyanyásya úpavata 'the one should cherish the other', certainly D. even

though the,Pada reads anyásya~, because úpa av- governs only the

D. (beside the Accusative) i cf. RV 10.146.2ab v~~aravaya vádate/ yád upavati cicciká~ 'when the ciccika-bird (or the cicada) en­

courages the singing cricket'), etc.

§ 5, 6 ]

j) P The,f.NAc.du. ye is homophonous to its corresponding

ter form ye. Even though they have been usually regarded as i­

dentical to each other (cL ego Macdonell, 1910, p. 266; D&í-v,

51; etc.), it can be argued that they are different at an

lying level, since there is really very little evidence in

port of a f. NAc. du. suffix /r/. See § 35dr.

5. In paradigm (1) the Vocative case is missing. In fact,

probably because of their semantic andsyntactic properties,

most gd-pronominals rarely have to be used in this case. Among

the very few exceptions there are the doubtful sfma in RV 8.4.

(for whichcf. § 10cII), and uttare in RV 10.145.3a úttarahám uttare '1 am superior, o superior one', whicn has the normal

sg. ending -e of the nominal a-stems.

Yet it should be noted that from the Atharvaveda the asáu-. demonstrative can frequently stand for a proper name, more or

less like English 'so-and-so'. As such, it can also be used

vocatively, as ego in AV 18.4.33a etas te asuu dhenávah/ ..• vantu 'these, o so-and-so, should be your milch-cows'~ 'It ap­

pears that what is used in this case is the Nominative form

loses its accent as the other Vocative forms, when they do not

stand at the beginning of a verse (cf. also Delbrück, 1888, p.

210; D&t1, p. 433 f., which also reports on different theories

of ancient lndian grammarians, and p. 533f.).

6. a) If we disregard the doublets that exist for the m.r.

sg., the NAc. and GL. o~ the masculirie dual, and the n.NAc.pl.,

paradigrn (1) is made up of 31 different forms. By this means

language expresses 63 different combinations of abstract mor­

phemes of gender, number and case. However, the pattern of this

paradigma tic syncretism is no~ exclusive to the gd-pronominal

inflecl:ional system, since it is the same as that which occurs

in the adjectives which oppose a mn. stem in -a to a f. stem i ,__ . , n ,-~, :ike pr~ya- 'dear' (N. sg . m. priyáJ;, n. priyám, f. priya) , c-~tra- 'brilliant' (citrál¡., citrám, citra) and many others. .

b) '1'he gender-syncretism of the already case-syncretic dual

endings -Cibhycim and -ayol¡. is due on the one side to their

r~ ty in the nominal a- and a-stems I cf. hástabhyCiJn hástauoh hasta- m. 'hand~, and nasikabhyam svadháyoZ1. from nasika-

v f: I

tril' and svadha- f. 'homestead'. On the other hand, however,

17

depends on the lack of a formal distinction between m. and n.

non-direct case forms in most stem classes, the single exception

being a handful of neuter nouns and adjectives in -u, that cari

have n befo~e vocalic case suffixes (almost exclusively in the

sg.). For instance, the adjective caru- 'dear' has as its n.G.sg.

(its only non-direct n.sg. case to be attested in the RV) the

form carU1')a~1 in RV 8.5.14 asyá pibatam asvina/yuvám mádasya ca­rU1')al¡./mádhvo ratásya dhú.~1')ya 'drink this (asyá), o A~vins, you

(drink) the intoxication of the dear one, of the sweet drink

(mádhva~ n.) that is offered (ratásya), o liberal ~nes'; but in.

RV 5.33.7d , where it concords with the same word mádhvah, it has

caroJ; like m. vayóJ; 'of Vayu (the wind god) ': mádhvaJ; 8u~utá8ya caroJ; 'of the sweet drink, well-pressed and dear' .

e) 1) Apart from this gender-syncretism, all Vedic inflec­

tional classes, with the one exception of the personal pronouns,

have syncretic forms in the 'dual forNominative and Accusative

(NAC.), Instrumental, Dative and Ablative (IDAb;, but cf. § 6dI­

II), as well as Genitive and Locative (GL.), and in the plural

for Dative and Ablative (DAb.).

11) In the neuter there are also syncretic forms for Nomina­

tive and Accusative in the singular and plural. In the i-, u-and an-stems, and in a few other consonant stems as well, it is

even possible that the n.NAc.sg'. should be used for the corre­

sponding plural cases, ie. as a syncretic n.NAc.sgpl. form like

ego RV 7.98.2a carv ánnam 'favourite (caru sg.) food' and 1.61.7b ...,.. 1- • '+ ., carvanna 'favourlte (caru pI.) foods', or 8.25.17c m~trasya vra-

t+' '=-71." .=-a varu1')asya u~rg asrut 'Mitra and Varu~a's wide-renowned (u~r-

ghasrút pi.) commands' (cf. als? D&W, p. 65 f.).

111) In most inflectional classes there is also a single

syncretic form for the Ablative and Genitive (AbG.) singular.

But these two cases are kept apart formally in the nominal a­stems; in the mn. of the gd-pronominals and in the personal

pronouns ecf. § 39bIl). This peculiar pattern, which Old lndic

shares only with Gatha-Avestan (cf. akCit Ab. of aka- 'bad'¡ ah­mat= asmat¡ mat,' ~wat etc. = mát, tvát etc.), has been common­

ly taken as evidence of an original AbG.sg. syncretism in all

other inflectional types.

§ 6 ] lB

IV) In addition to the above, it should be noted that the NAc.pl. also has a single syncretic form for the masculine and feminine in the a-, i- and u-stems, in sorne 1> and u-stems f and in all consonant stems that lack either ablaut or accent-shift. In this manner, there are ego NAc.pl. cÍsva-7; of ásva- f. 'mare' ,

7 ' 7 h-+ 'h A y'at zy-a J of rat .1.-- m. 'charioteer', aY'y-a. of al~1,- mf. I devout i ,

bJ l. h ~ J ,. - , 'd h "d ,1uJ-a. of 01UJ- f. 'enjoyment', saY'a -·a. of sara.- f, 'autumn', etc. They can be compared ego with N.pl. rajan-a7; Ac.pl. rajñ-a7; from rajan- m .. 'king' (stem-ablaut) , N.pL n'Íd-aJ; Ac.pL nid-á7J from n'Íd- f. 'mocker' (accent-shift), or N. pI. mahéint-a7; Ac. pI. mahat-áJ; from mahcÍ.nt- m. 'great, big' (stem-ablaut and accent.­shift) .

d) I) In paradigm (1) we have followed the Cornmon practice of labelling yabhyam as IDAb. and yó7; yáyo7; as GL. In fact, this is t:he value that the suffixes -bhyam and -07; have in most stages of Vedie and Classical Sanskrit. It should be noted, however, that in the ~gv'eda Ablative -bhyam occurs only in Book 10; in 10.90.12d padb7zyam sudró ajayata 'from (his) feet was born the ~udra (ie. the man belonging to the lowest caste) " and ten times in the exorcism 10.163 (data from D&W, p. 55 f.). In 1::he other Books of the Bgveda, instead, it is used only as Instrumental Dative. Moreover, no gd-pronominal form with Ablative -bhyam oc­curs inthe text: yabhyeim i8 m.D. in 8.38.l0e, abhyam and abhyam m. lo in 2.40. 2c and 4.32. 22c respectively, while tabhyam i8 m. I. in 6.57.3c und 10.137.7d, n.I. in 9.66.2a, f.I. in IO.88.15c, and m.D. in 10.14.11c.

I I) On t.he other hand, i t has long be en observed that in the older partG ofl:he ~gveda there is more than one occurrence of seemingly Ablative -07:. D&W (p. 56), quoting Bollensen (1868, p. 639 f.) f list RV 1.28.9a, 1.31.4c, 1.33.5d, 6.24.3ab, 7.3.9c and 7.25.10, and add 9.58.3a, 4a. However, they note that "in none of the passages reported by Bollensen an Ablative meaning of ~()7] ü, necessary" (p. 56). In fact, in many of them (ie. the t:b:!':ee pa,:;sages of Book 1, the two of Book 7 and tbe two of 9,,58 a.s w811) it is possible to interpret the oJ;:"forms not onll' as .Ahlatives governed by the verb, but also as Genitive or Locative complements either of Uw verb or of a no un or adjective. For , ~ .', ? .~.~ l f ~ ,P l' , • }.ilstance, in RV 1.31. 4c svatr'erJa yat p1,Lf'or mucya.se paY'1.- I when you (le" the fire) are freed from the two f¿ctbers. (ie. tht~ two

19

-1'- , --L I " ,,' o by force' or in 7.3. 9c a yo mal.ror usenyo ,'1anuHa 'which desirable one was born from the two mothers (ie. the par-

. 'h " it i8 also possible to interpret respectively p~tY'o. as L. ('when you are freed in the two rubbing··sticks " cf. Geld­

ner, 1951, I,p. 34) and matró7: as a G. governed by the hapax ('which desirable one to the two mothers ... ), like the

Genitives governed by the adjective priyá- 'dear' (eg. RV 8.19. 31 e tvám mahInam uf}ásiim asi priyáh 'you are dear to t.he grea t

usases') • • The only passage which would seem to contain an unambiguous~

ly Ablative -07: is RV 6.24. 3ab ákEfo ná cakryo7: sih?a br:hán/prá te mahna ririce ródasyo7: '11ke an axle (surpasses) the two wheels (cakryo7:), o hero, your lofty gratness surpasses (prá ... ririce)

, , • I t the two worlds (rodasyo7:) by might'. The verb pra r~c- o sur-pass, excell' governs in fact an Ablative, as in RV 10.'17.3ab

<+, , -/ ,- ,. f b 1-'" I -1- " prá yé divá~ pr:thivya na barhaY}a tmana r~r~cY¡e anran na surya'j 'who with (their) might (ba'rhár¡a) surpass the sky like the earth (prthivya7:), indeed (tmána) like the sun (surpasses) the thun­de;-cloud (abhrat) '. It should be stressed however that the two verses are not free from metrical and linguistic anornalies, which make for a number of problems regarding their interpretation. On the one hand even by restoring cakr'Íy()~ instead of disyllabic cakryo~ the first verse has one syllable too few and its cadence, as in the second verse, is -vv~, whereas a hendecasyllable re­quires that its penultimate syllable be long. Apart from this,

• J- • the N. br:hán cannot be an attribute to the Vocatlve sura, Slnce it would then have to be accentless. In consequence, one may re-

h ,-+, 'h'h gard it as depending on an intended ma ~ma greatness , w lC would also govern te in the following verse and be the subject of ririce. This is the interpretation given above. Yet clitics usually occur either in the sa~e verse of their head-noun or in the verse that precedes it; they seldom occur in the verse that follows it. Alternatively, one may thus regard b~hán as depend­ing on ákqa~, which may then be the subject of ririce by attrac­tion, as suggested also by Geldner (1951, II, p. 123). The mean­ing would then be 'like a greataxle (surpasses) the two wheels, o hero, it suq~asses the two worlds with your (te) might'. In both cases, however, the syntax is somewhat strained.

7. a) In addition to those forms which have been organised in paradigm (1) there are a number o.f other forms which have been

§ '7 J

commonly regarded as adverbs, that is, as forms built on the

same bases but not belonging to an inflectional paradigm.

can thus either be long to a derivational paradigm, if it can

shown that their type is synehronieally productive, or be

lated forms whose origin can be traced to systems that

before the historical stages of Old Indic.

Broadly speaking, sueh adverbial forms have either

inal or norninal endings with specially restricted meanings,

different endings which one way or another do not seem to fit

a deelensional paradigm like the paradigm of yá- in (1).

b) 1) For exa.mple, yát 'when " 7dm I why? " idám all identical to the n.NAc.sg. of the corresponding , 1 + + lna s, or Instrumentals like ena and aya 'thus, in this way',

th~t do not differ formally from the mn. and f.I.sg. of the

aywn-demonstrative, can be·assigned to the former group.

11) Other adverbial forms 1 b h may a so e t ought to have nom-

inal endings. Por instance, ana 'hereby, thus' (only in RV 4.

. 3a,8.3L13a, 8.47.6a, 10.94.3a, 4b) may be an a-Instrumental ., ,

a stem ana-, whose regular gd-pronominal counterpart could

mn. anéna (RV 1.93.10a, 3.17.2c, 8.44.2b) and f. anáya (in

9.65.12a beside aya, and verse 27c of the same hymn) .

lng1y, flowever, these two forms are verY rare in the :pgveda in

comparison with their semantically identical mn. ena (18 non

ve~bial occ~rrences registered in Grassmann, 1872, beside one

ena) and aya (21 non adverbial oceurrenees). Yet in the Athar­

vaveda , '. anéria <:tnd anáya already seem to be the normal forms

in the later language, sinee they occur 17 and 10 times

tively, compared with only one ~ceurrenee of aya (ef. D&W, p. 526) •

This has been wl'del d d 'd Y regar e as eVl ence that the forms a-néna and anáya are made from ana - possibly even during the

vedic period - which was felt as an a-Instrumental that did

fit well into the gd-pronominal paradigm (cf. §§ 43bI, 50a,

and D&W, p. 527). However, all this means is that ana was in­

terpreted at a certain stage of development of the language as

a nominal Instrumental of a demonstrative stem aná-, not that

began as such.

In this regard, it is interesting to note that, whereas the parallel ana seems to be isolated l'n G-th-a a-Avestan, in Young

§ 7 J 21

.Q.

ves tan i t. appea:-:-s to have procl.uced both GI.. du. anaya ancl. l. pI. _>~V .9.., ~&V

ana~s (vr~. older aya and a-z.,s) and, through its doublet ana,t.he 1.8g. l<ana (\lB. older ka). In Old Persian, instead, t.here seems

to be only a gd-pronominal ending -ana used b0th for l. and Ah.

sg. (maybe through the coincidence of these 'cwo cases in the end-

1ng8 -a and -aya of the nominal a·- and a-stems respectively): a­na, avana, aniyana, rayana (eL Brandenstein and Meyrhofer, 1964,

pp. 67 ff.).

111) A nominal Ablative ending 8eem8 to be present in the

frequent at 'thereupon, 'chen, and ' , in tat eorrelative to yat (in RV 6.21.6d) and 'then, since then' (RV 10.95.16d), and in

yat 'as far as, as long as' (RV 1.80.15a, 6.21.6d, 7.88,4d, 10.

6S.tOd), to be compared with the gd-pronominal asmat, tásmat and

yásmat. It should be pointed ou·t, however, tha·t even though from

a formal standpoint ·they are similarto Ab. ásvz¡t etc. t.heir

meaning is not as straight:Eorwardly ablatival as one may expeet.

It is ·true that at frequently means 'thereupon, then " even

in correlation to yát-, yadti- and yád~i-·clauses or to p1ain rela­

Uve clauses as in RV 1.67. 8e-11 vi yé c:rtánti/r:ta sápantaJ;íéid üi. vásuni/prá 7)aVaCaBmai 'those who set (him) free, follow1ng truth,

then good things, did he bestow upon 11im' . This can be compared

with five passages (RV 1.165.5a, 3.36.6c, 5.30.5e, 9.95.1d, HL

1. 40.) where the Ablo.tival adverb 6:ta~ seems to mean 1 then, t.here­

upon', also in correlation with a yát-clause. Simi1ar1y, tat ma:','

mean 'then, since then' in RV 10.95.16ed ghrtásya stok~ saktd áhna Z¡!mam/tad evéd~ tatx:pana carCimi • once (sa7<.~t) by day 1

tasted a drop (stokám) of butter, 5ince then 1 am satisfied (tCi-­tx:pana) still now (idánl)', where ült eannot. be the complement of

tr;p-, because this verb governs a Genitive. Parallel to this f

the adverb tátah means 'then, 'thereupon' in RV 1.83. 5ab yajñáir áthar'va pratham6.~ pathás tate/táta~ suryo vratapa vená ajani I A­

tharvan first prepared (tate) the ways with the sacrifices;

thereupon Surya1lTas born, the upholder of religious duties (vra'· tapah), the 10ving one (ven6.h)· I and in 10.85.5b and 10.121.7e

where it is correlated with a yát-clause.

However, at tat yat never oecur as complements of a verb or

another word that' governs an Ablative which, besides being clear-

1y the common po'sition of the gd-pronominal paradigm forms asmat tásmat yásmat (tásmat occurs as itherefore ' on1y from the Athar­

vaveda), i8 also the most frequent position of the ablatival

§ 7J 23

ta~7-adverbs átal] tátal] yátal] (ef. § 7d). of Ablative uses (yat 'as long as, in so far as', fát Moreover I yat means 'as far as, in so far as' Ifli th a verb to yat, eoordinative at). It is not unfollnded to

k~owing in RV 1. 80.1Sab nahÍ- nú yad adh7.más-i/lndran) kó v'irya ' then, that within the synchronic system of Vedic these ral] 'because, in so far as we know, nobody is superior to were not used as Ablativf)s. Indeed, this may provide a in heroism', as well as in RV 6.21.6d, and it means 'as long explanation for points (a) and (e) above. What is striking, in RV 7.88. 4d yan nú dyavas tatánan yad Uqasal] 'as long as ~hen..,'''·f<'1T~,r, is that a language whieh tolerated 'V'Ísv"iít as a margin~ days will continue (tatánan) , as long as the dawns (wilr eon- doublet to v'Ísvasmat, úttar>at beside úttar>asmat etc. should tinue)' and in RV 10.GB.lOd. Tat, on the other hand, is corre- at ete.' oí; their Ablative funetions in such an extensive lative to yat inRV 6.21.6d. It is quite evident that these • One may even envisage the possibility that despite the iso-meanings of yat and tat have rather little to do with the Gatha-Avestan yat 'from whom' (beside normal yahm~t) these tive and, signifieantly, ,no parallel use of either yáta1 or vestiges of old Ablatives and aetually never eame ta1 is attested. in a full Ablative value.

Also at has a different value from the ablatival átah in , .'

frequent occurrenee as 'and, moreover', as in the following ample:

(4) RV B.91.4-S

imani trt1i vi~~ápCi tan7.ndra 1)l rohaya siras tatásyorváram Cid idám ma úpodáre 11511

I -+ , _ asau ca ya na urvara -+d . -+ " a '&m~ tanvam mama 'th ' , • a o tatasya yac ch'&rah sárvCi ta romasa k~dhi • 'These three surfaces (vi~táp(i),

o Indra, let them sprout, the head of (my) father (and his) field (urváram) and (at) this one on my belly (udáre). And (ca) that field of ours, and (at) this body of mi.ne, and (átho) (my) father's head, make them all hairy (romasa) '.

It appears in this manner that the three forms at tat,yat are never used in a properly Ablative way (that is, as eomple­ments of Ablative-governing verbs or adjectives), (b) can have temporal uses that eorrespond to marginal values of átah and ta1 in the ~gveda (at and tat as 'then, thereupon, sinc~ then' (e) can have values with no counterparts even in the ablatival ta1-adverbs. At most, such values may be seen as highly

forms with ablatival -ta1 belong to the group of ad­forms with speeial suffixes, ego átal] 'from this, from

here', anrútal] , from there', i,tál] 'from here', kútal] 'from whom?, from where?, from whiehever r, táta1 'from that, thereupon', yá-

, . , tah 'from whom, as soon as', anyatah 'from another one', etc. other adverbial suffixes are: Locative -tr>~ (átr>~ 'in this, here,

1. , .lo!' , .lo! • , .lo! • now', Kutra 'wherever', tatra '1n that, there', yatra '1n whom, where, when', anyát.y>(i 'in another one', etc.), manner -thCi (imá­Mili 'in this manner', katha 'how?', táthCi 'so, in that manner', yátha 'in which manner, like, as' and accentless yathCi 'like', anyátha I in another manner', etc.), temporal -áa (icía 'now', ka­dá 'when? i whenever', yadá 'when'), -ya (amuya 'in that manner' , the hapax kuhaya 'where?', and maybe also aya 'in this manner' that can as well be the f.l.sg. of the ayám-demonstrative, how­ever), etc. A fulleranalys~s of these adverbs can be found for exainple in Delbrück (1888/ pp. 139 f., 197 ff.), Macdonell (1910, p. 425 ff.) and D&\'1 (pp. 443 ff., 590 ff.).

d) To our knowledge, a systematic assessment of the position which these adverbial forms hold within the grammatical system of Vedic has yet to be made. In fact, as we already mentioned in § 7bIIl, the most frequent usage of the tal]- and tr~-forms is as complements of words that govern the Ab. or the L. The main dif­ference between these forms and the paradigm Ablatives andLo­catives seems to 'be (a) that the adverbs are never used adjeet­ivally and (b) that they do not distinguish gender and number. With regard to the first difference, even the much quoted RV 6 1 dh . , ,. h ' -" d k' ..... lh . f +) . 8. 9c '&qva vaJra:t7J asta a a q'&Y]atr>a may be J take (c1-q·oa .. a

§ 7J 24

the thunderbolt in (your) hand to the right side' instead of

, - k 1888 p. 200).2 As for the 'in (your) right hand (cf. Delbruc " ¡ d 1 f th use of taz- ano d difference, and more general y .. or e ..

secon t< 1 Loca-tl'ZI-forms in posi t.ions where Abla ti ves and, respec 1 ve y,

tives are governed, the following examples may be eonsidered:

(5) a. RV 8.61. 13ab

y6.ta indy'a bh6.ycimahe t6.to no 6.bhayCV1J 7<.r,:dht 'what, o Indra, we fear,

from it make us safe (6.bhayam lit. 'safety') ,

b. RV 8.20.18a-d

y¿ oarhanti marúta~ sudanava~ , ~ , , I t' , sman m~lhusas caran ~ ye .

6.tas cid a'na úpa vásyasa hr:da yúvana a vavr,:dh7Jam 'and those who, being bounteous (suaanava~) are worthy

(6.rhanti) of the Maruts,

(and) those who together (sm6.t) reach the bountiful

ones (mIIhú~a~), (va'syasa) heart than them (6.talj.) even with a better ~

towards us, ......, ...... V

do turn yourselves (a ... upa and a ... a­o young ones,

vr,:dhvam) ,

c. RV 9. 111 .2de

parav6.to n6. s~a t6.t y6.tra r6.nanti dhIt6.yalj. 'as from'a distanee (parav6.ta~) that song,

in which (pious) thoughts rejoice'

d. RV 1.105.9ab --+ I " I h am~ ye sapta rasmaya.

t6.tra me nabhir atata 'those seven rays of light (rasm6.ya~) up to them (t6.tra) is my origin (me nabhilj.) extehded'

In order to understand these examples better, it should be

b L- , b f' ht ned' governs an Ab. remembered that the verb rt~- to e rlg el. ,

(eL RV 1. 94. l1a 6.dha svanad ut6. bibhyu~ patatruJa~ _ a~d a;'so,

t ~ ¡) f ightened of (your) roar (svanat) ), the birds (pata ru¡.a.z are r. . , , - 'b tter better mlnded do as also comparatives like vasyCV1Js- e ,

§ 7J 25

(cf. RV S.1.6a vásyam indrasi me pitú1 'for me, o Indra, you are

better than (my) father'). The verbs rary- 'to rejoiee', instead,

and a tan- 'to be extended' govern a Lo, respectively of the ob­

ject rejoiced in and of the goal (cf. Delbrück, 1888, p. 121 f.),

as in RV 8 o 16. 2a y6.sminn ukthani Y'áryyant·t 'in which the hymns

rejoice' and 1.22. 2ac t6.d vL:;ryolj. pay'amám padám/o .. /div"tva c6.k­~ur atatam 'that most conspicuous (paramám) foot-print of Visnu

... extended like .the eye (is extended) till the sky (d1~V'Í)',

e) 1) This lack of number (and gender) distinctions, while

appearing distinetly alien to a declensional paradigm like (1),

recurs in several areas of Vedic no un and pronoun morphology. In

fact, it has already be en noted in § 6cII that certai.n neuter sg.

forms with zero-suffix like caru 'favourite' or dIrghasrút 'wide­

renowned' can be marginally used also as NAc.pl. forms.

11) However, the personal pronouns do not distinguish number

in their Nominative (cf. § 39bII), Dative and Ablative endings with a more systematic pattern:

(6)

1.sg.

2.sg.

1.du.

2.du.

1.pl.

2.pl.

N.

<~1h6m

tvám

yuvám vayám - , yuyam

D.

máhya(m) túbhya(m)

asmábhya(m) yw¿mábhya(m)

Ab.

mát tvát

yuvát asmát YUEfmát

To this paradigm we may add the parallel l.du. forms which

occur only in later texts: N. avám (eg. TS 2.5.2.3, 2.5.6.5, 2.

6.7.1) and Ab. avát (eg. 2.5.6.6, 6.4.8.3). The D., instead,

which is also attested only in"later Vedic texts (eg. KathS

12.7), is avaohyam with the normal IDAb.du. ending of the a­stems. The same ending Occurs seven times in the ~gveda for the

2.duo in yuvabhyam. However, there are another six occurrences

of yuvábhyam, whose short a seems to be the same as tha:t of asmá-­bhya(m) YUE!.mábhya(m) (ef. D&tv, p. 464).

111) A thorough number- and gender-syneretism also oeeurs in

svayám 'one's self, by oneJs self', generally used as N. in the 1_ , , "d' .:r-::' ~gveda, ego as f.sg. in 10.125.5a arlam eva svayam ~ ary vauam~

'I (ie. the goddess Vae)myself say thisthing', or as m.pI. in

§ 7 ] 2E

5.12.5c ádhursata svayám et¿ vácobhil;. 'they (etk) by themselves

(svayám) harmed themselves (ádhurt}ata middle) with (their)

',vords', Sometimes it is also used as Ac., as in RV 4.18.10d sva­y6nJ gatWr.1 tanva ichámanam 1 looking Cichámanam m. Ac. sg.) by him­

self for a way for himself (tanv~) J~ In the later language, this

form became a fully fledged indeclinable which could even be

used for other cases.

IV) Similarly, the clitics rm, r and srm, when they are not

being used as purely expletive or emphatic particles, are third

person Accusatives without number or gender distinction. For in­

stance, rm is m.sg. in RV 1.134.2g úpa bruvata 1:1?; dhiyal;. 'the

prayers address him (rm)', m.du. in 4.41.9c úpem asthur jot¿1¿ara iva vás'oalJ, 'they approached (úpa ... asthul],) them crm, ie. Indra

and Varuna) as desirers (jostarah) of good', and f.pl. in 2.35. !t •• ..

13b sá rllJ Msur dhayat1: t6J!j rihan-ti I he sucks them (1:m f le. the

Waters) as an infant (8'Ísul;.), (and) -they kiss him' .

V) It appears therefore that beside the inflectional systems

like (1) f all of which exhibi-t some partial pattern of gender­

and case-syncretism (cf. § 6a-c) , there are in Vedic a number

of minor systems characterised by a thorough number- (and ~ren­

der-)syncretism.

Their deviance from the prevailing pattern of the language

may in part explain the later disappearance of some of them (in

particular the n.NAc.sgpl. forms like caru etc., the pronominal

clitics rm r srm, and the duo forms of the personal pronouns

like yuvábhyam yuvát etc., which will be replaced by forms hav­

ing th~ regular endings of the a-stems, ie. IDAb. -Cibhyam GL.

-ayol;.). However, such deviance cannot always be regarded as a

relic. For instance, the N. forms in -am of the personal pro­

nouns are, in part, innovations which completely replaced the

older forms only in Old Indic (cf. § 39blr). What is more puzzl­

ing is that while Vedic has 1:m 1: s1:m for all genders and num­

bers, in Gatha-Avestan these clitics are inflected, but not all

in the same manner: mf.Ac.sg. rm, n.Ac.sg. rt, m.Ac.du. 1:, mf.

Ac.pl. Ts, n.Ac.pl. T, against mfn.Ac.sg. hTm, mfn.Ac.du. hT, mfn.Ac.pl. hrs, the latter parallel to Old Persian Ac.sg. sim and Ac.plo sis. D&W(p. 483) ask which is the innovative system,

that of Old Iranian or that of Vedie. If it is the latter, then

Old Indic would seem to have innovated away from its prevailing

' . .... ..

§ 8J 27

pattern. Similarly, as .we'á.lready mentioned, the use of svayám was later extended beyond the N. and Ac. cases to which it was restricted in the ~gveda.

~

lt would thus seem that the tra- and tal;.-forms, while pene-

trating even the system of the personal pronouns with RV asmatra I • 'tt 'h I ln us, among us , AV ma a. 'from me' and later tvattah 'from

thee', ~u~mattál;. 'from you' etc., do not belong to the ~ender­and number-dist~nguishing inflectional systems that prevail in

Old lndie, but rather exist alongside them, as a kind of satel­

lite system. For this reason, they are not examined further in this study.

8) a) As we have already mentioned, the paradigm of yá- has

a number of similarities with the way 0,- and a-nouns and adjec­

ti ves are inflected. A t . the same time however, i t i s character­

ised by a number of features which make it a partly distinct system.

The similarities relate both to the general organisation of

the system and the patterning of the syncretic forms (cf. § 6), and to a number of case-endings whieh are listed in (7) below:

(7) ,

Case-endings ya-shares with nominal a-and a-stems

m. n. f.

sg.N. -al;. --a

Ac. -CfJn -am

l. -ena, -ena -aya -

G. -asya

du.NAc. -a, -au J -e I -e

IDAb. -abhyarn

GL. -ayol;.

pl,.N. - -ani -al;. -a, Ac. -an

I. -ebhilJ, -abhil;.

DAb. -ebhyal;. -abhyalJ,

L

§ 8 ] 28

m. n. f.

pl.L. \----esu -----~----

J ------,--- -asu

noted, however, that -ena is mueh more fre-We have already , th nominal a-stems (ef. §

quent in the d-pronomina18 than J.n e ,. , g , aih of eg anya~h 18 much

4b) and that, conversely, the endlng - ('f § 4') similarlY~ , th n in the latter e. g.

rarer ln the former a t' b th of whieh pro-, t' -nd perhaps also e a-, o the gd-pronomlnal /ya- a . 1 (f § 13eI-

d'fferent elass of gd-pronomlna s e . -perly be long to a 1 ly in ~nding -a that otherwise oceurs on 11), have the f.I.sg. e

nominal a-stemso

, a set of eleven other b) Apart from these, there lS , , t from those of the nomlnal that are distinctly dlfferen

endings a- and

a-stems. They are shown in (8) below:

(8) , with nominal a- and a~ Case-endings not shared by ya-stems

m. n. f.

sg.NAc. , -at

D. -asmai -asya1.:

Ab. -asmat -asya~

G. 1----

L. -asmin -asyam

du.GL. I -o~ I pl.N.

G.

that all the endings listed above in t should be observed 1 f the hard core of the gd-be taken as representative o

(8) ~ay t f r n sg -at and m.GL. pronominal inflectional system, excep o . -', 1 (cf § duo -o~, which do not occu r in all the gd-pronomlna s . -_

50bI-II, cIII-V).

11' r.::ted in (8) replace their correspondinq e) The endings _ and a-stems, namely n.NAc.sg. -am, mn. endings in the nominal a-

§ 8J 29

D.sg. -aya and -a, mn.Ab.sg. -at, mn.L.sg o -e, m.N.pl. -aQ and -asa7¡., mn.G.pl. -anam and -am, f .D. sg. -aym: and -ai, f .AbG. sg. -aya~, f.L.sg. -ayam, and foG.pl. -anam. In addition, the m.GL. pI. ~o7¡. onlypartly replaees the more eommon -ayo~, as was seen in § 4e aboveo

This, however, leaves two other nominal endings that appar­ently never oceur with gd-pronominals in the Bgveda. They are the mn.I.sg. -a (eg. v¡rya 'with heroism') and the f.NAe.pl. -asah (eg. N. vidanasah 'being got' in RV 1.169.2b, Ac. sQnwi-dana;a~ , uni ted' in 10: 3 O • 14d) . 3 •

Another infleetional peculiari ty of the gd-pronominals is that their feminine forms are never expressed by means -of an ¡-stem in the Bgveda, with the only exception of kévaZa- 'belonging - , exclusively to' and samana- 'common, same'. However, sinee these two words belong to the sub-class with n.sg. -am (ef. § lla) most of whose members oscillate between gd-pronominal and nom­inal morphology, and after 'the Bgveda switch wholly to the nom­inal inflections (ef. D&W, p. 582 f.), it seems plausible to re­gard f.N.pL kévaZ¡7¡. and f.N.sg. samant, f.Lsg. samanya, f.N.pl. samant7¡. as not belonging to the gd-pronominal inflectional sys­temo From this it 'tlould appear that the alternation between mn. a-stem and f. ¡-stem is alien to the gd-pronominals, even though it oecurs so frequently both in nouns and in adjeetives, ego d ', d ..... 'k 1 ,-lo eva- m. god' vs. ev~- f. 'goddess', v~ a- m. 'wolf' vs. V~I<~-

, , - -, . f. 'she-wolf', aru~a- mn. 'red' vs. f. aru~~-, oyosa- m. 'made of iron' vs. f. ayas¡- and ayost- (ef. also Macdonell, 1910, pp.

--'1<>' 136, 273; Debrunner, 1954, pp. 369-407; Renou, 1952, p. 182 ro).

--------------¡ CLASSES OF GD-PRONOMINALS

h d f ining features of the gd-pronom-9 ) If we consider t e e. . . • a I which we mainly referred to above,

inal paradigrn of the y~-type, , 11 its forms with no basic ') h ' a bas~c a-stem ~n a . .'

to be (J. av~ng . , § 46b) and (ii) having -at stem alternations (cf. for th~s term . 1

' 't is possible t.o posi t a first sub-c ass as n.NAe.sg. end~ng, ~, f th be called the at-class.

, 1 This w~ll hence_or of gd-pronomlna s. h 'th their forms

1 , ted below in (9) toget er w~. . Its members are lS. . (f § 2b) . that oeeur in the ~gveda e '. .

(9) At-class of gd-pronominals

'h 2) I (28) yát (15), ' h' 'h" mn sg. ya ( 6 , yam , i ya- I who, w le ., , . I _. ) á-• ,.- I (10) yasmai (23), yasmat (6, Y yena (18) and yena .. ' I ) é (1)

ii.

EL

e , • (30)' du ya (26) and yau (9 , Y I sya (14) I yasm~n . I " , (29) yan 4 - óh (2) and yáyoh (11); pl. ye ,

yabhyam4 (1), Y. ..... " . ébhih (18) I yébhyaJ; (3),' (11) ya (12) and yan~ (26) f Y. I _

, -' I (17) F sg. ya (11), yam (12), yaya yesam (26), ye~u ". , á oh (3)' .. ' -h (18) yásyam (1); duo ye (3), y Y. '

(23), yasya. ' ~ .... bh h (2) . asam (5) I

pl. yat} (41), yabh1:J; (50), ya ya. I y yasu (9).

, 't 'h (45) anyam (26), anya n á- 'other': mn.sg. anya., , a y I (8) anyásmin (1); pl.anye (28) any(ma (6), anyasya '. , 'h

'.... .~ (7) nyébhih (1) and anya~. (2?) anyan (10), anya la. .... (1;' 'a~yésOm (3), anyér¿u (1). F. sg. anya (10), a~y~

, ,'- (1) anyásyai (1) I anyásyaJ; (5), anyasy~n (5), anyaya, .... h (6) anyabhih (1), anya-( 1); du. anyé (1) i pl. anya., . sOm (1) t anyasu (1).

h (7), t'vam ( 6), tvat ( 3) , tva- 'someone': mn.sg. tva. tvena (1), tvasmai (1) I pI. tve (1). F. sg. tva (1),

tvasyai (1).

katamá- 'whieh?, whiehever': mn.sg. k~tamáJ; (5), ka-iv. F. sg. katama (1), katamam tamát (3), katamásya (3).

(1); pI. katamasu (1).

, 'which (of two)': n.sg. yatarát (1). v. yatara-

tvat oceurs only adverbially in RV 7.101. b) The neuter f~rm .....t tvat 'one time (tvat) he becomes

3a startr u tvad bhavaü BU a U .

) 10 ] 31

a barren cow, another 'time (tvat) he procreates (sute)', and 10. 72.9cd prajayai m~tyáve tvat/púnar marta~4ám abharat 'for pro­ereation (prajayai) (and) dying (mrtyáve) anothertime, she took again Marta\lS!a'. However, it has been included in (9Ei) because it appears to be of the same category of the adverbial neuters yát, k1m etc. that were noted in § 7bI.

e) There are rather wide gaps in the attested paradigms of k t P ,

tva-, a ama- and yatara-. All of them, however, include the neuter forms in -at which we have regarded as a partly defining feature for at-classmerobership, besides possessing no forros that diverge from the paradigm of yá-. In addition to this, tVa­keeps its gd-pronominal inflections also in thelater language, even though its usage falls sharply. , ,

Katama- and yatara-, on the other hand, be long to a sroall group of gd-pronominals derived from ká- and yá- through the suffixes -tara- and -tama-.' This gro~p consistently maintains gd-pronominal forms through all stages of Old Indic (cf. also katará- and yatamá-, § 10d): ego katamá- has in the two versions of the Atharvaveda also m.pl~ katamé and the feminine forms ka­tamásyaJ; and katamásyam (together with other forms such as ka­taména and katamani, which are, however, not relevant for ascer­taining inflectional'class membership).

1 O. a) 1) There are several words which for one reason or another can probably be assigned to the at-class (or at most to the am-class, cf. § 11), even thotigh their ~gvedic forms by themselves are not enough to justify such classification. In fact, either no distinctive case-forms are attested for them or, if sorne indeed are, what is missing is their n.NAc.sg. which would permit us to assign them'to the at- or the am-class. While it is true that ena- and avá- have the m.GL.du. ending -oJ; (in­stead of -ayoJ;) which occurs elsewhere only in yá-, the evidence is not sufficient for regarding this ending as crucial in order to assign them to the at-class.

The words that may be ineluded in this insufficiently attest­ed group have been listed in (10) below:

(10) Insufficiently attested grciup of gd-pronominals

1. ena- 'him, her': m. sg. enam (67); duo enoJ; (4); pl. enan (7). F.sg. enam (2) and enam (1); duo ene (2);

- 21

§ 10 J

ii.

iiL

32

pI. eno)} (6).

~imáh (3) I si--,,' 'h' seIf i tseIf; even': mn. 8g.... -. s'~ma- lm , . , , '( 1), súnásmat (1); pI. S1.-me (1). l7laBma-¿

1) sa­'. mn sg samam (m. Ac . , ., . sO.ma- I some, any I ever. . • . (1)' . ,-t (1) samasya (8), samasnnn , masma1.- (1), samasma / I

pI. same ( 21) .

, katará- 'which (of lV. two)?, whichever (of two) ': m.sg. katara (1). katará1 (3). F.sg.

which (of many) ': m. sg. yatamá1 v. yatamá- 'who,

m. sg. l.tara1 (2), l.taram (1). vi. l.tara- 'other': tara!] (1).

vil. 'k I 'h which '. m pI. yaké (1). ya a- w o, ..

(2) •

viii. anyaká- 'other': m.pl. anyaké (34),

avá- 'this, that ' : m.du. avól] (3).

anyakéE}am (6).

ix.

, be 110ted tha t ena- I 1 tara-, ya.tamá-: and ava-11) It should d t

thou h in the Rgveda they o no have been incIuded here even 9 , °i forms Yet the be-Possess reaIly discriminatingIy gd-prono~lna '. k it

' ee words in the later language ma es haviour of the flrst thr " Id have been that their mlsslng forms wou

reasonable to assume . . (f § 10bI, d). As for gd-pronominal in the Bgveda as well c.

avá-, see § 10f. , umber of other cases inclusion of On the other hand, ln a n , l' t (10) did not

some other insufficiently attested words ln lS, , . though semantic or other conslderatlons seem warranted, even

might suggest this o k' only in the form káyasya, ' the stem aya- occurs ,

For lnstance, p _" 't 'the threat of any one " ego in RV 8.25.15b abh1.-mat'l-~ kayasya C~RV 1 27 8b, 1.129.5a),

' 't two other occurrences - . . Here, as ln l s , . . § 49b). Practically, its meaning it is associated wlth C'l-t (cf. , 'dence for judq-

k' ci t Yet there lS no eVl '. .. does not differ from a- . I the same inflectional

d t kaya- had . ing whether the enlarge s em

behaviour of ká-. , For samá-, which occurs in the Bgveda only ln

, d th nominal morphology, by the gd-pronomlnal an e _ , , 't _ ántama- (and h lace ad]ectlves an ara ,

Finally, there are t e p , tt '_ (f § l1bV-Vr)

forms shared see § 48b.

" dh '- apama- and U ama c. antama-), adhara-, a ama ,

§ 10 J 33

which have in the Bgveda either no discriminating case-forms or on1ya few nominal forms (1 ántamo.nam, 1 cÍdharat, 5 L.sg. utta-­mé), but which be10ng to derivational famiIies whose other mem­bers are part of the am-class of gd-pronominals. In fact, in late Vedic texts there are a few Occurrences of m.N.pl, ántm~'er f. L. sg. uttamaE~yCim, Ivhile the Atharvaveda already has f, AbG. sq .. l4dharasya~ and m.N.pI. ádlzarle. Yet the fact that ántama-, adh~­má- and apamá-. have consistently nominal forms up 1:0 the clas­sical language could justify the assumption that in tbe {{gveda these six words had on1y nominal inflections, and that some of them switched to the gd-pronominal am-class only in the later language.

b) 1) Ena- has in Classical Sanskrit a defective paradigm restricted to the Ac. of all genders and numbers (8g. encun en.at enam, du. enau ene ene, pI. enan enani enafJ), the I. 8g. (enena enaya) and the GL.du. (enayofJ) ¡ the missing forms are supplied by a-o This pattern seems to be already well established in the Atharvaveda, where this gd-pronoun is always unaccented and a­naphoric and has beside its lZgvedic forms also n.sg. enat, mn. I. sg. enena and m. du. enau. Moreover, enayo¿~ already replace.s eno1 in AV 7.44.1b ná pára jigye katarás canáinayo~ 'neither (ná ... katarás caná) of them was defeated (pápa jigye) " against its para11el RV 6.69.8b ná pára jigye katarás canáinolJ.

Instead, in the ~gveda only masculine and feminine forms ap­pear to OCcur.

11) D&W (pp. 521 ff.) assign to the stem ena- also the mn. I.sg. ena and ena, together with their corresponding accented forms ena and éná (to be restored instead of ena in RV 6.20.10b, cf. § 4b). This could explain why the Pada-text always has ena for the accented forms, while accentless eno. occurs three times against on1y one ena. This form, together with the hapax (re­stored) ená, might therefore be due to the influence of -ena in the other gd-pronominals. At the same time, by considering eno. an a-Instrumental from the stem ena-, we could easily explain

p the later rise of enena as a normalised form, just as anena and anáya seem to be'made from ana (cf. § 7brI), since the mnor.sg. endlng -a. would appear to be alien to the gd-pronominal inflec­tional system (cf. §§ 8c, 50aI).

A good test of·this wou1d be a feminine ena or ena, which

.~ ~ O] 34

could be nothing else but a f. a-Instrumental from ena-. Yet the . +

former is always masculine, while the only example of a f. ena might be RV 10.82.5a (= RV 10.125.8c) paró diva pará ena prthi-vya 'beyond (pará~) the sky, beyond this (ena) earth '. This is not necessarily the case, however, since it might also be an ad­verb meaning 'here', as in RV 1.164.5b devanam ena n~hita padani 'the gods' foot-prints which were left (n~h1:ta) here (ena),. Thé phrase pará ena prthivya would then literally mean 'beyond the earth (which is) here'.

111) D&W's analysls, however, does not solve all problems. First, it is striking that as compared to Grassmann's (1872) 19 registered occurrences of non adverbial ena and ená, there should at most be only one other accented case-form of ena-, ie. f.Ac. enam hapax in RV 8.6.19c (cf. § 10bV) .Second, accentless

+ ena- is always anaphoric, whereas "ena is clearly an Instrument-al with 'this'-deixis (Ichdeixis)", as even D&W (p. 524) concede. This semantic change appears, at least on the face of it, rather

+ , puzzling. Third, assigning ena ",ena and ena,...., ena to ena- creates an asymmetry in the paradigm of the ayám-demonstrative, which beside the longer Instrumentals anéna and anáya has also the shorter feminine form aya, which would thus remain with no mn. counterparts.

An answer to these problems is found in the more traditional view tha t both ena '" ena and ena '" ená are instead forms from the stems a- and a~ respectively (cf. Grassmann, 1872, p. 207; Mac­donell, 1910, p. 302; Renou, 1952, p. 233¡ etc.), which system­atically yield anaphoric accentless forms and 'this'-deictic ac­cented forms (cf. ego Delbrück, 1888, pp. 28 ff., and our §§ 14h, 15b, 48b).

This means, however, that the rise of enena enaya must be ex­plained along different lines. For instance, it may be assumed , , -that the existence of the concurrent deictic forms anena anaya alongside of accented ena", ená and aya created an imbalance in the system which eventually caused the usage of the shortér forms in the later language to fall sharply. The decline of the accented short Instrumentals could then have called for new forms to replace their unaccented segmentally identical enarv ena and aya (which seems however to be nowhere attested, cf. ego Vishva Bandhu et al., 1942-63, p. 762 f.; perhaps quite casual­ly because of the very rarity of these forms). This was accom-

: 10 ] 'J 35

p1isheil by creating enena and enaya with. the req"l ~r d- , . U LC 9 -pronomJ,--

na~ endings, maybe from the Accusative enam (and possib1y also enam)through a process not very different from that which ere--' ated ego N.5g. padaZ1. 'foot.' and N,pL padCi7J instead of older (~-)pa:t (a-)padaJ:! fl:om the Ac.5g. padam of pád- 'foot', or N,:.';CL

ma8a~ 'month " N .pl. ma8a~ and Ac .pL masan inst(~ad of oJder .'

. (canclrá- )ma~ ~'~ma8a~ míisáJ:! from the Ac. 5g. masam of 1710.8-- 'moon I month' already in the ~gvedic stage (cf. D&W, pp. 319 ff. foy this sort of phenomena) .

v.7hat sti11 awaits an explanation, however, i8 (i) w'hy dna­phoric I. sg. forms are so rare in the ~gveda (on11' 4 en~, a­gainst no aya, no enena and no enayez) even though in themsel'/es theI.sg. case-forms occurrather frequent1y, and (ii) why the 1ater editors of the ~gveda chose to write al1 accented forms as ena wi th long a both in the Salllhi ta'- and the Pada-text I and all accentle8s forms as ena in the latter but not in the for-mero (On the whole question¡ see also Hauri, 1963a, 55 t"~ ) pp.. r ..

IV) Delbrück (1888, p. 29 f.) states that ena-, like the forms of accentless a-, is never used in attributive position ("the use i8 only substant:ival"), Oldenberg (1907, p. 829 f.l, to be fol1owed later by D&W (p. 523), challenges his statement, and claims that it may have "occasiona1 adjectival function" (p. 829 f.). His first example is RV 1.32.3d, quoted here in example (11a), for which however even he suggests that p.Y'atha-

.-1'- ,

maJam be lnterpreted as an apposition to enam rather than as head noun (ie. 'that first.-born'). But he and D&N fee1 more confident about RV 8.97.14a, our example (11b):

(11) a. RV 1.32.3c-4a

a sayakam maqhávaclatta vájY'am áhann enam p~athamajirm áh1:nam 11311

yácl indxlp.han prathamajam áh1:nam 'the bounqfu~ ona" (magháva) seized (a ... aclatta) the

ttlUnqerbo+t fH to b~ hurled (sayakam), , he kiHed him (enam) , the first-born of the snakes.

When, o Indra, you killed (áhan) the first-born of the snakes, ... I

b. RV 8.97.14ab t ' I • d 'k P J -h vam pura '~n 1"a C1- 1-C¿ ena.

" - I • h '7. -1 ':¡h . vy oJw3a. 8aV1-~1;¡ n: saK1"a nasayczeycl'l"

§ 10 ] 36

'you, o Indra" know (cik~t adj.) (how) to destroy (v~ ... naáayádhyai) them (ena~), the

strongholds (púra~), with your strength, o stronq­est (áavi~fha) (and) mighty one (áakra) '

It should be noted that both RV 1.32.3d and 8.97.14a intro­duce an element of a well-known myth, in the first case the. de­mon Vftra who was killed by Indra, in the secand the strongholds of the enemies of the gods. In both cases the stylistic device appears to be exactly the same, a form of ena- and an epexeget­ical apposition that specifies its referent. D&W's translatioh 'these strongholds' (p. 523) is thereforeunnecessary.

For other arguments against allegedly adjectival accentless a-, see § 15c.

V) If ena and ená are to be assigned to a! rather than to , ena-, the other examples of accented ena- are both extremely rare and subject to substantial doubt.

, f .... One possible instance lS .Ac.sg. enam, hapax in the somewhat obscure RV 8.6.19c:

(12) RV 8. 6 . 19a-c

imas ta indra p~8naya1 gh~t~ duhata a8~ram enam ~tásya pipyú~T~

" h 'these speckled cows (p~snaya.) of yours, o yield (duhate) butter and milk (a8~ram)

filling (pipyúEj1:J:) it (enam, ie. the earth) (~tásya) ,

Indra,

of holy drink

It should be observed that if enam were simply the anaphoric accentless. form in initial position, the accent to be expected would be rather ~';énCim, just as asmai as ya abhi~ become ásmai á­sya abhi~ in that position (cf. § 15dIII). Geldner (1951, II, p. 296) and D&W (p. 525) suggest that enam should be viewed as

-1 ~ a 'this'-demonstrative depending on as~ram which is feminine. However, a demonstrative and its head noun seldom occur in dif­ferent verses, unless they have a rather loose appositional re­lationship, something which the meaning here would not allow. O~ thers have suggested reading instead ena 'so' (cf. ego Renou, 1952, p. 234). The verse should then be restored as enam~tasya pipyú~1:~ 'being full in this manner (ena) of ambrosia (am~ta­sya) , .

§ 10 ]

37

No modification of the received text i _ '. ,_ . - s necessary, on the 0-

t~~,r: h~nd, ;;n orde.:,: t~ be able to interpret erúz in RV 10" 23, 7a mar~ l-r na ena sakh1ja V-Z tJausuh ,- th'

, / ,J ..' as any ln'3 other than as an ac.-cented n.N.pl. of ena-. D&W (p. 525), and othe

p .... autholS v,rho ad­vocate this, translate the verse as 'never (mal<ih) should tI f' d h" -+ ..,.. -. ~ :1ese rlen s :ps (ena sakhYGl n.N.pl., ie, 'this friendshi)'),

break (v~ 'JauBuh) ' y t h' 1 . of ours •. I _::J .' • • e ere and 1n the similar RV 4.16 20c nt

c1-d yatha na~z sakhya v-Z:yóqat 'so that never • 't ',. -, _ i .,. , 1n ransltlve

yu to break, to separate' is not the only option -- '1 bl f- " --' d vaJ. a . e. 1 n act, lt 1~ also Poss~ble to identify in these verses the con-

struction [NP NP v~ yu- J 't·o ber b f Ac I . -- eave s . o - sb. or sth., to

separate sb from sb or 'th' th ---+, ,'.,.. . M ,S ., at oceurs ego in RV 1.39.8bc a yo no abhva '&Efate/v1.- tarr,¡ yuyota sávascI vy ójasa '~"hat'. ster (ábhvah) a' ."'" .,.. • -8ver mon-

, • ttacks (a .. , ~?ate) us, bereave (vz-,., yU1jota) him o~ (hlS) str~ngt~1 bereave ~him) of (his) power' , or R~ 5.2.5c;¡ ke me maryakaJI}. v~ yavanta gobhih 'wh' h l

I • le peop e separate my younq bull (maryakam) from the cows?'. In this way RV 10 23 7. b 't ' '. ,a could e,ln _er~reted-+as 'ne~er should they deprive us (nah) of this

frlendsrup (ena sakhya n.Lsg.)' (cf. also note 4),'

'e) I) S-(má- occurs only in the R. gveda and in AV

h h 20.123.1d, w.le, repeats with no changes RV 1.115.4d +ad +t - ~ 2:'a Y'~ vas as tanute s~masmai 'then the night spreads. (her) dress ('Vasa~) for him (simásmai) , .

As for the aecentless sama- 't ' , , _ . , 1 may be pOlrlted out that i ts

femlnlne forms °amam d -h ü an sama. still occur in the PaippaL~lda' A.-.

~harvaveda and in the Khilas, and that the ha-adverb samaha somehow, somewhere' is very much alive in the Atharvaveda. Lat-

er on, however, sama- o l' eeurs on y ln ~gvedic versesrepeated in

Yajurvedic Samhitas . . II) The puzzling form sima oceurs only in RV 8 4 1

... e, quoted here in example (13):

( 13 ) RV 8. 4 • 1 a-d

yád l.ndra pY'ag ápag údail nyag va huyáse npbhih sima puru n~r¿üto'asy'anave ási pY'asardha turváse

'Even if, o Indra, eastwards, westwards¡ northwards ar southwardsyou are called by men •.. often(pU11 u) urge" b .( f -, h . u y men nr:Efu ca.) you are wi th the

§ 10J 38

Anava, , h ' , you are, o mighty one (prasard a), with Turvasa

The Pada-text reads sima, ie. a Vocativ~ with first-syllable accent because of its occurrence at the beginning of the verse. Grassmann (1872, p. 1521) ~nd Macdonell (1910, p. 304) follow this reading and restore short a. D&W (p. 578) and Renou (1952, p.237) prefer to regard sima as an adverb with accent shift, meaning 'by yourself' or 'thus'.

d) On the basis of the scanty internal evidence of the ~gve­da, katará-, yatamá- and itara- could ~ot even be included in this insufficiently attested group, since no discriminatingly gd-pronominal forms are attested for them in the texto

With 'regard to katará- and yatamá-, however, apart from what , t' has already been stated in § 9c about katama.-. and ya ara-, we

may add that in the Atharvaveda there are alre~dy formsthat warrant their inclusion in the at-class: katarat and,.resPeC-

. " -tively, yatamát, m.pl. yatame, f. yatamasyam. Ás for ttara-, whosé .discriminating case-forms are not at­

tested before the prose texts of the Sa!phitas (ego ttarasmai in. KathS 24.4, ttare~am in TS 6.5.11.3), it bélongs entirely to the at~ciass in Classical Sanskrit, andalready in Late Vedic it has n.sg. ttarat (eg. TB 3.10.11.4; SB 4.5.8.14, 13.8.2.9) .Yet Pa- . nini 7.1.26 netaraa ahandasi reports n. sg. t taram as Vedic form .. ~n the texts that have survived, this form actually occurs ac­cording to D&W (p. 584) only in SB 4.6.9.11 arid SBK 5.8.1.9. Since it seems to have an exact parallel in Latin iterum 'a SeC­ond time, again', D&W (p; 584) suggest that it could be an old form and that ttarat was created later whenttara- was drawn in­to the katará- yatará';' group. Yet the LaÚn iterum may also have a~ independent origin, since in Latin this *tero- group of gd­pronominal s has n.NAc~sg. -um, cf. alterum and utrum.

e) Ydká- and anyaká- belong to a group of diminutives. that seem to follow the inflectional behaviour of their primitive gd-pronominal. Taká- (cf. § 13f) has thus f:N.sg. sako. against takám takát, just like tá-has so. vs. tám tát. These forms can be regarded as derivedby means of the same diminutive suffix -ká- of. ego kumara-ká- m. 'little child' (fromkumará- m.

..,.. 'k") t 'child'), rqda-ká- m. 'little king' (from raJan- m. lng e C.

For the ká-/Hminutives from gd-pronominals, however, it ··has· to

39

be specified that they have the same endings anO. sUpplative al­terna~ces of their primitive words. In COnsequence, yaká- and anyaka- should pY'obably be assigned to the at-class, sJnce i t .i ~~ .

to this gd-pronominal class that yrí- anO. anyá- belong. It should be noted, however, that in th.e J ater 1 '. .~'

.' - anguage cIten-.' are a number of forms like VS 23.22 asakáu (vs. asáu), orthe

r ' 'h k' P k' -- 1 'h g ammarlans a a mrt maya ''2. GVaKayo. etc" (vs. ahám máy7: (7)01/C'>;,)

W~li~h,- are b.:;st tre~.ted. along the lines suggested already by' p~_ ~lnl ~.3.71, that lS as deríved by ínfixing -ak- into the alrea-dy inflected formo Strictly speakinc.J, thl'.!." 1 .

- 18 a so possible for the ~gvedic forms, hut it is not necessary (ef. O/H,) , pp. 446 ff.) .

f) 1) Even though the m.G.du. aveSZ, is the only attestl2d form of the demonstrative stem avá-, both the latter's final a and ita belonging to the gd-pronominals can be justified by a number of facts. First, the same stem is well attested in Old Iranian as a 'that'-demonstrative with gd-pronominal inflections, eq,

Avestan n,NAc.sg. aVaj;;, m.N.pI. ave, mn.G.pI. avaesam, corre­sponding to Old Persian ava avaiy avaisam. Second, i~ has paral­lels in several Slavonic languages, like Old Bulaarian ov~ , th' I PI' h' I , ~

lS, o lS ow that, Serbo-C~oatian ovaj 'this', etc. Fi-nally, all demonstratives have gd-pronominal. morphology in Vedic and in an a-stem the m.GL.du. ending -o~ occure only in gd-pro­nominals (cf. § 4e) .

11) Young Avestan m.N.sg. aom for l':avem might be considered to be from ~':av-am, ie. to contain a t least diachronically the same particle l':-am of Gatha-Avestan ay-em and Old Indic ay-ám (cf. §§ 14cII-III, 49a). Accordingly, 1t could provide evídenee of a stem av-, whose regular in.GL.du. would be avó~.

However, the data available are much t'?o scarce tb permit . such a conclus1on, particularly if we bear in mind ·that taking av-ó~ as containing stem of a basic stem avá- has a clear pa­rallel in yó~ from yá- a~d eno~ from ena- (cf. eg. § 44aI _ Ir) .

,

11. a) A rather heterogeneous groüp of words with gd-pro­nominal forms 'ís character1sed by having consistently n.NAc.sg. -am instead of -ato Even though it is also the normal ending of the nominal a-neuters, there are sorne reasons for regarding it as an ending which 1s not alien to the gd-pronominal system, and

§ 11 ] 40

which belongs to the group of endings that it shares with the

nominal a- and a-stems (cf. §§ 20bIV, 21ab, 50cV) , like m.N.sg.

-a~, mn.G.sg. -asya etc.

The words that can be included in this am-class of gd-pro­

nominal s are listed below:

(14) Am-class of gd-pronominals

I 'h ' (1) i. saY'va- 'whole, all': mn.sg. saY'va. (6), saY'vam , sáY'vam (n., 16), sáY'vasmat (3), sáY'vasya (1) ¡pI.

sáY've (8), sáY'van (4), sáY'va (8). F.sg. sáY'va (1),

sáY'vaya (3); pI. sáY'va~ (11), sáY'vabhya~ (1), sárvasam (2) •

Al " h " () iL V'l.-SVa- 'eaeh, all': mn. sg. v'l.-sva. (15) I V'l.-svam 5,

v1svam (n., 22), v1svena (1), v1svasmai (11) and v1-svaya (1), v1svasmat (31) and v1svat (1), v1svasya (14), v1svasmin (2) and v1sve (2); duo v1sva (1) ¡ pI. ~I Al -- Al - " - .. V'l.-sve (+15), V'l.-svan (31), V'l.-SVa (+30) and V'l.-svan'l.-

(+13), v1svebhi~ (20) and v1svai~ (5), V18vebhya~ (2), Al - Al ,,_ ,,-

'l>'l.-sveqam (19), v'l.-svequ (11). F. sg. V'l.-sva (4), V'l.-SVam Al - Al • () Al -h () d (5), V'l.-svaya (2), v'l.-svasya'l.- 1 , v'l.-Svasya. 2; u.

v1sve (1); pI. v1sva~ (33), v1svabhi~ (23), v1svasam (8), v1svasu (16).

iii. ~ka- 'one': mn.sg. ~ka~ (106), ékam (23), ékam (n.,

31), ~kena (2), ~kasya (7), ~kasmin (2); pI. éke (3),

~ka (1), ~kebhya1 (1). F.sg. ~ka (6), ékam (4), ékaya (4), ékasya1 (1).

iv. páY'a- 'farther, further': mn.sg. páY'a1 (4), páY'am (6),

páY'am (n., 3), páY'e~a {2), páY'asmat (1), páY'asya (4), páY'asmin (1) and páY'e (2); pI. páY'e (2) and páY'asa~ (2), páY'a (1) and páY'a~i (3), páY'ai1 (1), páY'eqam (2),

páY'e~u (4). F.sg. páY'am (1), páY'asya1 (4); pI. páY'a1 (1) •

v. pUY'va- 'fore, prior': mn.sg. PUY'va1 (18), pUY'vam (7),

pUY'vam (n., 4), pUY've~a (1), pUY'vasmai (1), pUY'vasmat ..¡.. ..¡.. ..¡.. - l"¡" (1), pUY'vasya (3) I pUY've (5); duo purva (1); p . pUY've

...".. -{J. - -+ _ +-( 3 O) and pUY'vasa1 ( 2), pUY'van ( 2), pUY'va (3) and pUY'-va~i (4), pUY'vebhi1 (2) and pUY'vai~ (1), pUY'vebhya~ (4), pUY'veqam (4). F.sg. pUY'va (3), pUY'vam (5), pUY'­vaya (2); pI. pUY'va~ (7), pUY'vabhi~ (2), pUY'vasam (U,

§ 11 ] 41

vi. néma- ' 0 th ", , . ' "' , ' er, .• ome . mn. sg. nemcr.¿" \ 3), nemam (1) nt:.-mam (n" 1), némasmin (1)· pl 7"'~>rl0 ('3) ",' __ '

, ,,- • 'b,,,,:, , , ns:manam (1).

viL ÚU'11?'Y- " . "'A,. (A, upper, hlgher, northern, latAr"! ""~'<"" ,",

- ,mn • sq. "," tm'Ci.1 (2;), l;'~taY'am (2) ,út;tapclJ11 (n. f 5), iÁttcIY'asmiil. (2) and Ul;tciTat (2), 1~i;l;aY'a8min (lj and út;'tcwe (1).

pI. ÚttclY'e (3) I ttUmoan (1) úttaY'a (2) "'-t' ,-'. I ' 'N" r· . ano lA J<nYU'!1

(2). /.sg~ utta2°a (fl), ui:taY'e (V., 1), út;tap'(lm (2); pI. U UaY'abhyaZ, (1).

viii. I

apaY'a- 'after, following': mn. sg. ápapa1 (7), ápa2Yrm (3), ápaY'am (n., 1) r ápapeiJa (1), ápaY'aya (1); ~l. á ... paY'e (1) and ápaY'asa},l (1), ápaY'an (1), ápaY'cbldh (J) :F' , - p • "

. sg. apcwa (2), apaY'asyal¡. (1); pI. ápaY'al¡. (2).

ix. I

avaY'a- 'lower, nearer ': mn. sg. ávaY'ah ( 3 ) ávaJ'am (1) f " . .; " ~

aVQl~~m (n., 4), avaY'e~a ( 4), ávaY'at (1), ávaY'e ( 2) ;

pI. ava:;:>e (3) and ávaY'asa~ (1), ávaY'an (4), ávay,ar;.1~ (2), ávaY'e~u (2). F. pI. ávaY'asu (1).

I

x. ~paY'a-- 'lower, after': mn. sg. úpaY'a1 (1) r úPQl'am ( 2) ,

upaY'am (n., 1), úpaY'aya (1), úpaY'asya (5), úpay'e (1);

pI. ú~aY'e (1) and úpaY'a.~ (1) and úpaY'asaJ¡ (2), ttpQllan (1), upaY'e~u (2). F.sg. úpaY'a (2); pI. úpaY'ah (4), ú-

xl.

xii.

xiii.

paY'asu (2). .

v I '1' I a am~- owest, next': mn.sg. avama1 (1), avamám (1), avamam (n., 1), avamaya (1), avamásya (1), avamé (2);

pI. avama ( 2), avamáiJ: (1). F. sg. avama (1) I avamásyam (3); duo avamé (1); pI. avamabhi1 (1).

upamá- 'upper': mn. sg .• upamá1 (1), upamám (5), upamám (~., 7), upamat (1), upamásya (2), upamé (1); du. upa­

ma (1); pI. upamasa1 (1), upaman (1), upamani (1), u­pamébhi1 (1), upamanam (1). F.sg. upama (2), upamam (1), upamásyam (1).

,paY'amá- 'farthest': mn. 5g. paY'amáJ¡ (3), paY'am6m (1),

par~am6J/1 (n., 16), paY'amat (3), paY'amásya (4), paY'amé (27); pI. par'ama (3) and paY'ama'i'}i (2), paY'amésu (1).

F. sg. paY'ama (4), paY'amam (1), paY'amáya (1), ~aY'amá­sya~ (1), ~aY'amásyam (2); du. par'amé (1); pI. paY'ama~ (2), paY'amabhil¡. (1).

§ 11]

xiv.

xv.

xvi.

xvii.

42

madhyamá- 'middlemost': mn.sg. madhyamá~ (2), madhya­mám (4), madhyamám (n., 1), madhyamé. (1); pl. madhya­ma1 (1) and madhyamasa~ (2), madhyama (1), madhyamé­bhi~ (1), madhyamé~u (1). F. sg. madhyama (1), madhya­másyam ( 2); pl. madhya),f/abhi~ (1), madhyamasu (1).

ubháya- 'of both kinds': mn~sg. ubháyam (n., 6), ubhá­yaya (2), ubháyasya (10); pl. ubháye (6) and ubháyaJj , (1) and ubháyasa~ (6), ubháyan (4), ubháya (1) and u­bháyani (2), ubháyebhi~ (1), ubháyebhya~ (1), ubháye­~am (1), ubháyequ (2).

svá- 'own': mn. sg. SVá1 ( 5), svám (8), svám (n., 13),

svénli (10), svaya (2), svat (3), svásya (6), svásmin (1) and své (32); pl. sva (1), svébhi1 (6) and svái1 (8), svésu (2). F.sg. sva (3), svam (8), sváya (3), svayai (2), svásya~ (1) and svaya~ (1), svayam (2); pl. sva~ (9), svabhi1 (1), svasu (2).

kévaZa- 'belonging exclusively to': mn.sg. kévaZa1 (4),· kévaZam (1), kévaZam (n., 3); pl. kévaZe (1), ké­vaZan (1), kévaZa (3) and kévaZani (1). F.pl. kévaZ~Jj (1) •

xviii. samaná- 'cornmon, same': mn. sg. samanáJj (9), samanám (20), samanám (n., 17), samanéna (3), samanásmat (1) and samanat (1), sOTnané (10); pl. samanah (1), samanan (1), samana .(1), samanébhiJj (1) and samanáiJj (1), sa­mananam (1). F.. sg. samant (2), samanya (5) i pI. sama-nt1 (1).

b) 1) Sárva- has onlygd-pronominal forms whereas vlsva-, which is declining already in the more recent parts of the ~g­veda and will disappear almost completely in the later language, can have marginally some nominal endings in the mn.sg., as

,,- PI. "-t Grassmann's data show: onev~svaya vs. 11 v~svasma~, one V~8va ~I _~, ~,.

vs. 31 v~svasmat, 2 V~8ve vs. 2 v~svasm~n.

11) Éka- has only gd-pronominal' forms like sárva-. It should be noted, however, that in the Atharvaveda there is the nominal L.sg. éke (vs. RV ékasmin) , and that starting from the (Middle Vedic) sa~hita-prose texts the nominal Ab.sg. ékat is used be­

side regular ékasmat in the subtractive numbers. For instance,

§ 11 J

there are in t:he '['ai tti:t::Tya Samhi ta: (i) '1'8 7 4 7 " "¡, ',. ' l ....1 --" ~I - -4 " "J el,.abl1(/1" na panca.sat 'not 50 by one (ie. 49) 1 with f 7lb ~7.. ~ .

-+, • ,'" • u<a.':lyaz, hecause l t counts r~7.;Yla1!...al} f., 'nights' i (ii) tbe compound adject,ive 'I'S 7,4

7.1, 3 0kasman-na-pañcGr.~á-· 'composed of 49' and (iii) '1'8 a d -, ') 12 1 'k-:-' , "';': I I '_ 7.2 .. 11 . 1

n f. re.. • e an na VUrI8ai;ya? .. , eatvaY"irnsátp sastuái ;,.," ~: satal ' I t.. . . ' . " " ,. ".ya. , ya .. o not 20, 40, 60, 80, 100 by one (ie. 19 39 So -70 99)" . . , , .... , :J ,

. In (11) and (li1) the masculine-neuter 18 usad as qeneral

Oy unmarked gender. Even tf we allow for the slight timc·differ. ence that ~ay exist between such prosa mantras as TS 7.2 .. 11--12 and the Brahmann"prose Darts 11'<e r'le> 7 4 7 . t " ..

'.. ~ ... ,10 ..., 1.. 18 probóbly best to assume syncbronic oscillation betwe'~rl e~j~a-t ~nc' 'k -Middle Vedic. ~ ',,~.¡ e .. cwmat in

I I I) Pál'a- d-¡Io. , an purva- are adjectives of space relati.ons}'lip~, I

farther' and 'fore I respectively. Both have in the ma,in gd- '

pronominal forms, but can OCC11!:' wit-h nominal endinCTs in the mn I --,&. ::1 q

L.sg: and-+m.N.p~.: paY'e pUY've él11d páY'a.sa7'j pU:f'vasa~, beside pá-. Y'asm1..n (purvasm~n from samhi·ta--prose texts eg "'S 1 8 4) "'d

¡ + .. , ." lJ " .. - aY! paY'e pUY've.

IV) Néma'" i8 an indefini te . • mean1ng sorne other " !:lometimes

repeated in a contrastive manner as in RV 4 24 4d-r~. "~d J, ! .. . . •.• ... ,a a 'Ut nemcf. ~n~rayante abht7<eiad id dha néma 1~n(11?iyár!.J yajante I then Some

(neme) behave ~ike rndra in the moment of the assall1t (abHike) , then other: (neme) sacrifice for obtaining (yajante) Indra's strength (~ndriy6n)',

It should be observed that in RV 6.16 .18b '" nemanan.¡ vaso 'o beneficient one (vaso)

of some' the nominal G.pl. nemanclm is un­governed by the V. Vaso. Por such phrases 33 f.), who guotes the frequent appel-

accented because it i8 see Delbrück (1888, p. lative of Agni as 'son sa~ suno .•. of stréngth', ego in RV 3.28.5b ..• saha-

Néma- occurs only in m. and n. forms, and its use declines rapidly after the ~gveda.

V) Ottara- 'upper, northern, later' belongs to a group of spatial adjectives derived by means of the suffixes -taY'a- and

-tama- from the' preverb út 'up' and probably a lost postposition ~~án. Yet ántar'a- I interior, nearer', which occurs in the' Rgveda

only in non-discriminating case-forros (mn,sg. ántaY'ah ánt~Y'am ' " .. , f

n. antaY'am, antarer;a, ántarasya; pI. ántaY'an, ántaY'ai~i f.sg.

§ 11 ] 44

ántara, ántaram), has in latl':!r Vedic texts mainly nominal forms 8uch as mn.Ab.sg. ántarat (I(a-~hS 22.13, etc.).

P f l' Moreover, uttama- 'highest' and antama-~"antama-- 'nearest'

have in the ~gveda ¡ over and above n. l-JAc. sg. utto:mmn and a num-, p

ber of non discriminating forms, mn.L.sg. uttame and f.G.pL an-' [:amanam respect:ively.

VI) In the group of aY'a- and Wná-adjectives of spatial re­lationships association wi-th nominal morphology seems to have a somewhat less idiosyncratic pattern than in the taY'a- and tama­group above.

ApaY'a- 'after, following' has in fact nominal m.D.sg. ápaY'a­ya, gd-pronominal LAb.sg. áparasyalJ, and both forms in -the m.

N.pl. ápaY'e and ápaY'asalJ. For its superlative apamá- 'last, most distant', only the m.G.sg. apamásya 18 attested in the I¡<gveda, which is neuter as far as the two inflectional categories are concerned.

kvar¡a- '10wer f nearer' has nominal m. Ab, sg. ávaY'at and n. L. , , I - h 3g. (ll>aY'e I but both forms in the m. N. pi. aVmoe and avaras a .' Its

super la ti ve avamá- 'lowest, next' has instead only f. L. 8g. ava--¡ ,.- + ,

ma:syam against nominal m. D. sg. avamaya and mn. L. sg. avame. Not dissimilarly, úpara- 'lower, after' has both úpare and

úPáralJ, úparasaJ! in -e.he m.N.pI., but only nominal n,.D,8g. úpa­raya and m.L.sg. úpare, while upamá- 'highest' has only LL.sg.

upamásyCim against m. Ab. sg. upamat, n. 1.. sg. upamé, m. lIT . pI. upa­masa~, m.G.pI. upamanZim.

To these we should add po..ramá- 'farthest', whieh aeeording to its meaning could be the superlative of pára-, and has gd­

pronominal forms onl.y in the f. Ab. sg. paramásyalJ' and f. L. sg. pa­'yJamásyam, against nominal mn. Ab. -sg. paramat, n. L. sg. paramé. Similarly, Inadhyamá- 'middlemost' has only f.L.sg. madhyamásyCim vs. m.L.sg. madhyamé and m.N.pl. madhyamalJ and madhyamasalJ.

Adhara- 'lower, inferior' and adhamá- 'lowest, most inferior' also probably belong to this group. However, the former has nom­inal m.Ab.sg. ádharat, while the latter has no diserirninating case-forms.

Even if it is obvious that the attested forms of these words are by themselves insufficient to give a cIear picture, it would seem that in the mn.sg. there are only nominal forms, while all the attested f.sg. forms are gd-pronominal. Moreover, in the m.

N.pl. the ara-adjectives have both -e and -asalJ or -alJ, while

45

the two amá-adJ' eeti ves 1 1 1-h 1ave on y - e nominal endings; Pá¡oa- ". hibi t_s a different pattern in having gd-pronominal - fonns alS:¿{ill the mn.sg., and for this reason it has not been inbluded

he1'e.

VII) Ubháya- 'of both but m.G.pL ubháyef?Cim and the m.N.pL

kinds' has nominal ubháyayo in tbe [.;g., both ubháye and uhháyah., I ubhlu. afJo71, . _ • ln

The I¡<gveda -has only mn. forms. Yet in later Vé'~dic and CIassi­

cal Sanskrit it has a feminine stem ubháyT-. It has alreafy b . .1 .een

noted that sueh feminines seem to be alien to the gd-pronominal morphology (cf. § Be). Yet in TS 5.2.5,5 there i8 the isol~ted ubháyIE¿Cim, the only example known to me of gd-pronominal /sam/ bound to a f. T-stem.

VIII) The old possessive svá- 'o 'h 'l wn as maJ.n y nominal forms (mn svaya c>vat L' -+.. ... - -+ ",' o , • sVe, f. svaya~, svaya¿z, svaycim). Yet it has

marg1nally n. L. sg. svásmin . (one occurrence vs. 32 nominal mn. sg .

Lo~a~iVes), and f.Ab.sg. svásyalJ (hapax, against hapax nominal svayalJ)· It should be n()ticed, however, that the latter gd-pro­nominal form, 'I-:h1':h oceurs in RV 9.79. 3a r could have been at-.. tracted by anyasyalJ in the parallel phrase of the subsequent verse:

(15) RV 9.79.3ab

utá sváBya áratya artr lit sáh utanyásya áratya vrko ht s6h'

'both (utá) from o~r own (s~ásya¿~) maligni ty (áY'atyalJ), because it 15 the envious one (arlh)

and (utá) fraro the other (anyásyalJ) maii~nity (protect

us), because it is the wolf (vfkalJ, ie. the robber) ,

IX) K~vala- 'b' 1 ' _. , e ong1ng exclusively to, exclusively own' and samana- 'common, same' have.mainly nominal forms, and even femi-nine stems in -I-: k~valI- and samant- In t~ 1 t 1 . . ,le a er anguage they have no gd-pronominal forms at all. Yet in the Rqveda there is hapax¡ m.N.pI. k~vale with no nominal count~rpart in -ah or -osa1, and hapax samanásmot against equally hapax samanat'in the

same phrase: RV· 5.B7.4b samanásmat sádasah 'from (their) common abode' and 2. 17. 7b samanat ... sádasah . .

e) I) From what has been argued above, it would seem that the words helonging to the am-class have rather different be-

§ 11 ] 46

(16) Gd-pronominal vs. nominal endings in the am-class

n.sg. -am

-asmai

, , '

X X ¡ X ¡ X X ¡ X ¡ X ¡ X X X X X X X 1 X ¡ X 1 X ~ ... ·········1····1·········[····¡-···¡·································¡····1'···[·······

xi : x: : ¡ : ¡ : : ¡ l' 1 1 ¡ ¡

x:: ':: X X X : X : x: ~ ~ ---_ ..... L .. -.. -~ _ .. ,o ...... _ .. -:- ........ ~ ....... : ................................................................. -!'- ........ r""" -¡- .................... . X x: : X X ¡ : x: : : X

1 i ¡ ¡ 1 , ¡ x: ¡ : x: X X X ' : x: X

········.;.···1·········;···+···f ........ ·························j····¡····r··········· X:X:X :X:X: :X: :: ¡ ¡ ¡ ~

x: :x x: ¡x: X X X X X X ¡ : x: X .................. 1 ........ -~)- -............ J ........ :- ...... ~ ...................................................... _ -...... _ -l- .. __ _ ~ _ .... ~ .... _ ~ .... ___ .... .

X x: X i X X ¡ X ¡ x: X X X lx ¡ ¡ X : ¡ ¡ ¡ ¡ ¡ l ¡

. .. :,X X x'x" X :x x:: X X : ¡ : ........ -1- ····1·········[···· ¡ ... + ................................. ¡ .... j ... ¡ ........... .

x: :x x: ' : x: : I , , I I

: : , : : : " : ' : x: x, X

:'"······¡····~,.-········¡,,····j····f·································[···+··,1,------------x:" , , ,

~:, ;: ' : lxl .... , .... ~ ..... ~ ........ ~ ... ··l··· .j ................................. j .... + ... ~ .......... .

x: X : X ' , : X X : : x: ¡ ¡: ' ¡ ~ l: ,¡ Ix:

......... + .... ¡ ........ .¡. ... + .. + ........................ ········]····+···r············ :' ':: X X X x: ' : : : : : I • • , , , , : : : ¡'Xi

:···;·····~····i··· .. ··+···¡····¡·················· ............... -¡- .. --f-.-¡- .......... . X x: x: ¡ : : ¡¡

-aya

-asmat

-at

-asmin

L. -e

N.pI. -e

-a~j-asa7j

-eEJam

mn. -anam

-asya-t

-ayai

-asya~

-aya~

-asyam

-ayam

-asam

f. -anain ,;"..L., .. X x: x: X X ¡ ¡ x: X X X X X X X¡ ¡ X¡

¡' : ¡ ¡ , ¡ 1 X X , , , . , , , , ,

f. in -a-

f. in -1:-

f¡ 11 J 47

haviours, even though it may be possible to find sorne higher de­

gree of consistency within sorne of their single subgroups like , . A I l. -.L _,

sarva- and v-tsva-, para- and purva-, the ara- and ama-adjec-tives, or kévaZa- and samaná-.

It is difficult to explain in a principled way why these sub­

groups shotild behave so differently. However, we can make sorne

general observations about the patterning of gd-pronominal and

nominal endings itl the am-class, whose more relevant forllls are

presented in (16). First, it would appear that the mn.sg. i5

more 1iable to be infiltrated by nominal forms, since most of

the words with gd-pronominal forms in the mn.sg. also have them

in other areas of their paradigm. After this comes the m.N.pl.,

which can have gd-pronominal -e also in words which have only nominal mn.sg. forms.

Second, there are a number of instances of oscillation between

the two sets of endings in the same case-forms. This is attested

most frequently in the m.N.pI. -e "'-a~j-asa7j (in 6 words) I les s

frequen tI y in the mn. L • sg. -asmin '" -e (in 4 words) and the mn"

Ab.sg. -asmat"'-a-t (in 3 words). Other isolated examples "are

-asmai "'-aya (only in vlsva-) and -asya7j "'-aya7j (onlyin svá-) . It is interesting to note that these three case-forms belong to

the most frequentlyused forms among those listed in (16). In

fact, for the 18 words of the am-class, Grassmann (1872) re­

gisters - apart from 152 occurrences of n.sg. in -am - more than

97 occurrences of m.N.pI. (+76 -e, 21 -a7jj-asa7j), 94 occurrences

of mn.L.sg. (8 -asmin, 86 -e), and 51 occurrences of mn.Ab.sg.

(39 -asmat, 12 -at). Other case-forms occur much more rarely,

eg. 29 mn. G. pI. (26 -eE¡am, 3 -:anam) I 20 mn. D. sg. (12 -asmai, 8

-aya), etc. The 1ess frequent cases appear, therefore, to be

well embedded intd the morphological set that prevails in the

specific paradigm area of the .:lord, while it is the most fre-'

quently used case-forms that tend to oscillate. Yet, there is

the significant exception of the n.NAc.sg. -am which never in­

terchanges with -at even though it is very frequent.

It should be observed, however, that even though the data ap­

pear to show these general trends, the distinctions are much

more volatile than in the later language where, probably as a

resul-t of the gramniarians' codifications (cf. eg. P2i"J)ini 1. .1.

28--36, 7.1.16, 7.:3 .115), visva-' could not have any nominal

forms, apara- could optionally have only the nominal endings --a-t, "'c and -a~, and so on.

~--~----~

§ 12 ] 48

II) It is interesting to note that already in the more re­

cent stages of Vedic this seemingly unstable am-class is grow-

t he first three ordinal s prathamá­ing. In fact, it attracts

'first', dvittya- 'second' and t~ttya- 'third', besides bahya­'external, outer' and dák.~iYJa- in the meaning of 'southern',' all

of which - except bahya- which is attested only from the Athar­

vaveda - have only nominal forms in the Bgveda (cf. also § 20bIV) .

12. a) In its main outlines the interrogative-indefinite

pronoun ká- follows the behaviour of the at-cIass of gd-pronomi­

nals. It forms, however, a class of its own inasmuch as (i) it

can have a stem ki- in the m.N.sg. and n.NAc.sg., and (ii) in

the latter case-form the stem ki- takes the suffix Im/, while

the stem ká- takes Idl (cf. also §§ 20b, 21, 50cIV).

Its Bgvedic forms are listed below:

(17) Paradigm of ká-

, , k~h k' ká- 'who?, anyone': mn. sg. kalJ (111) and ". (1), am ~ , k") k' (26), kát (34) and hm (49), kena (5), asma" (13, asya

(23), kásmin (4) i duo káu (1); pI. ké (20), ka (2) and

kani (3), kébhilJ (1). F. sg. ka (14), k"ám (1), káya (11);

pI. kalJ (2), kasu (4).

b) I) X-íh is attested as an interrogative only in RV 10.52.

3a ayám y6 h6ta klr U 8á yamásya 'this hotr (priest), who (ki~) is he for Yama?'.

Otherwise it occurs as an accentless indefinite with the ne­

gative particles ná and ma in tI:e crystaHised forms nákilJ (cf.

Greek OÜHS;) and makih (cf. Greek J.lnTLs;) .. Both can mean either

m.N.sg. 'nobody' as e;. in RV 8.33.8c n'áki~ tva ni yamat 'nobody , .... k· d' should stop you' , or 'not' as in RV 1.147.5d agne ma "r no ,ur,,-

taya dhayt 1 'o Aqni, do not (makilJ) expose (dhaytlJ) us to evil (duritaya) , .4

1 I) Unlike k11' kim i s qui te fre~uent in aH stages of the

Rgveda, as amply documented by Tedesco (1945, pp. 139 f.), who . k' k' includes also its adverbial uses: "the ratio of at to "m is

2 : 3 for the pronouns alone, and 3 : 5 for pronounsand par­

ticles combined" (Tedesco, 1945, p. 131), ie. when also adverb­

ial kát and klm are counted. Yet, already in the 10.th Book of

§ 13 ]

49

the Bgveda, the ratio of kát to ktm ls 1 : 4 (Tedesco counts 7.

kát to 26 7d.m in the article just cited, p. 141). In the later

language kát survives only in the interrogative particle kaccit. Note that the dlstribution of k[m in the ~gveda only shows

that in its latest stages it had begun to displace its concur­

rent kát, and not that it is a younger formo In fact, it may

even have a parallel in Young Avestan cTm 'what?, why?'.

e) Both klh and klm contain the stem k{- tha t occurs as k{¡.¡­

in the derivative kiy-ant- 'how much?, how big?' (for iy instead

of i in this position cf. Wackernagel, 1896, pp. 198 ff.), and

as kt...:. (with "rhythmical lengthening" according to D&W, p. 436) k-d" , . k ...... in ,,- ~s- what llke?' and ,,-vant- 'how far?'.

The same stem occurs in a form kiy-a- which may be found in

two rather obscure Bgvedic words: (i) kiy'ámbu-, a water plant,

if it is a compound of kiya- 'how much' or 'sorne' and ámbu- 'wa­

ter' (a word attested independently only in the later language)

meaning '(of) how much water' or '(of) sorne water' I and not a

loanword as suggested by Wackernagel (1896, p. 143); and (ii)

kiyedha-, a variously interpreted epithet of Indra in RV 1.61.

6d, 12b. Its first member could, in fact, be a L.sg., yielding

a meaning 'reachinganybody' or exelamatively 'reaching how

many'. Yet others (eg. Grassmann, 1872, p. 326; Renou, 1952, P.

236) have suggested 'giving to many', viewing kiye- as a nominal

D.sg. like pátye and sákhye (from páti- 'husband' and sákhi­'friend'). In other words, according to this interpretation the

stem kl- could take the inflections of a nominal i-stem with

no ablaut in the oblique singular cases (cf. D.sq. páty-e, G.sg. , h "h J¡ avy-a. 'the sheep's' vs. agnay-e agne-. from agn,,- 'fire'), ra-

ther than an unattested gd-pronominal *kl~mai. (On compounds

with case inflections on their'first member see also Kiparsky,

no date, p. 32 ff.). Still other authors (eg. Geldner, 1951, I,

p. 78 f. 'aUvermogend'¡ Thurrib, 1958, I, p. 302; etc.) trans.late

'making anything' or 'making how many things' I taking kiye- as

the' n. NAe. sg. form klyat (from k1~yant-) transformec1 by the same ' . - .c

phonologibal processes that derive the imperatives deh~ 'give'

and dhe7d 'put' from lc1ad+dh{, dhad+c1h{,l through jdazdh{ ( dhaz­

dh{j, eL waeker~agel (1896, pp. 37, ,178, 274) I Hoffmann (1956, p. 21), Sehindler (1976, p. 628),

13. a )The group of partly anaphorie demonstratives \cf.

~~~-~-~-------- ---- -----~~~

§ 13] 50

Delbrück, 1888, p. 210 ff.: 'that well-known') tá-, etá-, tyá-, and taká- appears to form a separate class, characterised by (i)

a suppletive stem with s instead of t, mainly in the masculine

and feminine N.sg" (ii) at-class endings but (iii) a doublet ending -a in the m.N.sg.

Their f!.gvedic forms are listed belo", in (18), in the usual manner:

(18) 'Z'á-class of gd-pronominals

. t' , , , , lo a- tha ti he': mn. sg. sa ( + 119) and sah (47), tam

(+46), tát (+43), téna (61), tásmai (55) I tásmat (11),

tásya (+59) I tásmin (22) and sásmin (9); duo ta (98) and táu (12), té (1), tabhyam (5) I táyolJ (10); pI. té (+23), tan (70), ta (+43) and tani (34), tébhih (28), t 'bh h ' -, 4' + e ya. (5), teE}am (28), teE}u (5). F.sg. sa (+31), tam (29), táya (10), tásyai (1), tásyalJ (9), tásyam (2);

duo té (11), tabhyam (2); pI. talJ (63), tabhilJ (50),

tabhyalJ (2), tasam (10), tasu (2).

ii. etá- 'this here': mn.sg. esá (+75) and esáh (14), etám (33), etát (33), eténa (3); duo eta (3) ~n~ etáu (2); pI. eté (+39), etan (8), eta (16) and etani (13), eté­bhilJ (1), etébhyalJ (1). F.sg. eE}a (28), etam (12), e­táya (1), etásyam (1); duo eté (3); pI. eta~ (12).

iii. tyá- 'this here': mn.sg. syá (41), tyám(46), tyát (40), tyásya (1); duo tya (17); pI. tyé (30), tyan (3), tya (3) and tyani (1), tyébhi~ (1). F.sg. sya (16), tyam (2), tya (1., 1), tyásyai (1); duo tyé (2); pI. tyah (6). .

Iv. taká- 'this little': mn.sg. takám (1), takát (1). F.

sg. sak-a (1).

b) 1) As already noted in § 13a, these four gd-pronominals

have suppletive stems that replace t by s: sá- vs. tá-, esá- vs. t " 'k' k' . e a-, sya- vs. tya-, sa a- vs. ta .a-. In the second word, the

retroflex ~ can be considered to derive from underlying /s/ in

the context /i a/ through the same synchronically active rule _

of .'?-formation that accounts for example for séE}e 'you lie' from

/sai+sai/ vs. vitse 'you possess' or vindáse 'you attain' from

/vid+sai, vindá+sai/. (For a thorough discussion of this rule in

a traditional perspective cf. Wackernagel, 1896, pp. 230,ff.;

§ 13 ] 51

for a more recent approach, limited however to the facts of

Classical Sanskrit, cf. Selkirk, 1980a, p. 579, as well as Sel~ kirk, 198Gb).

11) The distribution of these suppletive stems i8 restricted

to the masculine and feminine N .. sg., wi th the exception of tá­which has beside tásmin also sásmin, for which see § 13d.

It should b~ remarked that this pattern has a parallel only

in the asáu-demonstrative, which has suppletive as á- in the mf.

N.sg. Otherwise, in the gd-pronominals as well as in other mor­

phological classes suppletive alternations follow different pat­

terns. In fact, very frequently also the neuter R~c.sg. i8 op­

posed to the rest of the paradigm, as in the i/n-, Y'/n-, and

0/n-heteroclites, and in the ayám- and asáu-demonstratives.

However, this synchronically isolated pattern has clear par­

allels not only in such eloser sister-Ianguages as Old Tranian

(eg. Old Persian sg.m. haya-, f. haya, n. taya, m.N.pI. tayaiy 'which, the'; sg.mf. iyam, n. ima, m.N.pl. imaiy 'this'; sg.mf.

hauv, n. ava, m.N.pI. -avaiy 'that') or Aneient Greek(eg. Homer-. • f' , - , le sg.m. o, . n, n. TO, m.N.pl. TOl.), but even in more remote

ones such as the Germanic languages (eg. Gothic sg.m. sa, f. so, n. pata, m.N.pL Pái). There are therefore good reasons for as­

signing it the status of a relic (cf. also § 46b).

e) 1) That the distribution ofthe m.N.sg. forms of these

demonstratives cannot be accounted for by sandhi, .out has to be

explained by positing two separate endings, ie. -a and-alJ, has

already been pointed out ego by D&W (p. 540 f.), who report also on the older literature.

In fact, consider the following examples:

(19) a. RV 1. 79. l1b , t' ..J::7' ..r;o- , 'h an ~ uUY'e pau~~ta sao 'near (ánti) or fal:: away (dUré), he should fall'

b. RV 3.53.21c

y6 no dv~~ty ádhaY'a~ sás padrE}ta 'he who hates us, down (ádhaY'a~ lit. 'lower') should

he fall'

c. RV 1.55.4a

sá ld váne nmnasyúbhir vacasyate 'he speaks through the venerating ones (namasyúbhi~)

------r---;--. --~---------------------§ 13] 52

in the forest (váne) '

d. RV 1. 104. 6a " 'd ..;.. , , sa tVaIIJ na Ul _ra surye so apsu

'you, o Indra, us in sunlight (s~rye), you in the wa­

ters'

If we posit an underlying form /sás/, normal phonological

rules of sandhi that hold for the language of the ~gveda account

for its appearing'as sá~, sás, sá and só respeetively in the

eontexts ___ #, ___ # p, ___ # i, and # a. In the latter

case, not infrequently there is the later generalised abhinihi-, ta-sandhi, ie, the initial a is dropped, as in RV 10.97.23c upa-stir astu sO 'smakam 'subordinate (úpasti~) should he be to us'

(cf. Wackernagel, 1896, pp. 336 ff.).

11) The same rules, however, would yield sás tvám in (19d)

rather than the attested sá tvám. Not dissimilarly, in example

(20a) the expected forms would be só gha f só rayé and sás púraIlJ­dhyam (or even sá~ púraIlJdhyam), in addition to sá -id in (20b),

and só asmai (or sO 'smai) and só dVitiyam in (20e):

(20) a. RV 1.5.3ab

sá gha no yóga a bhuvat sá rayé sá púraIlJdhyam 'he should stand by (a bhuvat) us in (our) undertaking

(yóge) , he for (our) ~ichness (rayé), he in (our) abundance

(púrCff(ldhYam) ,

b. RV 1.32.15c

séd U raja k~ayati car~a~~nam 'and he rules as a king over the living beings (car­

~a~~nam) ,

c. RV 2.18.2a -+ - , h" d 't-+ sasma ar¡am prat amCff(l sa V1.- 1.-yam

'he is fit (áram) for it (asmai) the first time, he

(is fit for it) the second time'

In the same context ___ # p, there are sás p ... in (19b) and , sa p .•. in (20a). Similarly, in # i there is sá i ... in

(19c) but sé ... in (20b) , and in # a there is só a ... in

(19d) or BO ' •.• as in RV 10.97.23e, but sa ... in (20c).

§ 13 ~ 53

If we do not wish to invoke complex systems of exceptions to

the normal rules of sandhi, the simplest way of accounting for

these different behaviours is to posit beside /sás/, a second

underlying form /sá/, from which all the forms of the examples

in (20), as well as sá tvám in (19d), can be derived through the

normal rules of sandhi (cf. Wackernagel, 1896, pp. 301 ff.) ,5

111) This .sá is possibly lertgthened metrically in the first

syllable of the cadence in the dodecasyllable RV 1.145.1b sá c~­kitvarn ~yate sa nv tyate 'he is approached to (~yate) as the

knowing one (cikitvan) , only he is approached to'. Yet even

though the Pada-text reads sá~ nú, the received text could also

be interpreted as /sá a nú/ or as a corruption of /s.:i ánu/, with

either a ... 1:yate 'he is invoked' or ánv 1:yate 'he is ha s tened after' (cf. D&W, p. 538).

IV) Examples (19) and (20) are fairly representative of the

distribution of /sásl and /sá/ in the ~gveda. sá, in fact, is

never encountered before pause, while on the other hand só, ie.

/sás/, never occurs before voiced consonants. It should be noted

however that while cases like (20b, e), ie. eontraction of /sá/

with a following vowel, are quite frequent and "can be traced

baek everywhere to the poet" (D&W, p. 539) on account of the e­

videnee of the metre, the instances of /sás/ be:6ore unvoiced

eonsonants are extremely rareo In fact, beside RV 3.53.21c (our

example 19b) the only other certain case is RV 8.33.16a nahl sás táva nó máma 'beeause he does not (rejoice) in yours nor in mine' .

two instances of sá Moreover, it should be observed that the

cit in RV 1.191.10c and 10.50.~a, whieh the Pada-text reads as are most li.kely t.O be_ interpret.ed rat.her as /sá u cit/,

Sayar;a suggest.ed for the former one (ef. D&W, p. 538).

pattern can be summari.sed in the following manner:

'h . sa._ C1.-t as a1so

This

(21) Distribution of /sásl and /sá/ in the ~gveda ,

,a. sas:

b. sá:

L

iL

iiL

L ii.

# V # e, only if unvoieed, yet rare

##

# v # e

§ 13 ] 54

V) rnterestingly, etá- and tyá- show a somewhat different

pattern. In the case of the latter, only instances of the type

(21bii) bccur in the ~gveda, ie. syá befo re both voiced and un­

voiced consonants, as in RV 1.161.4e syá dütá1 'this messenger'

or 9.97.46a e~á syá te pavata indra sóma1 'this soma flows off elearly (pavate) for you, o Indra'.

In the case of the former, instead, there are instances of

the types (21ai), (21aiii) and (21bii), while there is no case

of contraction with a following vowel, nor one of e~ás or e~á1 . ,

before unvoiced consonants, even though the m.N.sg. of eta- oc­, curs rather frequently. We thus have for example RV 4.2.5c e~o

asura 'this, o Asura' or 2.14.2d e¡:¡á lndra1 'thislndra', beside

'71. ' d 3.48.4b e¡:¡a. at the end of the verse, 5.50.5a e~a te eva 'this,

o god, to you' and 5.36.4a e~á gra7JeVa 'this like the pressing stone (gpava)'.

It is important to note that the distribution of /e~ás/ vs.

/e~á/ is exactly the same that will be generalised also to /sás/

vs. /sá/ in the later l(3.nguage (cf. PaJ:.:lini 6.1.132), even though

itappears that in the ~gveda the two distributional patterns

coexisted side by side, one for tá- and the other for etá-.

d) In the ~gveda there are nine occurrences of mn.L.sg. sás­min (compared with 22 occurrences of tásmin). It is the only

instance of the stem sá- occurring beyond the mf.N~sg. in the

paradigm of tá-. Geldner (1951, 1, p. 68) translates 'in the

same', and considers it.to be the L. of an otherwise lost stem I , _ ,

sa-, connected etymologically to sama-, sama- and samana-. Instead, D&I;IJ (p. 542), though conceding that "the use of the

form corresponds only in part t~ the use of tá- II, associate it

with its paradigm and suggest that it could have been a licence

of a single poet which was subsequently imitated by others. In

fact, sásmin always occurs in the cadence of a hendecasyllable,

before a disyllabic Locative of which it i8 an attribute: RV 1.

152.6b,1.186.4d, 4.7.7a, 4.10.8d, 7.36.3d sásminn údhan 'in that

udder'; 4.12.1b, 1'0.95.11c sásminn áhan 'in that day'; 1.52.15a

sásminn ajáu 'in that combat', 1.174.4a sásmin yónau 'in that womb' •

e) 1) The f.I.sg. tya occurs only in RV 10.75.6b sasártva pasáya sve tya tya 'wi th Sasartu, wi th Rasa, wi th thi s Svetya'.

55

It is the onlycertain case of -a instead of -aya in the f.I,sg.

of a gd-pronominal, since eta in RV 10.95.2a can be as well a n.

Ac.pl. (cf. § 13eIIbelow) and uparna in RV L31.15d and 8.69.130

is an adverb meaning 'most closely' .

It cannot be excluded, however, that tya here may be a li-·

cence due to the influence of the preceding svetya, an a-Instru­

mental of a noun which, ending as it does in -ya-, belongs to

one of the groups of a-stems where the l. ending -a is "particu­

larly frequent" (D&W, p. 116).

11) Etá- has f.I.sg. etáya in RV 8.26.19a smád etáya sukIp­tya 'together wi th t.his hymn of praise (sukIptya),.

-<'-It does not seem necessary to regard eta as a f.I.sg. like

tya in RV 10.95. 2a kim eta vaca kr:'Java távahám, since i t is pos­

sible to interpret it as 'how can 1 do these things (eta n.Ac.

pl.) with your word (Vaca ... táva)?', rather than as 'what should

1 do wi th this (etct f. 1. sg.) word of yours?' .

f) Taká- belongs to the same group of yaká- and anyaká- (cf.

§ lOe). Even though its m.N.sg. is not attested, its LN.sg. sa­ka makes it reasonable to assume that this gd-pronominal alter·­

nated a stem saká- in the masculine and feminine N. sg. wi Ul ta­ká- in the other case-forms. It is for this reason that it has

been included here in the tá-class.

14. a) The demonstrative aywn i8 used for indicating "what

lies near to the speaker" (Delbrück, 1888, p. 209). Its parac1igm

is characterised (i) by forms which have the structure rrln­

flected Form] ParticleJ in the m. and f. Nominative and n.NAc.

singular, (ii) supplet.i~e alternances inv01ving the four basie ., ., , p" ("') d '1 d' stems ~-, ~ma-, ana- and a-, and III -g -pronomlna en lngs.

Its forms which Qccur in the ~gveda are listed.- below in the

usual manner:

(22) ,

Forms of ayam

ayám 'this': mn. 5g. ayám (+48), imám (+52), idám (+83),

ena (18) and ená (1) anc1 anéna ( 3), asmái ( + 2 O), asmat (4), asyá, (+67) and imásya (1), asmtn (+21); duo ima (1)

and imáu. (2), imé (1), abhyam (1), ayó1 (4); .pl. imé (+25), iman (7) lima (+17) and 1:mani (8), ebht1 (16), e-

...¡.,. , ,. , ,. -1-

bhyál; (2), eEfaJn (2), e¡¿u (6). F.sg. 1.yam (+30), ~mam

§ 14] 56

(+25), ayd (21) and anáya ~2), asyái (~)~haSya~ (+11), a­sy~n (4); duo imé (19), ayo~ (l)i pI. ~ma. (+31), abhi~ (10), abhyá~ (1), asam (2) I asú (9).

, b) 1) The form ayám contains e, possibly from the stem a-(cf. §§ 14cII-III, 45aII--III, 46c), while iyám and idám seem to

contain a stem i! (cf. § 14cIII). AIl other direct cases in the

three numbers are formed from a stem rt:má-._ Even though i t is . , b most likely that this stem comes from the m.Ac.sg. ~mam, to e

analysed as being originally the Ac. im of the stem i!, joined

to the same -ám of the N.sg. forms (cf. D&W, p. 514), this can­

not b~ maintained in a strictly synchronical perspective. In , • -+ ., • -+h t f imám fact, to crea te new forms like ~mam, ~me, ~ma. e c. rom.,

presupposes that the latter is seen as containing a stem ~ma­and not 1:!...

In two instances, both of which are hapaxes, imá- goes beyond

the direct cases. They are the n.G.sg. imásya (cf. § 14f) vs.

common asyá and the adverb imátha 'in this manner'.

'1'he stem aná- occurs inthe ~gveda only in the variant 1. sg.

forms anéna and anáya, discussed in § 7bI1. The GL.du. anáyo~ is

attested only from the Middle Vedic Sa~hita-prose (eg. TS 2.1.4. 7--8, 2.5.8.2, etc.).

The remaining parts of the paradigm are made from the stem

a!.., resulting in forms which on the face of it look like bar e

gd-pronominal endings with the accent on their last syllable: , ..;t. ...... \ I " 1_ 1_

asmai e~am asyam vs. ,yasma~ ye~am yasyam.

11) The distributional pattern of the different suppletive

basic stems of the ayám-demons,trative in the ~gveda can be re­presented as shown in (23).

It may be remarked that a! in the m.N.sg. was evidently pre­

served or introduced in order to differentiate this case-form

from the f. iyám. With zero-suffix, an i-stem would in fact

yield a m.N.sg. iyám as in Old Persian mf.N.sg. iyam. It is thus possible to argue that if the stem aná- was re in­

terpreted from an old 1. a-na (cf. §§ 7bII, 25dIII, and D&\'l, p.

498 f.) and imá- from the Ac. [[i-m] ámJ , we could posit an

original suppletive pattern with i! in t~e direct cases (except

for the m.N.sg.) and a! in the obliques, which would be very

similar to the pattern that still obtains in the duo and pI.

Maybe it is not by mere chance tha,t Gatha-Avestan has inflected

§ 14J

(23) Distribution of suppletive basic stems in strative

sg. duo m. n. f. m. P. f.

---,----N.

, a~ . ,

'l-ma-Ac. . ,

'l-ma-

I. i aná·,-,

a- l'

a-

G. 'l-ma-. , ]

57

the ayám-demon-~

pI.

m. n. f. r-'--. , .' 1.-ma-

--------~-

forms of i- in the Accusatives, even though they have (been re­

duced to?) the status of anaphoric clitics: m.Ac.sg. Im, n.Ac.

sg. Tr, m.Ac.du. T, m.Ac.plo. T'8, n.Ac.pl. T (cf. § 7eIV).

It .ls in any case clear that suppletion is expanding in thi.s demonstrative.

e) 1) The three forms ayárf/ iyám andidám are peculiar in several respects.

In fact, the opposition between m. and f. is borne here by

the al terna tion a", i in the first ,syllable, the marked term be­

ing a, since i occurs both in the feminine and in the neuter. 00

the other hand, the n. form is opposed to the other two by means

of the alternation d",y. Yet, while vowel alterna'ti,ons are quite

comman in the Vedic inflectional system, internal consonant al­

ternations like d",y would appear to be at variance with it.

II) For this reason, these forms have be en commanly viewed

as containing an extension _·ám. In thi8 manner I the bases ay­iy- id- that remain after separating·the final element can be

regarded as the truly inflect~d N.sg. forms (cf. D&W, p. 513 f.,

who also reports on the preceding litera ture; more recent,ly A­drados, 1975, p. 821; etc.).

The m. N. sg. ay-, le. ~'Iai, has thus been regarded as f eg , (i)

a strong-ablauteq. stem l- with zero'-suffi.x (eg. Renou, 1952, p.

233), or (LO stem a- wi th an ending. or partiele -1.: I to be com.­

pared wi!:h Young Avestan f. N. 8g'. !Owoi from !Ou)a- 'your' f Osean

m.N.sg. pui. f.N.sg, pai and Latin m.N.sg. (archaic) quoi, f.N. sg. quae hae-c (ef. ·D&W, p. 513).

§ 14 ] 58

As for the f.N.sg. iy-, ie. I'~-::¡;, D&W remark that "it corre­

sponds to the N. of the i-stems" (p. 513). Since the f.suffix

-1;- is so rare in the gd-pronominals, it would seem more appro­

priate to regard this f.N.sg. *-::¡; as stem i- with lengthening,

parallel to the lengthened f. stems of other gd-pronominal forms

like f. ta-(m) vs. m. tá-(mJ or f. amU-(m) vs. m. amú-(m). Ob~ viously, the suffix is zero.

The clearest form is the n.NAc.sg. id-, which contains the

stem i- and the n.NAc.sg. suffix Id/'of yát kát etc. In fact,

the main reason for positing Idl rather than Itl as the under­

lying form of this suffix in Old Indic is that it appears as d in idám and possibly also in adá~ and adó, cf. I.sg. triv~t-a, catu~pád-a, but n. NAc. sg. triv~t 'threefold', catw¿pát 'four­

footed', The form survives without the element -ám in the Vedic

emphaticparticle tt (cf. Grassmann, 1872, p. 202; Delbrück,

1888, p. 495; etc.), as well as in Avestan n.Ac.sg. -::¡;t 'it'

« "'i1¿) and Latin id.

III) These analyses, however, approach the three forms from

a diachronic perspective. And there are good reasons for doing

so, since they are old forms that have parallels in Gatha-Avestan

m.N,sg. ayam, aem, Young Avestan f.N.sg. "im « I'¡iyem), Old Per­

sian mf.N.sg. iyam, and possibly Latin id-em 'just this'. This

Latin form was later reanalysed, giving rise to "i-dem ea-dem etc.) •

Viewed from a synchronic perspective the structure [[Inflect­

ed Form] ám] appears very similar to the structure which can be , W ,

seen ln the parallel case-forms of the asau-demonstrative, ie.

[[Inflected Form] {áu, ás}] (ef.. § 16c). Both can be regarded

as instances of a more abst~act structure [í'l ptclJ that' seems

to occur in Old Indic only in these forms of the a~ám- and asáu­demonstratives (cf. § 49a), while in the Nominatives of the

1 l 'k t' - I , persona pronouns 1 e vam yuyam etc., -am seems to function

synchronically as a case-suffix (cf. § 39bII) even though it

cannot be excluded thatoriginally it was the same -ám of ay-ám etc.

As inflected forms, f.N.sg. III and n.NAc.sg. lidl fit quite

well into the gd-pronominal morphology, since they have the same

structure of eg. ya and yát. v.]hat is less clear is lai/, ie. e, , as a m.N.sg. formo We would expect lisl or at most lil (with

zero-suffix like s6), which would result in I'~ú¿ám and 1'¡1:yám re-o

§ 14 ] 59

spectiveIy. Of the various solutions suggested, Renou's seems to

rely on the parallel of m.N.s~. v~~ 'bird', which occurs inthe

l3-gveda 5 times against i ts regular doublet vD] (6 times in the

13gveda ). It is the only instance of an i-stem with strong ablaut

in its m.N.sg., where these stems have usually reduced grade and

the suffix Is/, as kt~ 'who?' and agnt~ 'fire'. Only sákhi­'friend' behaves differently, having the ending -a which it

shares with the x:- and n-stems, cf. sákha vs. pita and ukr:¿a, re­

spectively from'pit~- 'father' and ukr:¿án- 'bull'.

On the other hand, it has to be pointed out that if /ai/ is

regarded as a form of. stem a~, (i) a m.N.sg. suffix -i does not

occur elsewhere in Vedic, and (ii) to consider this -i as a par­

ticle would require us to complicate the structure fw ptclJ in-. v.7 to [W ptcl ptclJ , entirely ad hoc for the m.N.sg. Rowever, on W . a synchronical level it is possible to regard this /ai/ as being

on a par with the base /yái/ that occurs ego in y~-na, m.pl. yé etc., that is as a stem with an i-extension (cf. §§ 33, 45a). In

this case, if the element i here is a stem-extension, the form

/ai/ maywell be regarded as a simple stem-shape with 0-suffix,

on a par with sá and /asál (in m.N.sg. asáu, cf. § 16cI, as well

as §§ 26, 44aI-II).

d) In the octosyllable RV 10.135.7c iyám asya dhamyate na!t~ 'this flute (naIt~) of his is blown (dhamyate)', as well as in

RV 1.186.11a and'7.66.8bc (and AV 3.10.4a), iyám counts metric­

ally as a monosyllable in the first position of the verse. Kuhn

(1869, p. 368) and Grassmann (1872, p. 209) suggest that it

should be read as tm, just Iike Young Avestan "im < 1·~iy8m. Yet

this kind of contraction would seem to have very few paraIlels

in Vedic. It would be much simpler to suggest in these cases

yánl, as (a poetic licence?) based on the frequent oscillation

1.:y-y before other vowels (cf. vJaekernagel, 1896, pp. 197 ff.).

Something similar is cornmonly recognised for example in bhiyás­m. 'fear', whose Ac.sg. bhiyásam counts as three syllables in

the hendecasyllable RV 10.120.2b áátrur aasaya bhiyásaJ7} dadhatí 'as an enemy (áátruh) he causes fear to the fiend (dasaya)', but

has to 'be. counted a; disyllabic bhyásaJrl in the octosyllable RV

9.19.6b bhiyásam a dhehi áátruE¿u 'instil fear in the enemies'

(cf. Wackernagel, 1896, p. 202).

+ , f e) For mn. 1. se¡. en(1. and ena, as well a s for the longer orrw;

§ 14 ]

'anéna and anáya see §§ 4b, 7bII.

f) The n.G.sg. imásya occurs only in RV 8.13.21b imásya pahy ándhasaJ: 'drink of this soma-juice (ándhasal¡) '. Tedesco (1945,

p. 138 f.) notes that this hymn to Indra seems to be old, even

though it contains this form which, on the face of it, strongly

reminds us of the Middle Indic diffusion of the stem ima- to all ..

the oblique cases (cf. ego Pali Ab. imasma, DG. imassa, L. ima­smim etc,). He maintains, however, that "the gen. imásya could

be formed to the acc. imám at any time in Old Indic" (p. 139) .

Nevertheless, the form is quite isolated in Vedic: other oblique

cases from imá- start to appear only in Classical Sanskrit (cf.

D&W, p. 515).

g) Ayóh always occurs a t the end of a verse, but is recog­

ni sed by the Pada-text only in RV 1.185.1a and 6.25.6a, where

it is respectively LG.du. and m.G.du. The

f 'h ' - 'h renees o m.L. ayo. in the phrase saeayo. other three occur­

'together with these

two (RV 1.174.6c, 3.54.2d, 10.l05.ge) are misinterpreted in the

Pada as sáea ayól¡ (ef. ego D&W, p. 518).

h) The forms of the ayám-demonstrative listed in (22) can be

used both as nouns (heads of phrase), as in examples (24a, b),

and as adjectival modifiers, as in (24c):

(24) a. RV 6.59.5ab

indY'agnT 1<ó asyá vam dévau máY'tas ei1<etati 'o Indra and Agni, who this (secret) of yours,

o gods, does know (eiketati), (even if he is) a mortal

(máY'taJ:) ? '

b . RV 1. 22 • 1 7 ab

idám visnuY' vi eakY'ame . . . tY'edha ni dadhe padám 'this (world) did Vi~~u stride across (vl eakY'ame), three times he left (ni dadhe) (his) footprint'

c. RV 7.55.5cd

sasántu sáY've jñatáyal¡ , t ' bh; . I h sas,v ayam a 1.-to Jana.

'all the relatives (jñatáyal¡) should sleep,

these people al1 around us «()'bh1~fIZ7J) ~~hould sleep'

=

61

15. a) Besides the forms of the ayám-demonstrative listed

in (22), there are two other sets of forms which are identical

to them insofar as their segmental tier is conc~rned, but which

differ intheir accent. The first ones lack the accent alto­

gether, while the second ones are accented on their first syl­

lable ra~her than on their second one. In addition to this, no

direct case form is attested for either of the two sets. In con­

sequence, since for the I.sg. there are only the masculines ena and ena, apart from possibly the feminine áyCi (cf. § 15e), all these forms are from the stem a-o

The forms that occur in the ~gveda are the following:

(25) a. Accentless forms: mn. sg. ena (3) and ena (1), asmai (+23), asmat (6), as ya (+85), asmin (+10); duo Cibhyam (1); pI. ebhiJ: (4), ebhyaJ: (13), e?mn (+55), e?u (10).

F.sg. asyai (1), asyaJ: (+11), asyam (2); pI. abhih (4), abhyaJ: (2), ?isam (24), asu (15). .

b. Forms with first-syllable accent: mn.sg. ásma?: (5),

ásya (12). F. sg. áya (1); pI. abhiJ: (3) ..

b) Delbrück (1888, p. 28 f.) states that the accentless

forms have always an anaphoric rather than a deictic meaning. As

an example, he quotes the following verses:

(26) RV 1.32.6a-c

ayoddhéva durmáda a hi juhvé mahaviY'~ tuvibadhám rji~ám nataY'id asya sámtti~ vadhanam 'because like a drunken (duY'mádaZ~) non'-fighter (ayoddha)

he had challenged (a ... juhve) the hero oppressor of mp.ny (tuvibCidhÓJn), the attacking

one (1,,>jil}ám), (yet) he did not resist (ataY'1:t) the violence (sámr:tim)

of his weapons (asya ... vadhanam) '.

e) 1) According to Delbrück, the unaccented forms are never

used in adjectival positibn.

Oldenberg (1907, p. 825 ff.), however, questions this view

and ca11s attention to a number of passages from the ~gveda such

as those quoted in (27) below, wheré he argues that the accent-

1ess forms of a- are "used adjectivally".

J

§ 15 ]

( 27) a. RV 8.2.20a-c, 21ab

mó ~v adyá durhá~av.gn say~ karad aré asmát aBrrrá iva jamata 112011 vidma hy as ya vrrásya bhuridQvarr~ sumat1m 'Never (ma u sú) today (being) harmful (durhár¡avan) should he make (his) night-stay (sayám) away (aré)

from us 1 ~ 'h) . 1 like an unpleasant (asr~ra. son-1n- aw.

Because we know (vidma) his, the hero's (or: this

hero' s) I

munificent benevolence (sumat~m)'

b. RV 6.22.3a-c

tám rmaha lndram asya rayá~ puruvtrasya nr:váta~ purukf}ó~ yó áskr:dhoyur ajára~ svarvan 'to'him we ask (rmahe), to lndra, it, the richness

(or: this richness)

(which has) many heroes, many men, much cattle,

which is abundant (áskr:dhoyu~), not ageing, sunny'

62

Oldenberg maintains that the relationship between as ya and

vrrásya or rayá~ in (27a, b) is different from the relationship

that holds between asmai and lndave, asmai and de vaya or asmai and vf~~e in examples (28) below, which he quotes in this re­

gard:

( 28) a . RV 9. 11 . 1 ab

úpasmai gayata naral] pávamanayéndave 'sing (úpa ..• gayata) to him, o men,

to the clear Soma (tndave)!'

b. RV 3. 13 . 1 ab

prá va devayagnáye bárhi~tham arcasmai 'to your god, to Agni,

most loudly sing (prá ... arca) to him'

c. RV 9. 91 • 3 ab ,-, , d " . Vrf}a vr:f}r¡e roruva ~sur asma~

pávamano 11ú,~ad rrte páyo gó~

§ 15 ]

'as a roaring (y'ópuvat) bull (VfflO) for a , '1 ' soma-plant (a~su}) for hlIn

while it gets purified it produces (¡'pte)

sat) milk (páya~) of cow'

bull, the

clear

He sees, however, a sort of borderline case in examples like

(29a, b) below:

(29) a. RV 5.29.3ab

utá brahmar¡o maY'uto me asya 6

• d J' , -h V1 ra f somasya su::;,utasya peya. 'and, o pious (bpahmar¡a~) Maruts, for me

lndra should drink (peyal]) it (asya) , the well press­

ed soma'

b. RV 1.134.6a-c

tvá~ no vayav eE}am ápuy'vyal] sórr¡onam prathamál] pTtlm arhasi sutanam prtlm arhasi 'you, as the first one (ápurvya~) of us, o Vayu, them

the ~omas you are entitled (arhasi) to drink (prtlm) as the first one (prathamálJ) ,

the pressed ones you are entitled to drink'

11) A closer examination of the verse structure of these

passages shows a clear-cut dif:f;erence between such examples as

(27a, b) and the other examples (28) and (29). In the latter,

which do not appear to differ from each other as muchas Olden­

berg thinks, the accentless pronoun and the noun occur within

units between which a poetic parallel or contrast is clearly

drawn. This is obvious when the pronoun and the noun occur in

different verses, since in Vedic poetry each versetends to be

an independent structure. But even in cases like (28c), where

the two words occur in the same verse,

position between the first part of the

ne róruvat 'a roaring bull for a bull'

mai 'the soma-plant for him'.

there is a clear-cut op­,- ., hendecasyllable vr:fla vff}-, , and its cadence mrsur as-

As our translation of these verses is intended to brinq out,

these cases can, be interpreted quite naturally as parts of di f­

ferent juxtaposed constructions, which occur quite frequently

in informal speech, and which are used here for poetical pur:-

poses.

§ 15 ] 64

111) However, this kind of interpretation would appear rather ·am ..... h' ~ , , ~ h • d awkward in V1- a y asya vLrasya (27a) or in tam 1,ma ,a ?Jl Y'cun

asya rayálJ (27b). lndeed, Oldenberg's (1907) translation "of

this hero" (p. 828) and "(of) this richness" seems at first

sight to be appropriate and, consequently, to falsify Delbrück's

(1888, p. 28) claim that the accentless (and anaphoric) forms

of a- are never used in adjectival position. However, it appears , .

tó me that interpreting asya vh,ásya or asya rayálJ as r-1odifier­

Head Noun, ie. as [[asya] rvIrásyal 1 is not the only option A . 'NNP

available in the case of Vedic.

Even Oldenberg considers the possibility of regarding them

as instances of epexegetic appositions, that is of two nouns

placed side by side in the same case, one of which (in prose u­

sually the second one) in sorne way explains the other. Examples

of this construction can be seen in the following passages,

which are drawn from Middle and Late Vedic texts:

(30) a. TS 2.1.4.4

té deva vaisna'/Jaruntm '/Jasam alabhantaindrám ukE¿anCUl) tál'(l '/JárufJen~i vá gr~hayi t1)a '/J-íE¿r¡.una yajñéna prar¡.udanta 'the gods offered (a alabhanta) a Vi~~u-Varu~a cow and

an lndra bull (ie., a cow for V. and V. and a bull for

1.). Having caused it to be seized (grahayitva) by Va­

ru~a, they drove (it) away (prá ar¡.udanta) by mean s of

Vi~~u, by means of the sacrifice'

b. SB 4. 1 • 4 • 2 , h . " ..... - t b 'h k' t 't h te aL te agre nane'/Jasa ur ra ma ca f}atral'(l ca a ,a .'

, ' ..... k . , b'hm . , 'k t ..... d I -t th ..... t sasa a1,va ra a m1.-tra r:te ~a ra , varur¡.a, s / a /UJ7}

ná ksatrám váruna rté bráhmano mitrat • .. It· •

(Mitra is identified with the priestly caste, Varu~a

with the military caste) 'at the beginning (ágl"e) they' ..... - .

were so-to-say separate (nana 1.-va) , the priestly caste

(bráhma) and the military one (kE¿atrám). Then the

priestly caste, ie. Hitra, was able to exist (sasaka ... sthátum) wit,hout (r:té) the military one, ie. Varu­

~a, but the military one, ie. Varu~a, was not (able to

exist) without the priestly caste, ie. Mitra'

Oldenberg (1907) rejects this option out of hand, maintaining

that it i~ not possible "to do away with all the passages that

have be en quoted for adjectival asya etc., by assuming for them

all an epexegetic appositioning of the substantive" (p. 82Q).

§ 15] 65

But his line of reasoning may be based more upon

feeling of a Furopean translator rather the linguistic

standing of such constructions than upon a true under­

as those illustrated in (30).

d) 1) lf Delbrück's (1888, p. 28) statement about these ac-centless forms is therefore to be regarded a~ V~ll'd 1 . ' "" . " we 1a ve a s~mple ~xPlanation for the third set of forms here under con-

slderatlon, nam~ly those with first-syllable accent that have

been listed in (25b). Both Delbrück (1888, p. 29) and D&W (p.

518) observe that théy always occur in the first position of

the vers~_~itn-llie'6nly'excepHon'of"tne'hapax"aya,'for whi~h cr.TT5e. Delbrück notes furthermore that they occur "both .

d. . ln

a ]ectlval and in substantival use" (1888 29') b , p, . , ut has sorne doubts about how to explain them.

On a closer examination of all

with first-syllable accent it the occurrences of such forms

appears that they are used as 'nouns', that is as anaphoric pronouns, in several instances such as those quoted in (31):

(31) a. RV 6.23. 5ab , • , , -.p.

asma1.- vayal'(l yad vavana tád vivir¿malJ lndraya yó nalJ prad1vo ápas kálJ 'to him we, what he won (vavana), that we brought

(vivif!malJ) , to Indra, to him who from days of old (prad1va~) has

done (kálJ) service to us'

b. RV 5.17.2ab , 1,' , , asya n1.- svayasastarah asavidharman mányas~ 'because in front of,him (a' - +) sya.o.asa I more self-glori-

( " • h ous svayasastara.), o Vidharman, you believe yourself'

11) However, the passages of the Rgveda where

have seen an adjectival use, such as ~hose quoted

appear tq be open to a different interpretation.

(32) a. RV 5.64.3b-d

mitrásya yayam patha , ., I , •

asya pr1.-yasya sarman1.-áhll1JsZinasya sascipe-'T w01l1c1go (!/fi?!~!I/) (W Mit"a's I'ath.

sorne authors

in (32) below,

§ 15 ] 66

In the shelter (8árma~i) of the (path) dear to him,

(dear) to the one that does not harm (áhúlJsanasya), do

they stay (sascire) '

b. RV 8.23.23a-c

abhir vidhemagnáye jyér¿thabhir vyasvavát mlm:thi~thabhir mat'Íbhil: sukráso(d~e 'may we pay worship (vidhema) to Agni with them (a­

bhi!:) , with the best ones, as Vya~va did (vyasvavát), with the most liberal (mlm:thir¿thabhi!:) hymns, to the

brilliant one'

With regard to (32a) Geldner (1951, 11, p. 72) translates 'of

this dear peaceful (Mitra) 1, 'taking ásya as a demonstrative. But.

the adjective pr1~yá- 'dear' usually governs a G. (or optionally

a D.), as in RV 8.19.31c tvám mahTnam ur¿ásam asi priyá!: 'you are

dear to the great U~ases'. Consequently, in (32a) ásya can be an

anaphoric pronoun governed by priyásya, while áhi0sanasya can be , interpreted both as an apposition to asya or as a second com-

plement to priyásya (pathá!:J. In the verses quoted as (32b), Geldner (1951,11, p. 330) sim­

ply tr'anslates "with these best, most liberal hymns", while the

verse.structure clearly displays the same kind of construction

which was discussed previously in connection with examples (28)

and (29).

111) It appears therefore that the forms with first-syllable

accent, ie. ásmai, ásya and abhi!:, arealways used as anaphoric

pronouns, that is with exactly the same semantic value of the

corresponding accentless forms. Their occurrence, however, is

restricted to the first position in the verse. Since this is

exactly the position in which the accentless forms are never

found, it would appear that forms with first-syllable accent and

¡ accentless forms are in complementary distribution.

It is interesting to observe that the same accent pattern is

exhibited by the Vocative forms (cf. Delbrück, 1888, p. 33 ff.;

D&W, p. 27 f.), as examples (33) clearly show:

(33) a. RV 1.12.8ab

yás tvam agne hav'Í[¿yati1j I

{WI', f ¡'yn!

67

'the lord of oblation which (y67: ... hav'Ír¿pati7:), oA­

gni, + r- I honours, o god, you (t.oam) as a messanqer ('Iutam) '

b. RV 1. 1 .~. l1ab I .-ava .'H.'<la vanaspo t.e

déva devébhyo hav'Í7:z 'let off (áva s1"Ja), o Lord of pldnts,

o god, the oblation for the gods'

In (33a) the V. deva is accentless because it is not at the

beginning of the verse, while in (33b) its first syllable is ac­cented b~cause the form occurs in precisely that pósition. Yet

normally this word has a second-syllable accent: devá7:, dev6m, clevébhyarJ etc. The most obvious way of handlingt118se facts i8

to regard the accentressformsasbasic or -underlying, ",hile

such-fo~~~-as J~;nai, ásya or cléva can- be viewed as the result_,[

a phonological process that creates an accent on the first syl­

lable of an underlyingly accentless word when it occurs at the

beginning of a verse or, more generally, of a sentence (ef. De1-

brück, 1888, p. 33: "a Voeative at the beginning _of a sentence

i8 aceented, but on its first syllable").

e) The only occurrence of áya is within a verse in the fol­

lowing passage:

(34) RV 6.66.4a-d 11+ t . "/- I na ya ~~an e Janu~o ya nu

antá!: sánto 'vadyani punana!: • 'd d h I I I 1, • I rnr ya u re sucayo nu J or¿am

ánu sriya tanvam ukr¿ámana!: 'those who do not hasten" away ctr¿ante) from (their) birth

(janúr¿a!:) ... beeause (yát), washing off (punana!:) (their) sins while

being inside (antá!:), (they), the radiant ones (súcaya!:), milked (her) accord-

I • I ing to (their) pleasure (anu Jor¿am) ,

gr0wing so as to match (ánu ... ukr¿ámana!:) (her) body. with

(their) splendour (spiya f.) I

Geldner (1951, 11, p. 168) takes áya in the first verse as

the adverb aya I in this manner " .but is unable to explain why i t

has,the accent on its first syllable.

~------------.. ------.. --(S 16 ]

68

According to our interpretation of the forms of a- with first , --syllable accent, however, aya should be the anaphorie f.I.sg.

aya, which cannot be an adverb, at the beginning of a verse or

of a new sentenee. Aetually, it would seem that the only way to

avoid manipulating the received text is to regard the first

verse of this stanza as having a sentenee boundary between its I , .... t . f h 1_ I firs~ part na ya ~~an e Janu~a., and aya nu 'still with her',

I _

The anaphorie aya eould thus refer t.o the Maruts' mother Pr~T)i, mentioned in the preceding verse 6.66.3d¡ the meaning would be

in this manner '(instead) still (being) with her', whieh is de­

veloped in the following verse with antáfJ. sántafJ.. Alternatively, , - I .-+ aya eould be cataphoric to Sl1Lya in verse d: 'instead with it, washing off their sins .•. '.

f) In eonclusion, we believe that it is possible to argue

that the two sets listed in (25) are basically forms of a single

anaphoric pronoun 0.-, which is restricted to the non-direct

cases and bears no accent when it Occurs within a verse or a

sentence, but assumes an aeeent on its first syllable like the

Vocatives when it oecurs at the beginning of a verse or a sen­tence.

It should be noted that, strictly speaking, this accentless

pronoun 0.- should not be grouped together with the ayám-demon~ strative, sinee all the peculiarities which mark off the latter

from the other classes of gd-pronominals bear upon its direct

cases. Taken by themselves, the forms of a- can also be classi­fied with the at- or the am-group.

16. a) 1) 'rhe demonstrative asáu "is used with objeets that

are further away from the speaker" (Delbrück, 1888, p. 209) than

those objects which are referred to by means of ayám. 1ts para­

digm is characterised (i) by having forms with the structure

[W ptel] in the m. and f.N.sg. and the n.NAc.sg., (ii) by form-. . W I

lng lts other case forms from the u-stem amu-, but (iii) it has

a base amt- in the m. and n. plural forms where the other gd­

pronominal s have a base in -e¡ and (iv) by having mainly gd­

pronominal inflections but (v) some special forms in the dual.

1ts forms Occurring in the ~gveda are listed below:

(35) Forms of the asáu-demonstrative

(:13áu 'that I : mn.sg. (2), adá/] (i) and o.(ló

1

¡ .

§ 16 ]

(1), amúqm(d (1), amúrpnat (1)., aJriÚ"lya (16); pi. nmt(8), omtl.}arn (3). F.sg. a.sáu (2), (jmUm (.2); pi. fD!iú'J .. (3) •.

11) Because of its verylow frequen~y; also the missing

forms supplied by both versíons ofthe Atharvaveda are not many:

mn.sg. ar.lúna (only in thePaippalada version,.U.6.7), amú:¿m7~YI¡ pI .. amun, omu, amtbhyaf:; f. se¡. ilJriÚI}J.¡,a(l ¡du. (¡/(fU.

Most of the·ot.her forms, however, are already attested in

Middle-Vedic prose texts. It should he n¿ted that D&W state that

"there are no suffieient grounds for douhting the age of any of

the forms attested in the elassieal language" (p. 528). In fact,

the Rgvedic forms do not differ from the Classieal Sanskrit:

form~, and similarly the Atharvanie forms, with the exeep:ion

of n.NAe.sg. adó (for whieh cf. fe, 16eII) and n.NAe.pl. amu, which was later replaeed by its doublet amuni, just as of ya"­yani and pUY'Ú '"'-' pUY'U:"'" pUY'ur}1: 'many' onl y yard and pl4-Y'!ir;i su r­

vived. Moreover, the idiosyncraeies of the dual have sorne paral­

lels onlv in forms that are beeominq obsolete already in the ~g_ veda (ef~ §§ 16e1I, 50eI1). In eonsequenee, it 8eems proper to

regard them asrelies rather than as post-~gvedic innovations.

For these reasons, to which it is necessary to add the im­

portanee of the a.sáU-demonstrative for a better understanding of

the gd-pronominal morphological system, it may be useful to take

aecount of its complete paradigm, ie. also of its forms whieh

oecur only after the ~gveda. rrhe latter forms are marked by square braekets in (36).

b) We can regard the alternations between the bases amt- and amú-"'olnU-"'amúy- as instanees of alternations of basie stems

(amí- or am~ and amú-, cf. §§ 38d11-III, 46). Aeeordingly, the

suppletive oppositions would involve (a) the stem asá- in the

mf.N.sg., (b) a~ in the n.NAc.sg., (e) amú- in all the other

ease-forms, exeept (d) ami-or am~ in the mn.pl. cases where

the gd-pronominal a-stems ha ve an e-base.

The fact that the maseuline and feminine N.sg. should have a

stem of 'their own is similar to the distribution of the s-stem

in the tá-elass. But the separate charaeter of the n.NAe.sg.,

with both its stem a~ and its doublet partieles /-as, -au/,

seems to have no parallels in the morphology o~ the la~guage. Not dissimilarly, the suppletive basie stem amL- or am- has an

idiosyncratic distriblltion in its being restrieted to the m.N.pl.

§ 16 ] 70

and the mn. plural oblique cases.

It is interesting,however, that if it is true that the Ac,

amWn is a reinflected older l'~amú, which was the Ac. l'~am (of a!.) joined to a particle -u (cf. ego D&W, p. 531), we could have

he re a trace of an older system where a!' had a wider distribu­tion.

(36) Full paradigm of asáu

m. n. f.

sg. N. , aaau

, asau

adáJ:, adó Ac.

, amwn ...,..

amum

I. [amúna] [amúya]

D. , .

amu9,ma1- [amú¡¿yaiJ

Ab.

G. ,

amu¡¿ya

L.- - [amúqminJ

duo NAc. ramuJ ~

IDAb. [amubhyam J GL. . r amúyoJ: J

pl. N. -+ am1-[ amu, amU"niJ amuJ:

Ac. [amU"nJ

I. [amtbhiJ: ] . r amU"bhiJ:J

DAb. r amtbhyaJ: ] r arriubhyaJ: J G. -+ - r amur¡am ] amu¡am

L. r amt9,u J r amU"r:¡u J

e) 1) .The long a of the m. /asau/ is difficult to explain if

the deictic particle contained in this form is reqarded as be~ng the same l'~Ú of the Ac. am-ú-m (cf. Brugmann, 1911~ p. 355; more

recently, Adrados, 1975, p. 819). In this manner, in fact, we

would expect the unattested l'~a8ó. Indeed, in Ancient Greek there

WTTW·

71

is O\'í-TOS; which would appear to contain :'~so + u, but already A­

vestan has unmistakably mf.N.sg. hau 'that', while m. :':sa + U

would have resulted in )'~hao or l':heu .. It is true that in Old Per­

sian the parallel mf.N.sg. hauv matches mLN.sg. iyam in the

'this'-demonstrative, but it is also true that Avestan, like Ola

Indic, distinguishes in the latter gd-pronominal m.N.sg. ayem, aem from f. ~m « *iyem). It appears, therefore, that to posit

an extension o·f the originally f. forms hau and ascÍu to the mas­

culine for Avestan and Old Indic would be incompatible with the

tendency of these two languages to differentiate these two case

forms in the gd-pronominals.

It is for these reasons that Tedesco (1947, p. 118 f. i eL

also Klein, 1978, pp. 197 ff.) suggests that "the simplest in­

terpretation of the Indo-Iran. masc.-fem. *sau would rather seem

to be that here )':aa., )"aa had not been compounded with )'<u, but

with an ablaut alternant *au". In a synchronic perspective, this

suggestion can be translatea as implying that m. and f. ascÍu should be viewed as two different forms at an underlying level,

namely /asá + au/ and lasa + au/ respectively. In fact, both

would yield /as~u/ according to the normal sandhi processes.

11) The n.NAc.sg. adáJ: has be en regarded as a /d/-neuter of

stem a~ joined to a particle *aa (so ego D&W, p. 350).

Adrados (1975, p. 820) suggests that it should be derived

from a stem l"ede-, attested also in Hi tti te edani and ediz, re­

spectively DL.sg. and Ab.sg. of a 3.rd per50n pronoun (whose

stem, however, is cornmonly regarded as being a-, cf. Friedrich,

1960, p. 68), in Old Iranian clitics like Young Avestan mfn.Ac.

5g. dim, n.Ac.sg. dit, etc. Accordingly, in the Old Indic form

the stem adá- would be joinedto a suffix or particle /s/. How-" ever, no n.NAc.sg. case suffix /s/ occurs anywhere in the lan-

guage, while if we regard /s/ as a particle similar to the /as/

which is posited by the alternative analysis, the resulting form

would have zero-suffix: [[adá 0J aJ . But this would be very W W

surprising in the n.NAc.sg. of an a-stem.

111) In RV 1.187.7a, quoted here in example (37), adáJ: ap­

pears as adó before the unvoiced consonant p:

(37) RV 1.187.7a-d

yád adó pito ájagan . , , - -" ')0:':1, 1 Pi) 1:1'0 fifu.:¡m

§ 16]

átra cin no madho pito áram bhakE{óya gamyaJ¡ 'when that one (adó), o Nourishment (pito), has come,

the morning glow (vivásva, n.) of the mountains,

here for us, o sweet Nourishment,

72

come in sufficient amount (ár'am) for drinking (bhakr¿aya) '

However, before a word beginning with such a

underlying /adás/ should surface either as adá1 sás pamsta in 19b).

consonant, an

or as adás (cf.

This is indeed a ttested in RV 6.56. 3a utadá1 par'ur¿é gávi 'and

then (adáh) to the spotted (parusé, L. of goal) ox', where the . . adverbial adáh is morphologically not distinguished from the n.

NAc.sg. (cf. ~he adverbial yát, k~m etc. mentioned in § 7bI).

AIso the three instances of adá1 s- (RV 1.105.3a, 10.72.6a, 10.

120.3d) and the single instance of adá1 s- (RV 9.65.22c) point

towards /adás/ (/adár/ is implausible, cf. D&W, p. 529). Instead,

the four instances of adó befo re voiced consonants (adó r- RV

8.10.lb, adó d- 8.26.17a, adó y- 10.155.3a, adó v- 10.186.3a)

may, on the face of it at least, be either /adás/ OY /adáu/~ D&W (p. 529 f.), following Oldenberg's interpretation, regard

adó in RV 1.187.7a (in our example 37) as due to "the influence

of the nearby words wi th -o (p1:tO ... no madho pito) ". Tedesco (1947), instead, suggests that the n.NAc.sg. of the

asáu-demonstrative "can also represent original 1:adáu, with the

same particle as appears in asáu (= ~':asau)" (p. 119). He argues

in fact that "in (Western) Middle Indic, -o crowds out all other

sandhi-forms of -aJ:o From a very early time, therefore, Rigvedic

tradition had to guard against the intrusion (oral or later

written) of Middle Indic -o for ~a1 ... In this attitude, the

purists have probably over corrected also the type 1:adó svar into adáh svar" (p. 119). In consequence, he maintains that in

RV 1.187:7a adó pito "the surrounding o-finals, especially madho before pito, so-to-say reminded the redactor that final -o had

a right to exist also befo re a voiceless stop" (p. 120).

However, we cannot overlook the fact that adá1, ie. /adás/,

is well established in all the later stages of Old Indic, also

in the Atharvaveda and the Middle Vedic prose-texts whose lan­

guage was probably not yet as heavily influenced, as in the sub­

sequent periods, by an authoritative tradition of grammatical

studies. In consequence, we would prefer to maintain it also for

+-1¡e Rgveda. Tecl(~SCa (1947) may be corrf'ct, howev1'r,in clclimjnl'

16] n

that adó, ie. /adáu/, had at least "a right to exist". In fact,

we may regard it as an attempt to establish in the asáu-deman­

strative the same pattern as in ay~n, namely a single partic1e

/áu/ (and respectively /ám/) for both mf.N.sg. and n.NAc.sq. As

far the synchronic status of l1dó against adál:¿, however, we can

only guess whether it is an isolated formation, a dialectal farm

or even an optional variant within the main dialect of the ~gve­

da.

d) The adverb amuya 'in that manner' is not the f.Lsg. "amú­ya with (adverbial) accent shift, as claimed for example by

Grassmann (1872, p. 93). D&W (p. 75 f.), in fact, have shown

that it belongs to a group of adverbs formed mainly fram u- and

a-bases by means of a suffix -ya, ef. raghuya 'quickly' from ra­ghú- 'quick', anuEf.thuya 'immediately' from anuqi,:hú 'immediately',

and sumna¡¡a 'devoutly, piously' from sumná- 'benevolent' (as n.

also ;dev~tion, prayer'), kuhaya 'where?' from kúha 'where?',

. etc.

+ e) 1) We have already reealled that the f.NAc.du. amu is at-+

tested in the Atharvaveda (cf. § 16aII). In AV 20.128.1ed surYG0 camü risadasaJ:/tád devaJ: prag akalpayan 'the sun and those two,

the destroyers of the enemy (risadasa1)' the gods so (tát) set

them in order (akalpayan) befare', there is .also a rather ob­

seure form ámu, apparently a m.Ac.du., even though the expected

form would instead be amu.

11) The n.NAc.du. amU does not match either the other gd-, . , . pronominals or the u-stems. The former, in fact, have ye ~me

which in this case form is probably /{y~, im~} + 7:/ (cf.§ 35dI),

while the latter ha ve in the ~gveda urvt 'wide, broad' (ie . .l.l -f- .+ ~ 'k ' /uru + 1/), and in the later language the type Janun~ nees,

with the same case-suffix Ir/ bound to the n-base that the n.

u-stems generalise before. vocalic suffixes.

Accordingly, sinee the m. and f.NAc.du. form amú agrees with

the u-stems, which have ego bahu m. '2 arms' and dhenu f. '2

cows', wewould predict the n. to be *amvt or *amÚn"i. However,

neither of th~se forms is anywhere attested. D&W therefore ten­

tatively suggest that "here a masculine form has been used also

for the neuter, because this case was rare in the neuter" (p.

532). This is certajnly pnssihle, sincp there arp samp instancf;

§ 17J 74

of masculine forms being used instead of the neuter forms in Ve­

die, as in the an-adjective anarván- 'that cannot be harmed',

whose m.Ac.sg. anarva~am should be construed with the n.Ac. sór­dhal; 'host' in RV 1.37.1ab kr1:!érrr;. val; sárdho marutam/anay'vanam rathesúbham 'to your playing (kr1:~ám) Marut-host, that cann~t'be harmed, that flies along in chariots (rathesúbham)'; for other

examples cf. D&W (p. 32).

Nevertheless, it should be noted that the n.du. paradigm amU amubhyam may ha ve a parallel in the type ak~t ak~tbhyam of the

neuter i/n-heteroclites like ák~i 'eye', sákthi 'thigh', etc. It

is an old type because, on the one hand, it has a parallel ego

in Avestan asi asibya 'eyes', usi usibya 'ears', while on the

other hand it already begins to be assimilated in the 10.th Book

of the ~gveda to the dual of the m. and f. i-stems of the vrkt­class, with the creation of NAc.du. sakthya (RV 10.86.16b,i7d).

Note that in the ~gveda there are no occurrences of the GL.du.

of either ák~i or the other words of thls group. In the Atharva­

veda, the prevailing form is ak~y6l; (like the devt-class) while

it is commonly held that the couple of occurrences of aks6h and

ak?~61 should be restored as ak~yol; (like the v~kt-class: ~f. D&W, p. 304), a form which is actually attested only in Middle

Vedic texts (eg. VS 21.48). In Classical Sanskrit, on the other

hand, the duo paradigm of these heteroclites will be normalised

into NAc. ak~i~1:, IDAb. ak~ibhyam, GL. aksnoh. In conclusion, the n.NAc.du. amu does not need to be a m.

form, but may be as well a full-fledged neuter form created when

the system ak~t ak~tbhyam was still alive in the language.

17. a) There is just one, rather obscure instance of a gd­

pronominally inflected consonant stem: the m.L.sg. yadrsmin from

yad~s- 'like which'. It occurs hapax in RV 5.44.8c yad~smin dha­yi tám apasyáya vidat 'in whichever one she has been p~t (dhayi), may she obtain it with activity (apasyáya)'.

Two bther case forms of this word are known in Vedic (accord­

i~~ to Vishva Bandhu et al., 1942-63, p. 2573): the m.N.sg. ya­d~n in Middle Vedic texts and the n.NAc.sg. yad~k, already in

RV 5.44.6a yad~g evá dádrse tad~g ucyate 'what has be en seen,

that is told' (possibly also adverbially 'how it has be en seen,

so it is told'). In Middle Vedic prose also the L. yadfse is

found, from an a-stem yadfsa-.

75

b) It should be noted that no other form of this word shows

a gd-pronominal ending, and that all other members of this qroup

d" .

of compounds of ~s- 'look, appearance' (eg. l.d-f:/J- 'such', kTdf.(;--, h tI' k ' t-d' I , d' , . . w a l e? ,a ~s- such', sa r:s- 'like, resembl ing', etc.)

always have distinctly nominal inflections. There i8 however

reason to think that a certain lack of morphological stability

existed for this group of words, for example (i)their partial

shift to the a-stems in the later language (eg. in the Brahmanas

f h d"" ~ orms t at occur are m.Ac. sa rsam, 1.sg. sadrsena, D.sq. sadr-saya, m.pI. sadfsalJ, n.pI. tailfsani, etc.), (~i) the idlosyn-'

cratic distribution of m.N.sg. forms like k1.cZf.ñ and sadf.ñ vs. m.

svardi:k 'looking like the sun' or m. rafJvásCW)d:(k I appea~ing beautiful' etc., that in the yadfs-class is restricted to the ,

n.NAc.sg. (cf. D&W, p. 246), and (iii) the lack of forms like 'k-d' I , ;~ 1.- rrr;;sam that would indicate that. the members of the yadr:s-class had undergone a paradigm reorganisation with the result

that they alternated, as ego ápac- ápañc- 'backward', a weak

/ " , ,

stem -dts/ to a strong stem /-dtns/ which would regularly give

m.N.sg. -'dfñ through /-dfn~ + s/ -+ /-drnks/. Instead, such m.N.

case forms appear to be isolated within the paradigm of these

words.

STRUCTURE OF THE SINGLE CASE-FORMS

18. In this section the single forms that have been seen a­

bove will be examined in more detail wi th regard both t.O their

internal structure and to the relationships which hold between the different parts of the paradigm.

Our aim is not to explain how the forms actually occurring

originated from an earlier and not directly attested stage of

the language. Rather, as we already argued in §§ 1, 2, we try

to obtain as clear a view as possible of the synchronic system

into which these forms are organised. In this respect, however,

the perspective which we adopt becomes very different from that

of most of the work so far conducted on the morphology of the Vedic language.

1 9. a) I) Sorne examples will illustrate this better. Let us

first consider the f.L.sg. forms yásyam tásyam, along with de­vyam and sénayam (although it is not attested in the ~gveda), which are their corresponding

r-stem devt- f. 'goddess' and case-forms in the paradigms of the , -of sena- f. 'host, army', the most

frequently used paradigm-word for the a-stems.

Thumb (1958, 12) states that tásyam is like devyam (p. 140), butsees a clear-cut difference between the latter and sénayam. In fact, he claims with regard to the r-ste¡ns that "we would ex­

pect an Old Indic )'~-yai = Indogermanic -ia-1: > -iai for the stem 1""\ "'" t"\ 1""\

-kCi- (thus = Dative) or a )'~-yi = Indogermanic -ú:-i for the stem

-T-. Beside -~a~ it ispossible to postulate a s~ntence doublet

-~a both for Dat. and Loe.; it would appear ~hat this -ia was

specially restricted to the Loe. in Proto-Arian (cf. th~ Avestan

Loe. barentya = Old Indic bhárantya[m] from bhárantr, ~Époucra and Old Persian Harauvat1:ya (' in Arachosia I ) ), and further re­

ceived in Old Indic an extension -m, in which a 'particle' -(e)m is seen" (p. 64).

For the L. of the a-stems, he claims instead that "the Indo­

germanic ending *-a~ «-a + i ... ) is left, if we separate in ,- -senay-am the termination -am. It is usually postulated that -ay was enlarged at first with the postposition -a (cf. the Iranian

Loe. -ay-a), and in a second time wi th a particle )"-em (= Old

Indic -am) or *-m ... The ending -ayam was then the starting point

for the formation of the Dat. -ayai and the Gen. -ayal]: the

§ 19] 77

existence of dev-y"ám : dev-yái : dev-ya~ (in the T-stems) entail­

ed for séna-yam the forms séna-yai, séna-yal] instead of *senai, -:~senah" (p. 46).

II) Other authors have explained the same facts in different

ways, often less elaborately than Thumb did.

Renou (1952), referring to forms like yásyai yásyal] yásyam, maintains that the. endings D. -syai, AbG. -syal], L. -syam "re-

semble the endings -yai, -yal], -yam of the feminine inflections

of nouns in long vowel" (p. 233). However, his explanation of

forms like devyam is different from the explanation given by

Thumb. He argues, in fact, that "the L. -yam has a new element

-m substituting for the usual ending, or rather enlarging the

bare stem in -ya" (p. 218), which is the full-grade ablaut of

-T- (p. 218). As for the a-stems, he maintains that the endings

-yai, -ya~, -yam "are taken from the T-stems and carried un-

changed after the base-final a" (p. 219).

Kurylowicz (1964) also holds that the D., AbG. and L. endings

of the a-stems originated through analogy of the T-stems, be­

cause these two classes of stems in a number of case forms

showed no difference "except in the timbre of the thematic vow­

el, a versus T" (p. 219): -T -Tm -TI] -Tbhil] -Tbhyal] -Tnam -TfJu vs. -a -am -a~ -abhil] -abhyal] ~anam -asu. Accordingly, he claims

that "forms like devyái, devyal], devyam are conceived as trans­

formations of *devT.+ yai, *devT + yal], *devT + yam (the stem

-T- being imposed by the series -T, -T + m,-T + 1], -T + bhil] etc,), "with a morphological dropping of -T- before the ending.

Hence devr- : *devr-yai (realised as devyai) = sena- : sena-yai, etc." (p. 220). In his opinion, the a-stems must have had "orig­

inally sing. dato *-ai, abl.-gen. *-as, loe. *-am" (p. 220).

III) Let us examine in sorne detail what these three authors

have to say about these f.L. forms. Thumb postula tes an Indo-European case-suffix level where

L.sg. was -i also for the a-stems. Yet the straightforward pat­

tern [stem suffix] , ie. -a + i, would have been blurred by W th later developments that produced by two different paths e ap-

parently similar 'endings of devyam and sénayam. These should

instead be analysed as in (38). At a certain point in the history of the language the speak­

ers would have reanalysed these two forms in parallel ways(ilev-

§ 19] 78

yam s~na-yam), and consequently created the new forms of the a­stems.

(38) Thumb's analysis of de7Jyam and sénayam

stem

devya , -sena

case

suffix

y

enlargements

postposition particle

m

a m

There are in this way at least two levels of constituent a­

nalysis: (a) the historical or gene tic constituents of a form,

and (b) the way in which this form is thought to be felt by the

speaker s and (possibly) to have caused processes of analogical remaking.

Also Renou and Kurylowicz isolate the element -yam (together

with -yai -ya~) although they do not appear to accept Thumb's analysis of the historical constituents of sénayam.

IV) However, f. L. -yam cannot be· seen as a single block in

the attested s~ages of the language, because there are several

instances of f.L. -am not preceded by -y-. In the ü-stems, other

tha~ the types tanv1- or tan7Jt (with 'metrical lengthening'?), and

tanu L. sg. of tanu- f. I body', there is the type .37JaSr7Jam from I 1 ___

svasru- f. 'mother-in-law', which will completely replace the

other forms with -i and 0 in the later language in the polysyl­

lables (cf. D&W, pp. 188" ff. for evidence on this process). The

r-stem usr- u[!ar- f. 'morning light' also has aL. wi th -i in RV

5.53.14c usrí., one with 0-suffi.x in the compound usar-búdh­'waking up early' and one with -am in RV 10.6.5a u;ram.

In addition to this, in the later language the f. u-stems like í.s.'u- 'arrow' '11 h t' 11 • - • , • _ Wl ave op lona y ~~7Jam, and similarly ~~_ 7Ja~ ~~7Ja~, beside respectively í.~au í.~ave í.~o~ like the m. u-stems. In the ~gveda there are alreadyí.~vai and í.~va~ (in ~g_ veda 6.75.15d and 10.18.14b respectively), while no L. form is

attested for this word. It should be noted, however, that the

m.-like forms í.~a7Je and í.~o~ occur from the Atharvaveda in both its versions.

V) The correct generalisation appears to be that -am, to­

gether wi th D. -, u: ano G. -al;, ShOlll el bp reo, I rded as a sper'; al

191 79

ending of a number of essential1y f. stems (the seven m. nouns

of the de7J't-cIass, Iike lia~tl01:'- 'ruIer' or the proper names NámI­or Sóbhar1:'- do not change this overall picture in a significant

way). This lis consistent with other areas where, in the words of

D&W (p. 10), there were "special endings for mascuIine and femi-'­

nine within the same stem cIass", ego Ac.pl. m. -1:'n -un -r:n, f.

-~~ -ü~ -t~, f.N.pl. -1:'1 instead of -aya1, etc.

In the late~ language this pattern was to become further ar­

ticulated in the paradigms of the i-, u- and t-stems, that de­

veloped for several case forms separate endings for the m., the f. and the n.

b) 1 )Consider now the paradigm of de7Jt- 'goddess' shown in . ~

(39). The forms of thisw6rd which are not directly attested in

the ~gveda are marked bysquare brackets:

( 39) Paradigm of de7Jt-

sg. duo pl. N. de7J't de7Jt de7Jt1 Ac. de7Jtm " " V. de7J-z: de7J1:' de7J1:~1 I. de7Jya [ de7Jtbhyam ] [de7Jtbhi~J D. de7Jyái " [ de1)'tbhya~ ] Ab";;- de7Jya1 11 " G. " [de7Jyó~J [ de7J1:nam ] L. de7Jyam " [de7Jt~u ]

It should be observed that the G.pl. of de7Jt- does not occur

in the Rgveda or in any of the texts scanned by Vishva Bandhu

et al. (1942-63). D&W (p. 165), however, observe that the accent

is not fixed in this case forro .;for the words with de7Jt-inflec­

tions and last-syllable accent, even though they apparently have

a tendency to accent the case-suffix in the ~gveda. In this text,

in fact, four stems accent ~nam (bah7J1:nam 'of the many ~nes',

abhi-bhañjat~nam 'of the destroying ones', 7Ji-bhat~nam 'of the

shining ones', bhuñjat1:nam 'of the pleasing ones'), one accents

the ~ OI the stem (de7Jayattnam 'of the god-serving ones') where­

as two stems have both accent types (mah1:'nam and mahtnam 'of the

big ones', a-y~t~nam 'of the coming ones' and yattnam 'of the going ones').

11) We shall flOt consider herethe accent of the Vocative

§ 191 80

case forms, which ls irrelevant to our present purposes (cf. §§ 5,15dIII).

In the other case forms, the accent rests on the last syl­

lable of the stem, but shifts to the case-suffix when this be-~ -

gins by V-, and optionally when it begins by nV- (on the assump-

tion that the G.pl. eno.ings -Vnam of most vocalic stems shoulo.

be analyseo. as -V + nam, that is, as containing the allomorph

/nam/ of the G.pl. suffix /am/, cf. ~ 28c). This can be captureo. ,l,¿

by representing as [(n)V .. J the context of this accent-shift. -- suf

111) As for the segmental tier, the whole paradigm seems to be built upon three alternating bases:

(40) Bases in the parao.igm of devt-

i. dev?;: [ J, in the [-c7 ... JJ '- W

N.sg. anO. NAcV.o.u.

ii. devy: [ V( ••• J] -- 'v.7

iii. devi: [ J , in the --W V.sg.

Base (40iii) shoulo. be explaineo. separately, because in sever­

al Veo.ic inflectional types the V.sg. has a special stem. This

leaves us with an alternation dev?;"'devythat can be treateo. on

a straightforwaro. phonological level by means of the sano.hi-rule

that /1/ becomes y before a o.ifferent vowel (unless uno.er some special cono.i tions, cf. v.7ackernagel, 1896, pp. 197 ff.) .

In this manner, it is possible to regaro. the whole parao.igm

of devt- as involving only a V.sg. stem devi anO. an uno.erlying

stem /o.evI/ in all the other case forms. It is interesting that

this also enables us to see in the case forms that characterise

the devt-class exactly the same case-suffixes that occur in the (f-stems:

(41 )

sg.N.

Ac.

I.

D.

AbG.

L.

V ..

devt·- 'goo.o.ess'

de V t-r;d devt-m devy-a devy-ái devy.;..ah devy-am

¡t"/) ,/ --1;1

séna- 'host'

sénCi- ?íJ , -sena-- m ,

senay-a , - . senay-m,

sénay-al¡ , -senay-am

,~, 'ne- VI

§ 19 ]

o.u.NAc.

GL.

pl.NAC. i" .,~

G.

devt-ff devy-6(l

devt-l¡ dev?;-nam

séne- ff sénay-ol¡

séna.- l¡ séna.- nam

81 \

devt- anO. v~kt-class-0.' ly the o.ifference between the Accor J.ng, , in (a) the latter' s lacking.the ac-

eS woulo. lie synchronJ.cally b d (b) the following , o. 'n § 19bII a ove an cent-shift we mentJ.one J.

set of suffixes:

(42) devt-class v~kt-class

sg.N. 0 /s/

Ac. /m/ /am/

D. lail lail AbG. lasl /as/

L. laml 0

o.u.NAcV. 0 /al

pl.NAcV. Isl las/

W' 164 ff.; Renou, 1952, IV) TraditionaJ an~lyse6S2 (:~. ) D:~~ ~~steao. in the case forms 218- 'rhumb 1958, I p. . -f'

p. " d +- f . o. with the case-suf J.xes. d f· d vyah devyan¡ a base evya use , "evya1- e. 'ld b the extremely common --e, le. For the D. the sufflX wou e

lai/. '-h ie Is/. This suffix For the AbG., instead, lt would be.,: '-1 and vay6-

, d stem in forms llke agne } also occurs wlth an ablaute ~_ 'fire' anO. . t' ely u-stems agn1- m. h from the 1-- and respec J.V . ~. , i hort

.~ , l' I 'moreover, attested ln stems n s vayu~ m. \Vlnd. It J.S, I , . d di 6-h. 7 It also seems

'-h 'the ox's the cow s an y . f. p diph'thong: go . 'u, ( 'the phrase pat1-r dan ' dán 'the house's ego ln to be present ln f RV 1 149 1a 1.153.4c,

h 'in the cadence o . _. , 'lord of the ouse , l' o. throuqh

h -n should be exp aJ.ne _ 10.99.6a, 10.105.2c), w OS~am~am (in RV 10.46.7a). The AbG.

Idám + si because of G.pl. ~t 'h I iver' s I from r-stems 'k itúh Ifather's' and ua u. 9 . "

forms II e P. , I I ' b underlying Ipi t:¡; + s, may also ~ontain this suffJ.x s, J.e. e, -rsl to -uh is

dat:t + si, al though the change from Underly~n9~/ p. 203' e~c.). . ,( f D&W P 206; Renou, ,. ,

not wholly clear c '. ',., 1 t diachronic level, ie. b ·tt to pos~t J.t on y a a

It is perhaps e er. " t I-usl or I-ur/ 1:-r - s > -uh, regarding this ending as beJ.ng JUs

sy~chroni~ally (cf. also note 7) .

§ 19 J 82

In the case of the L. there are, instead, no other forms

which would enable us to isolate the case-suffix of devyam in a

non-arbitrary way, because under this kind of analysis also sva­srvam and tsvam would contain a base in -va-.

. d ~ 2 As for the I.sg. evya, Thumb (1958, I p. 64) posits the

same stem devya- joined to the common I.sg. suffix -a. In terms

of the framework developed here, this would mean underlying

/devya + a/ to yield surface devya. D&W (p. 169), howev~r, point

out that "--ya of the r. sg. is predominantly disyllabic, -yai -'yalJ -yam of the other singular casespredominantly monosyllabic" (in

the verses of the ~gveda). In consequence, they maintain that "-ya is based upon -T-a, not -ya·-a".

V) According to the aboye analysis, devyti- would be a strong-d -+ P 1+ "+) 'h ablauted form of ev~- (and similarly $vasrva- of svasru- , Wlt

an alternat.ion ""i"'ya and Ü"'Vcr.that occurs also in other areas

of Vedic morphology. For instance, Wackernagel (1896, p~ 85 f.)

calls attention to j""i-,-...,jya- in it-ya-te 'he is overcome', ,jt_ jya-sa- 'to want to overcome', parama-jyti- '(having) supreme

powe;', and to -""i-'-""-ya- in the suffix of the optative, ego ac­

ti ve brü-ya-t vs. middle bruv-""i-tá from brü- 'to say'. As for

the ü""" Va al terna tion, i t occur 8 eg. in sud-a- m. 'sweet dr ink ' vs. svad-ú- 'sweet'.

VI) However, we are of the opinion that even though in prin­

cipIe an ablaut ""i "'ya f!1ay be present in the paradigm of the de-~ . d 'od 40hd + V~-class, the alternative analysls of evya~ evya. evyam as

/devl+ {ai, as, am}/, which has been suggested in § 19bIII i8 to

be preferred in a synchronic description of this language. There are three main reasons for this.

In the first place, the distribution of the strong-ablauted

stern in the dev"t-paradigm would be strikingly different from

the distribution of the strong-ablauted e- and o-bases in the

paradigm of the (ablauting) i- and u-stems. In the latter, in

fact, strong-grade ablaut is present in the D. and AbG.sg; ag­náy-e and agné-l], in the V.sg. agne and in the N.pl. agnáy-alJ (and, correspondingly, in vayáv-e vayó-lJ vayo vayáv-alJ). In the

I.sg. there is reduced-grade, the attested forms being (i) the

type mat"t from matl- f. 'wish, mind', that occurs only in f. ~_ nouns (and can even be short as in susastl from susastt- f.

'goodpraise'; yet cf. § 2geI, III), (ii) the typematyaand

..-I

,q] 83

. -(111) the type ~gn~na.

In the -,<. L. sg. the 1: -stems have generally the two types agna I

and agnau (for their distribution cf. D&W, p. 152 ff.l, whereas the u-stems have other than

! , , ,

pasQu (from pasu- ffi. 'cattle') also - ,. ~ - I

the type sunav~ (from sunu- m. 'son'I.8 Only this latter case

form i8 parallel to vCiyáv-e etc.; the other ones, whatever i8

their most proper analysis, are clearly formed in a different manner.

In addition ta this, it is significant that strong-graded

forms should not occur in the V.sg. and N.pl. of the dev"t-class.

Indeed, this induced D&W (p. 168) to posit a lost Indo-European ending )':-yas for the N .pl. of this class.

Consequently, in order to treat devyái etc. as containing a

stem with strong-ablaut, it would be necessary to specify not

only (a) that tl1e dev:t-nouns have abJ.aut in their paradiqm, but

also (b) those case forms in which they have the strong-grade,

since its distribution would be idiosyncratic to t.heir infJ.ec­

tional type. An analysls which can dispense with such specifi­

catlons while remaining sufficiently adequate to the facts woulcl

be preferable for obvious reasons of simpli~ity and general e­conomy.

VII) In the second place, it is necessary to take account

..... + t • f ' . d ' • val of forms like yuvatyal] yuvatyam from yuva ~- . mal en ,~.~ /

isvah from tsu- f. 'arrow', or usra1 usram from uSP- f. 'morning .. . light', where -ai -al] --am occur wi th stems that are nei ther in 1: nor in u.

On the one hand, i t should be recalled tha t ya and va are

commonly recognised as strong-grade of long vowels, not of short

vowels as in this case (cf. Wackernagel, 1896, p. 83 ff.; Thumb,

1958, 11 pp. 268 ff.).

This apart, the diffusion of a special kind of stem-ablaut in

the f. i- and u-stems appears to us somewhat less likely than

the diffusion of a special kirid of suffix marked as feminine.

Crucial in this respect are the forms from usr-, which in terms ..... of an ablaut analysis would contain a rather unlikely stem usra-

instead of being simply /usr + as/ etc.

VIII) Thirdly', it must be conceded that an ablaut analysis

of devyái devyalJ devyam (and possibly of devya as well, yet see

~ 19bIV aboye) can dispense with the rule of accent-shift in

§ 19 J 84

these case forms, which is required by the other analysis. This

would obviously represent an advantage. Yet such a rule is re­

quired in any case for devYÓ1 and devTnam, where it is clearly

impossible to invoke a stem devya- (that in the GL.du. would result in the unattested 1'~devyáu1).

e) 1) Renou's and Kurylowicz's analyses seemed to capture an

interesting generalisation, namely that devyam, sénayam and tá­syam all contain the same element -yam. If this is to be broken

down in devy-am, this generalisation becomes impossible, and a

new account of the other two forms is called foro We ha ve al­

ready seen in (41) that for the a-stems a reasonable alternative

would be sénay-ai sénay-a1 sénay-am, ie. the same f. suffixes

bound toa base /s~nai/, which could thus be seen as alternating

in the a-paradigm with /s~nai/ (in V.sg. and duo sene, I.sg. I _ , I

senay-a, NA~.du. sene and GL.du. senay-0 1) and /s~na/ (in all the other case forms) •

From a synchronic standpoint the alternation /a/~/ai/ in the

a-stems cannot in any case be avoided. The base in /ai/ may then

be viewed, eg., as the lengthened grade of /ai/. Since sénayai sénaya1 sénayam in any case require a separate eXPlanation,' our

ablaut analysis would appear to be at least as acceptable as the

theory of the affixation of a ya-element to the unchanged base ' -sena-o

11) From a diachronic point of view, such an analysis offers several interesting pos~ibilities.

Adrados (1975, p. 418) for instance Suggests that the G. in

-aya1 has been restructured analogically from *-eHX 2-os, that

would ha ve become regularly *-aya~ in Old Indic. In other lan­

guages, according i o his reconstruction, these laryngeal stems

opposed to N. *-eH~2 a G. *-eHX2 -s, that resulted in Greek xwpa/ xwpa~, Old Latin via/vias, Lithuanian merga/mergos 'girl', Gothic giba/gibos 'gift " etc.

Alternatively, sénaya~ could be seen as a hypercharacteriza­

tion by means of the suffix -a1 of an older AbG. form l'~sénai, which may have coexisted wi th l':sénas. Even though i t is not at­

tested in the ~gveda, this AbG. -ai (syncretic with D. -ai) spread considerably in the f. of several stem-types in later

Vedic, from AV 4.5.6c svápantv asyai jñatáya~ 'may her (asyai instead of asya1) relatives (jñatáya~) sleep', until the sutras.

§ 19 ] 8" ( J

It never completely replaced -a~, however, \olhich in Classical

Sanskrit \vas to be established as the only f.AbG.sg. suffjx in

t D&W (p 40) state that a parallel suhstirution of these s ems. . .. "

-ai to G. I~ occurreq in Young Avestan yet, in their opinion,

independentIy. As for Old Indic, they see ~he cause ~f this

, th fact "that in sandhi -as (-ah) and -IU fell to-process l.n e _, . " gether before vowels yielding -aY ... For th1.S reason -Q1 acqU~red

more weight and éould represent before all consonants the un1.t­

ary antevocalic -aY" (p. 40).

d l.'n old times, or if f.AbG, l'~-a'i If this had aIready occurre

Id have another origin (yet different from Latin Y'osae, fa-cou ~

'1 • rchaic -ai that would seem to contaín the same -1.- of m1.-~1.-ae, a, I _ _ ,_ _ .

1 1 T) the three case forms sénayai senaya~ senayarn could be G. ~ui? , . I _ .•

seen as reaffixations of a previous syncretic "sena1.-. As a D.

and L. form, this has in fact many parallels in the síster .lan-

the Greek datives xwP<t -tlEq., Old Latín FOY'tunm., guages, eg., , Oscan De-íva-í, Gothic gibai, Lithuanian mergai, Old Bulgar~an Y'<i!­ce 'to the hand' (with -e < l"-ai) , and the E:e~n Locative ~AUjJ-

"J( Ca L I in Olympia " Old Latin Romai, Oscan v1.-a1.-, Old Bulgar1.an 9 race 'in the hand', etc.

~

• I-

d) In the case of the gd-pronominal f. form.=. yá~y~ tasyaJn, nd the strictIy reIated yásyai tásyai and yásya~ tasya1, our

:nalYSiS entails ego yásy-ai yásy-a~ yásy-am. In other words, ,a

direct connection yás-yai : dev~yái is ruIed out at a synchronlc

level. This is unavoidable, and might even be regarded,ast:e­

sirable. Indeed, the contrary might have been strange ln e

light of the fa~t that the sy-containing feminine case forms of

the gd-pronominals are really very old reIics, since,they ha~e

1 r parallels not only in the Avestan f. gd-pronoml.nal endlngs c ea o d 'the D. -hyai, Ab. l'~-hyat, G. ~'~-hy(f(s), L. l'~-h~~ ~~tte~;e_ eg'i:n~ . f rms from the stem a- 'this' ahyai and a r¡ha1.-, a f)tzat, a r¡ha,

Q .. h - - f h -' one and the a1.- ~he) and in Old Persian f.G. hama yaya rom ama , d f L ahyaya from a- 'this' (which have introduced same an •• _

after the segment -hy- the ending -aya of the AbGL. of t~e a-. .. d ~ ,t SS1.-as t b't also in Old Prussian D. stess1.-e1.- an J. B e

s ems, u , tas 'he stessies from the f.sg. paradigm of the demonstratl.ve S "

f f the f gd-pronoml.nal the'. Given this evidence, the sy- orms o . ,

paradigm must in the first place have a historical explanatl.on

which must go far back enough to account for their occurre~ce , butalso in a conservat1.ve not only in the Indq-Iranl.an area, -

§ 20 J .86

Baltic language. Anel 'f h l. t ey appear to be synchronic system of Vedic,

isolated within the

of their being relics. this can only be d d ¡ regar e as evidenc~

1 2 O. a) I) Another point where a synchronic approach ead to results that differ strikingly f - can

, rom those of a ,diachron-lC approach is the proper assessment of the Let b' n.NAc.sg case formso

us rlefly resume the relevant facts.

In the words of the at-class, listed in (9) " always -at as in át ' ' the endlng lS and the t" y, anyat, tvat. The same form OCCurs with ká-

~a-class, that have respectively kát d t't The I f • an a etc.

, ayam- and asau-demonstratives have idám and ad'h d' whlchweanal'd " a.lao,

d' yse as contalnlng beside the particles -am' -a'h

an -o the ' f1 . '," ln __ ected forms lidl and I di (f §§ . Since underlying Idl b t a c o 14c, 16cII-III) o

ecomes before a pause it is " see the samesuffix Idl also in yát kát t't' . posslb1e to b '_ . , ' I a etc., bound to a ase ln a WhlCh lS the simple stem of these words.

II) In 18 ~gvedic gd-pronominal " words, however, the n.NAc o sg. ending 18 conslstently -ami which exc1ud - t except' 1 es a. The only

-. lon seems to be 'Z-tara- 'other' d th d ' t ' an en only l'n L t V

lC exts (cf § lOd) It h a e e-o • s ould be noted that wh'l 11

case forms of sárva- 'all' and 'k _" ,~. e a other t e a one do not dlverg f

he gd'-pronominal p d' , . e rom in th Atl . ara 19~ ln the ~gveda (even though éka- has

e larvaveda L.sg eke) th ' , . ,e remalnlng 16 words of th' group all have also case forms that pattern with the d,lS of the nominal stems.' For instance • , _,' para 19m inal D 11 _' ,V'Z-sva each, all' has nom-

.sg. V'Z-svaya, Ab.sg. v1svat and L 11 , occur ' .sg. V'Z-SVe beslde several

§ rences of gd-pronominal v1svasmai v1svasmat v1 s'v .

l1bI). v asm'Z-n (cf.

Since al1 these words are b asic a-stems, their endl'ng he analysed -am can as con8isting of the s ff' U lX -m joined to the 81'mple stem.

The same ff' . su lX seems to be present in k1m 'what? a " yet ln association with an i-stem that ' ." nythlng, of th lS present ln some areas

e morphology of this interrogative-indefinit the one h d . .e pronoun. On

an , ln fact, it occurs in the form k1h of th ~lternative to the much more common káh. On the' th he m.N.~g., lS the bas f . o er and, lt

e o a number of derivatives like k1yant- kT:d"- V" vant- etc. (cf. § 12b, c). ' ~s, 'Z--

§ 20 ] 87

111) For the sake of completeness, we may also add to these

two main types the form yad~k from yad~á- 'like which'. However,

strictly speaking it does not belong here, because it patterns d

I I

with the irflectional type of a group of compounds of ~s- 'look,

appearance', that have zero-suffix in their n.NAc.sg. like most

consonant stems. We may recall here that their stem-final á can­

not appear before pause or obstruen'ts, where i t is replaced by k. Other s-stems have t in all or only some of these contexts, ego

V'Ís- f. 'settlement' ,has N.sg. v'Ít, 1.pl. viCjbh-tlJ- (+/vit+bhls/) 'k I • I • , ..... but L .pl. V'Z- fJu, beside Ac. sg. v'Z-sam, 1. sg. 1.)'l,sa f etc. However,

the rule system that accounts for 'these aIternations still re­

mains incomple'tely understood (cf. Wackernagel, 1896, pp. 173

ff.; Kuiper, 1967).

b) 1) It lIJust be pointed out that the suffix Id/ marks the

n.NAc.sg. of an a- or i-stem only if this is a gd-pronominal,

ot.herwise it may occur with an ~-base in the old neuter r/n-he­

teroclites for 'Iiver' and 'excrement', whose NAc.sg. is yák~-t , I 'k 1 o (AV 9.7.11a, 10.9.16a) and respectlvely sa t-t. As a con se-

quence, the endings -at and -it, ie. the association of Idl with

an a- or i-s·tem, have aIways been considered to be typically gd-

pronominal. The suffix -m appears in this case form only in the nominal

a-stems and in the an¡-cIass of gd-pronominals (as well as in

k'Ím). AIl other stems have different forms: in the vast major­

ity of instances zero-suffix, perhaps occasionally -i (eg.hÍrd-i 'heart', ák~-i 'eye' etc., cf. D&W, p. 34).

The ending -amhas thus been traditionally considered as nom­

inal, on a par with other endings of the nominal a-stems Iike D. sg. -aya, L.sg. -e, m.N.pl. ~a~ and -asalJ- etc., that can occur

side by side with their correS'ponding gd-pronominal endings -a8~

mai -asmin -e etc. in the gd-pronominal words that have been

grouped here into the am-class. As we have already seen, in fact,

most of them also have - or can have - nominal endings in some

of those case forms for which the othergd-pronominal words have

special endings.

11) It has already been sta ted . in § 12bII tha t the form Hm is more frequent than ká-t in the oldestparts of the '!3gveda, and

completely replaces it in later Vedic and Classical Sanskrit.

Its -m does no,t pattern wi th the forms that are commonly regard-

§ 20 J 88

ed aS,normal for the gd-pronominals (yá-t, ká-t, li-d/). Nor

does lt pattern with the nominal i-stems, that have 0 like .- A

n ' co '" bh+· . J am-z-. nsangulnlty or ur-z- n. 'much'.

From, Bopp ,(1827, p. 149) on, one common explanation has been

t~at thlS -m lS due to analogy with the nominal a-stems. However

~lnce the most Ob~ious targets of such an analogical process,

le. the g~-pronomlnal a-stems like yá- or tá-, have Idl instead, more cautlouS authors such as D&W (p. 562) or Renou (1952 . 236) h - ,p.

ave preferred to avoid taking a clear-cut position and have limited themselves to setting forth the problem.

, 111) Tedesco (1945, p. 131ff.), noting that "in Middle In-d~: all neuter pronouns have -,n: Pali for eXálmple has tam . h-m etc." (p. 132), instead of Old Indic tát yát etc l' ~am, that R d' "k~ . '01 C alms

.,gve lC -z-m is a Middle Indic form" (p. 132).

In ,his interesting study, he tries therefore to demonstrate

that ln the ~gveda there are two dialects, a kát-dialect that "made up the oldest literary language" (p 135) d k'. , 1 o ,an a -z-m-dla-ect that was a form of "archaic Middle Indic, which was th

spoken l· . e anguage of the later Rigveda poets" (po 141) o rt should

be stressed, however, that Tedesco has be en unsuccessful in i-

dentifying other features that should distinguish this dial t

as systematically as k1m does. This is because all other so~c called p k 't' ,

, ra rl lsms ln the ~gveda, such as RV 8.13.21b imás a asya, RV 1.97.8a naváya 'with the ship' vs . n-av+a t y vs. ", . , e c. tare lsolated tentative" forms, as Tedesco himself puts it, which

OCCur only occasionall M , , y .. oreover, he remarks (p. 139) that the

ma~orlty of the passages with k1m, 46 out of 61 are not oi 1 t orlg' d' 'a e

ln accor lng to the cri teria of Arnold (1905 p 22) Th are k J , ,. • ere

even sorne -z-m-sentences where the future is archaically ex-

pressed by means of t~e aorist subjunctive, as in the hendeca­

,,~llable RV 5.30. 9b hm ma karann abatá asya sénah 'what w'U

111'-0 weak hosts (abaZaJ¡ ... sénaJ¡) do (karan aor. subj.) to \,

'~'he lilain reason for arguing that k1m is an (archaic) M::~l' Indlc form' th t' h' , e t' lS a ln t lS later morphological system itis en-~rely no~mal (even the nominal i-neuters have ego in Pali be­

slde akkh-z- 'eye' also akkhim) , whereas in the Old Indic V d' system 't e lC

1 seems to be "an erra tic rock and unexplainable" (p. 139) •

IV) Yet is this really so? From the distributional data a-

§ 20 ] 89

lone it can be seen that it is not true that in Vedic the n.NAc.

sg. case form of the gd-pronominals has -t, ie. Id/o In fact, in

the ~gveda eleven gd-pronominal words have /--ad/, one is /ü1j,

while eighteen other words have -amo Other than these, and the

nine words for whom no n.NAc.sg. is attested (see § 10aI), there

are only yad~k, which properly does not belonq here (cf. § 20aIII), and ktm.

In other terms, all the relevant forms that do not have /d/

have /ml in association with an a-stem. In addition to this,

most - but not all - words that have -am typically can have nom­

inal endings in sorne other case forms. Yet in (16) we see a

striking difference between -am and the other endings. The first

one is shared consistently by all the 18 relevant words and

never alternates with -ato The other ones, instead, oscillate

considerably and often co-occur side by side with typically gd­

pronominal endings. Accordingly, this consistent distribution

of -am, taken together with the existence of k1m, can be best

described synchronically by stating that thegd-pronominals have

two concurrent case-suffixes in complementary distribution for

the n.NAc.sg.: Idl and Iml preceded by the simple stem in short

vowel.

Given this, and given that in several other case forms the

inflections of the gd-pronominal a-stems are not distinquished

from those of the nominal a- and a-stems, what we can predict

isprecisely that the gd-pronominal words which have -am will

fluctuate between nominal and gd-pronominal inflections. Since , I -, .. lO'" I .. I A anyat anyasya has anyasm-z-n, and pr-z-yam pr1.-yasya has pr-z-ye, v-z--

svam v1svasya might easily be felt to require vtsve rather than

v1svasmin. In other words, the ambiguity of v1svam gave rise to

(or preserved?) the possibility of assigning the word to two

conflicting paradigm classes, the gd-pronominal and the nominal

one in -a- and -a-o With this basically fluctuating picture, it

is only natural that in the actual language use the choice of

one form instead of the other should be influenced by different

extra-grammatical factors, such as the speaker's personal taste,

the existence of authoritative examples, etc.

Finally, in Classical Sanskrit the usage was fixed by the

grammarians' pr~scriptions, that required for example sarva­'all', visva- 'all' and eka- 'one' to be fully qd'-pronominal

and have -am instead of -at, whereas purva- 'first', para- 'far­

ther', avara- I low.er I ~nd other words could also have nominal

§ 21]

90

endings in the mn.Ab. and L. singular and in the m.N.pl. beside

gd-pronominal -asmat -asm1:n -e, and so on (for further details cf. ego D&W, pp. 587 ff.; Renou, 1968, p. 379 f.).

Interestingly, this oscillation of the old words of the am­class between gd-pronominal and nominal endings survives down

into Pali, in spite of the disappearance of the ending -at (re­

placed by -añO and the generalisation to all the nominal mn.

vowel stems of the gd-pronominal -smQj-mha -smim/-mhi. In fact,

even though Pali grammars are seldom accurate on this issue, it

would seem that, while sorne old words of the am-class like sab­ba- « sál"va-), pal"a- and apal"a- have the same endings of the

gd-pronominal ya-, a few other words like pubba- «puy¡va.-) and

uttal"a- (old am-class words) and the new ekacca- 'sorne one' may

oscillate between ego nominal f.L.sg. uttal"aya and gd-pronominal

uttaY'assam, or gd-pronominal m.N.pI. ekacce and nominal DG.pI. ekaccanwn (cf. Geiger, 1916, p. 101).

21. a) In the case of the n.NAc.sg. forms yát lidl visvam ~

and k1-m we have seen ip § 20b above that an analysis based on ~.

the concept of ending-could resul t in a set of four i tems, ie.

I-ad, -id, -am, -im/, the last one seeming to be quite idiosyn­

cratic within the inflectional system of Vedic. We noted, how­

ever, that an alternative analysis based on the concept of suf­

fix, which is traditionally cornmonplace for I-adl and I-idl (cf.

ego D&W: "the NAcc.Sg. ntr. of the a-stems, and originally of

the i-stems as well, ends from the parent-language in -d", p.

496), enables us to collapse the two types vlsvam and klm into

a single structure, that may be described for the time being as in (43):

(43) [{vlsva, H} m]

W The segments Iv{sva, k{1 ha ve been qualified as stems, Iml as

case-suffix.

A similar structure, but with Idl instead of Iml, also fits yát and the inflected forms contained in id-ám and ad-álJ: ( 44)

f{yá, i, a} d] W

b) On the basis of this analysis we could argue that the n.

NAc.sg. of the gd-pronominals - with the exception of yad~s- _ i8 formed in Vedic by joining to the stem in short vowel, which

") 22,23,241 91

will henceforth be called the simple stem (stems)' the two con­

current case-suffixes Iml and Id/, in complementary distribution. This can be represented in the following statement:

(45) N.NAc.sg. :

22. This manner of description can easily fit sorne other case forms of the gd-pronominals.

In fact, the m.N.sg. forms yálJ, v'ÍsvalJ, H1J appear to contain

the bases yá-, . v-t!3Va-, k-t-, which as we saw can be referred to

as instances of stem . There is a suffix bound to them, which

is realised before p~use as -':, and which has be en traditionally

regarded as being originally (and underlyingly as well) -s. It will be remembered that -1] in such a position can corre­

spond both to Isl and to Ir/. Yet for the a-stems, good evidence

for Isl is provided by such behaviours in sandhi as eg. I-as # a-I , dh' I h ' th giving -o a- (eg. in RV 1.77. 2a yo a vaY'e~u... w o l~ • e ,

sacrifices ... ') instead of -aY' a- (eg. in RV 10.88.2b avt1] aval" abhavat 'the sun appeared': svaY'- n. 'sun I ). For the i-stems,

instead, no really discriminating examples can be found, be~ausc there are no words that end in underlying lir/. However, Iklsl can be posited for k-t,:, since there is absolutely no evidence

ff 'x Ir"1 rather than that the i-stems should have a m.N.sg. su 1

common Is/. Accordingly, the structure oí these case forms may be re­

presented in the following manner:

(46) M.N.sg.:

[stems s] W

, , 23. Not dissimilarly, in the m.Ac.sg. forms yam, anyam etc.,

and,amÚm from the asáu-demonstrative, we can see the suffix Iml , , '1 bound tQ the simple stems Iya, anya, amu :

(47) M.Ac.sg .,:

[stemsm]w

, G t he gd-pronominal a-stems have yasya, 24. In the mn~. sg .

§ 25 ]

92

tásya, etc., whereas the asáU-demonstrative has amúf?ya. Both

, b ' t' I , sets of forms appear to contaln the ases ya-, a-, amu- WhlCh

ha ve already been identified as simple stems. The sUffix, how­

ever, is -sya after the a-bases and -qya after the u-base.

We already referred in § 13bI to the rule that retroflects

Isl into SI eg., in the context li al, yielding sé~e 'you lie'

vs. v'Índá~e 'you attain' respectivel;' from Is~i + sail and Ivin­

dá + sai/. This, however, is not the only context which this rule

is sensitive too In fact, it can also account for the alterna­

tion s......, Ef in two compounds of the root syand- 'to move qUickly,

to run': havanasyád- 'running (syad-) to the calling (hávana-) ' and raghuEfyád- 'running fast (raghú-),. But if we must therefore

include lu YI among the contexts where Isl is retroflected,

we can posit a single mn.G.sg. suffix Isyal both for yásya and I aJ7TuE¿ya.

Accordingly, the structure of these case-forms will be the following one:

(48) Mn.G. sg. :

[stem sya J s W

25. a) Another form that should be taken into consideration

here is the mn.I.sg. amúna of the asáU-demonstrative. Its cor­

rect analysis is not as straightforward as in the case forms We

have examined until now, since it is liable to be decomposed both as amún-a and as amú-nao

b) In support of the first of these options, there is the

fact that -a is the most common 'I.sg. case suffix in Vedic. In­

deed, it occurs with all consonant stems and also with quite a

d -+ ( 'd ' I _ " number of vowel stems, ego pa -a pa - m. 'foot'), asman-a (as-man- m. 'stone'), ray-a (rái- m. 'wealth'), pitr-a (pitr- mo

'father'), Krátv-a (Krátu- m. 'ability, force'), urmy-a (urm1-m. 'wave'), etc. All these forms appear to have the structure

[stem SUf Jw, with the stem-final Ir, u, il being changed into r, v, y before thevowel of the sUffix, if necessary.

e) I) Beside the above forms, however, the i- and u-stems

have also the type Krátuna and urm1~a (with Inl retroflected in­

to ~ because of the preceding r, cf. ego Wackernagel, 1896, pp.

186 ff.; recently Selkirk, 1980a, p. 57Q), which is the ~ame as

§ 25 J 93

amúna. It is attested in the Rqveda only for m, and n. case forms,

.- , -- A _ '_ Were we to decompose kratun-a upm~~-aamun never for feminines.

have a n-base 7<rátun- etc. that does not a, however, we would

h 'the paradigm of these words. In the ~gveda occur elsew ere ln b

f ew neuter u-stems that can have a -n- e­there are, in fact, a

, ff' also in the other obligue cases of the fore thelr case-su. 1X ,

ith masculine or neuter t-stems, 'n ular but this never occurs w "

Sl g, t ha ve more commonly forms wlthout lnter-Even the neuter U-s ems

vening -n-o This is best illustrated by (49), which

forms. It should be stressed that. only the

able forms have been decomposed.

lists the ~gvedic

most readily analys-

(49) of the m. and n. obligue singular cases of ~gvedic forms

the i- and u-stems

i-stems u-stems

m. n. m. n.

sg.I. .. . Cy-a .. oCy-a o . . Cv-Ci .. . Cv-a • >. Cina .. . Cina .•. Cuna . .. Cuna

D. .• . Cy-e .. . Cv-e · .. C'¡)-e •• o Cay-e o. o Cay-e ... Cav-e . .. Cav-e

· o . Cune

AbG. · •. Cy-aJ: .. o Cv-alJ · .. Cv-al] • o o Ce-l] o •. Ce-J: ..• Co-1J · .. Co-l]

· .. Cunal] · •. CyuJ:

L. .. o Cav-i · o. Cav-i . . . Co

.. oCau ... Cau . o .Cau o o .Cau o •. ca . o.ca

· o .Cuni

, l' I are spelt re­II) If we bear in mind that underlYlng 1, u

, d'fferent vowels, and that the se-spectivelYvas ~ an: ~v~ef:~ere~lise underlying /ai{V, C}/ and

quences ay ,e an , f the forms listed in (49) can lau{v c}1 respectively, many o .

' d in two parallel ways. be regarded as being compose .

§ 25] 94

(50) a. L [ . .. Ci {a, ai, as} Jt\1

iL [ .. . Cu {a, ai, as} Jw

b. L [ ... Cai {ai, s}]w iL [ ... Cau {ai, s, i, ff} J~i/

Since most of these case suffixes are quite common in Vedic,

with the sole exception of G.sg. /s/ (for which cf. §19bIV),

it is quite appropriate to analyse the n-containing D., AbG. and

L. forms of the neuter u-stems along the same lines:

(51 ) [, .. Cun {ai, as, i}]w

With the l. forms in -Cina and -Cuna, however, we have to de­

cide whether a special I.sg. base .•. Cin-, ... Cun- can be postu­

lated with sorne plausibility for the m. and n. i-stems and the

m. u-stems. D&W were keenly aware of this problem, when they

wrote that "the origin of -ina -una was different from that of

the n-inflection of the neuters in -i and -u" (p. 148), disa­

greeing with other authors who claimed that -na should derive from the neuter n-forms.

d) 1) Clearly, the alternative is the analysis • .. Ci-na ... Cu-na, as we already mentioned. What it involves is maintain­

ing the same stem type required by (SOa), and postulating an al­

lomorph -na for these I.sg. case forms. A number of consider­ations support this view.

11) The first one is-the existence of the mn.I.sg. forms in

-ena of the a-stems, in addition to their doublets in -ena. In

§ 4b we argued that the behaviour of the gd-pronominal forms with

-ena suggests that their ending should be regarded not as a "met­

rically" lengthened -ena, but rather as a different ending, just

as /sá/ is morphologically different from its doublet /sás/ (cf.

§§ 13cI-II, 50cV). In this sense, it may not be implausible to

see in téna or suryeYJa 'with the sun' the same I.sg. suffix -na of amú-na and agn1-na.

111) In addition to this, it is well known that in the ~g_ veda there are eight neuter abstract nouns in -tvaná-, seven of

which are synonyms of equally neuter abstract nouns in -tvá-. The attested picture is the following one:

P f

§ 25 ]

(52)

L

iL

iiL

iv.

v.

vL

Tvaná-noun

kavitvaná- n. 'wisdom'

kavitvana 1.sg.

janitvaná- n. 'being a

wife'

janitvanaya D.sg.

patitvaná- n. 'matri­

mony'

patitvanám NAc.5g.

martyatvaná- n. 'human

condition' ~ . martyatvana 1. 5g .

mahitvaná- n. 'great­

ness'

mahitvanám NAc.sg.

mahitvana 1.sg.

vasu-!;vaná- n. 'bene­

ficence, wealth'

vasutvanám NAc.5g.

vasutvana 1.5g.

vasutvanaya D.sg.

vii. vr~atvaná- n. 'manli­

ness'

vr~atvana 1.5g.

" viii. sakhitvaná- n. 'friend-

ship'

sakhi tvanaya D. sg .

95

Tvá-noun

kavitv6- n. 'wisdom'

kavitva 1.sg.

janitvá- n. 'being a

wife' . 't I .7am. ,vam NAc. sg.

paUtvá- n. 'matri­

mony'

paU tvám NAc. sg .

mahitvá- n. 'great­

ness'

mahi tvám NAc. sg .

mahitva I.5g.

mahitvébhiJ} 1,pl.

vasutvá- n. 'bene­

ficence'

vasutva 1.sg.

vx:<¿atvá- n. '. manli­

ness'

Vrf!atva 1.sg.

vpsatvébhih 1.pl. .. . sakhitvá- n. 'friend­

ship'

sakh1:tvám NAc. sg .

sakhitvé L.sg.

1t should be ob5erved that Grassmann (1872, pp. 1010, 1236,

1237) enters the forms martyatvana, vasutva and vasutvana as

NAc .pl. Yet the former may best be regarded as an adverbial, 1. °1 sg. a5 in Geld~er's translation ~1951, n, p.;.. 415)_0: ~ts s1.ng e

RV 8 92 13ab v1svCi h~ martyatvana/anukama satakrato occurrence: •. 'becau5e everything, according to the human condition, wasagree­

able (anukama), o hundred-fold powered one'. As for the hapax

~ 25]

96

v~sutva, ~t occurs as an I.sg. in ravo 'n h h RV 10.61.12c vásop vasutva .... ka~-

'ea. 'through the beneficpnce

b - (vasutva, I ) eneflcent one the singers (karávah) ar' .. sg. of the

(See also Geldner's tI' • e lncomparable (anehah) ' .... rans atlon, 1951 111 .

tvana is actually an 1 " p. 229). Also vasu-Delbrück, 1888 p 133)·Sg: g~verned by the perfect of p~- (cf

.... ", ln 1 ts single ' udr1-va va~rinn avató vasutvana/sááa 1: occurre~~e RV 8.50.6cd rich (udr1-) spring (avatáh) - p petha áasuge 'like a water-

. , o thunderer of lth ways full (p~petha) for the devout one'.' wea you are al-

It is inter t' . es lng to note that f' have an 1 .. lve of the eight tvana'

, of the form -tvana h'l ~ -nouns 1 ' , W 1 e there is

a ln any of the words l' t d ' no ena-Instrument_ ls e ln (52) A d'

that the pairs kavitva and k 't ..... ccor lngly, it may be aV1- vana mahi tv.... d h . .....

etc., were originally t -_ .' a an ma 1,tvana, b no a Instrumentals of d'ff ut actually doublet f , , l. erent stems,

k ' orms of a same tva-st. . nown endlng -a. th th ' em. one vuth the well-

, e o er one wlth th f' -the simple stem in -tvá-. - e su flX /na/ joined to

We 'h mlg t thus argue that since the l. ste~s wa; already obsolete before the en~ing -ano' of the a-mah1-tvana were reint _ Bgvedlc age, forms like

, erpreted as a-Inst tvana- and th. rumentals of a stem mahi-

us gave rlse to the .,' old mahitvám We h 1 new form mah1-tvanam beside the

• ave a ready noted in § 7b nation for the rise of ' 11 a similar expla-

anena and anáya fr th .... could be another insta f _ om e old ana, which in -a. nce o na-Instrumental from a simple stem

The structure of ~':mahitva-na fro ., accent-shift would b m mah1-tva-, apart from the

, e exactly pa 11 ~ and amú-na from amú- A ' ra el to agn1--na from agni-

. cCOrdlng to our h h' the association of / -/ . ypot eS1S, however when

na wlth stem b ' stems, it was replaced b f ~ ecame obsolete in the a-

..... _ Y orms wlth a b '/' , surye-na. (See als H . ase ln al/: te-na, . o aurl, 1963a, pp. 93 ff.).

IV) It is w th or noting, even though it may b .

tuitous, that the allomorphic alterna _ : gUlte for-a parallel in the pair of G 1 . nce /':./ "'" /na/ seems to have tend to distribute th l·P. sufflxes /am/ and /nam/, which [J emse ves complementaril . :.:C W the former, and [ ..• V J y ln the contexts nlflcant exception (f ' , --,W the latter, yet with sig-

s or WhlCh cf. § 28c) In other words, there is at ' .

suffix whi h 1 least another c a terna tes n with 0 before a in

tem of Vedic case-inflections.

instance of a case

the synchronic sys-

§ 26 ] 9í

V) Therefore, there seem to be a number of reasons for iden­

tifying a specialised mn.I.sg. case-suffix -na, whose distribu-­

tion is limited in the ~gveda to the contexts listed in (53) be­

low:

(53) Distribution of I.sg. -na

i na: [. o', C u _J{'7' if m. or n.

ai

e) For the sake of uniformi ty -na has been assigned here

also t,o the neuter u-stems ,al though clearly in their case thf!

alternative analysis o •• Cun-a can be justified by (51), ie. by

their having a base ..• Cun- also in the other non direct cases

of the singular. 1t seems to us that there are no compelling

arguments in this case for choosing between either of the two

options. This may even hold for the gd-pronominal amú-, al t:hough i t

lacks case forms with n in the other obligue cases of the sg.,

like ~':aJnúne ~':aJ1lúnalJ ~·:amúni. It should be noted, in fact, that

while these case forms are supplied by t.he gd-pronominal types f • , - I ,. , • , -t ' amuqma1- amuqmat aJ1lUr¿ya aJ1luqm1-n, parallel to yasma1- yasma yasya

yásmin, the mn.1.sg. case forms of the gd-pronominal words fol­

low their respective stem type: the gd-pronominal a-stems have

-ena -ena, the gd-prónominal u-stem -una. It appears that this

is one of the case-slots which are not covered by the system

of gd-prono~inal inflections, and have to be drawn from the

nominal inflectional system (cf. § 50c11).

If, however, we limit ourselves to the structure referred to

in (53), ie. ClmÚ-na, it appear~to contain the base amú- that

has been qualified as stems in (47) and (48).

26. The simple stem also occurs in the m.N.sg. forms sá, e~á, syá and /asá/. We saw in § 13c that the former ones have to be

posited also as underlying forms beside /sás/ anO. /e~ás/, which

have the suffix /s/ according to ~ 22. The latter, instead, may

be present in the m.N.sg. asáu if we accept Tedesco's analysis

of this form .(cf. § 16c1).

We may thus describe thesem.N.sg. case forms in the follow­

ing manner:

(54)

§ 27, 28J

98

In these forms the word is made up of the simple stem, with

no suffix. Their structure may thus be represented both as in (55a) and as in (55b):

(55) a. [stems]w

b. r stems 0 ]f'V

Strictly speaking, (55a) is a more correct statement than

(55b), since sá does not contain a zero suffix. On the contrary,

it does not contain any suffix at all. However, with the proviso

in § 42aII, a representation such as (55b) is often a convenient

device for stressing certain oPPositions, for example that the

difference between sá and sá~ is borne by the alternance 0-/s/ in their suffix slot.

27. ytbhi~ yabhya~ yasu and amubhi~ amubhya~ amu~u are the f.pl. forms of the r. DAb. and L. cases for ya- and the asau-, , demonstrative. They contain the segments /bhis, bhyas, su/ that

are clearly case-sufflxes in the corresponding forms of all

nominal consonant stems and most nominal vowel stems. Suffice

here to recall such forms as marúd-bhi~ marúd-bhya~ marút-su from marút- m. 'Marut, storm-god', or hav-ír-bhi~ hav-í~-~u from

havts- n. ' ohla Cian'. g6-bhi~ g6-bhyal¡ g ó-~u f ram g ó- mE. • bUll,

cow', mati:-bhi~ matf:-bhyal:! matf:-r¡u from matf:- f. 'mother', f:qi-bh 'h ' . bh h ' . , . " bh h ' , 1.-. tr¡1.-- ya. tr¡-z--~u from tr¡-z-- m. 'seer', pasu- .ya" pasu-qu ' , , from pasu- m. 'cattle'.

All these forms arederived through normal phonological rules

of sandhi from underlying forms where the suffixes /bhis, bhyas,

su/ b~nd to the bases /marut, hav~s, gau, mat:J;, :r~¡11, pasu , w ~ch , 't , -", , '/ h .

may be regarded as simple stems'for these words (yet cf. § 44c). But the bases ya- and amu- that are obtained by separating the

suffixes /bhis, bhyas, su/ are different from the simple stems

We have so far encountered for these words, which all ended in

short vowel. Nevertheless, this kind of stem with long vowel,

which we shall henceforth call lengthened stem (steml), actually

occurs also in several other parts of the paradigm, as shown in (56) .

....... - -+--yasam and amuqam are analysed in

28. a) The f .G.pl. forms

(56) as COntaining a segment

In this manner, also the mn, /sam/ bound to the lengthened stem. , - -,fo corresponding forms yeqam and am-z--

'iOm can be regarded as containing this same segment, bou:nd to

§ 28J 99

the bases yé- and am - w ~ ~n the other non direct ~ h'ch also appear 4

of the mn. plural. cases

(56) Distribution of steml

m.

sg.N.

Ac.

1.

du.NAc. -+

IDAb.

pl.N.

Ac. ya-n amun

I.

DAb.

G.

L.

n. f.

ya /T/ /asa/ I -+ -+ ya-m amu-m

tua v (?)

-+ amu -+ amu

ya-bhyam amu-bhyam

-+ ~

..... ~ y"ti(-niJ ya amu

amu(-niJ

ya bhi~ anti.-bhi"f]

ya~bhya"f] arriU-bhyaJ¡

..... - amu-.~am ya-saJn 4- 4-ya-su amu-~u

ffix has the advantage nt as a case-su b) Treating this segme d- ronominal plural, which

h ttern of the g p _ of simplifying t e pa' ffixes /bhis, bhyas, sam,

, le set of case-su, b e 'will require a slng . der distinction being orn

' tases the gen / i the non-dlrec c '. su n of the bases. entirely by the difference "s that /sam/ does not occur

f this analys~s ~ d' § The weakness o," lready mentione ~n 1 suffix Indeed, we a

elsewhere as a G.p. 'fl tional system the G.pl. case 25dIV that in the nominal in_ ec_ _ This would require us to

ffixes -am ...... nam. forms cor¡.tain the su 'th gd-pronominal stems. Cer-specify that /sam/ occurs only w~ , tion of this suffix, but it

l' tes the descr~p _ h t tainly, this comp ~ca "b tion of -am and -nam as o must be noted that also the dlstr~ u

be linked to the class of the stem .

'l-le recalied that t.he two suffixes e) 1) In fact, in § 25dIV

§ 28J 100

laml and Inaml tend to appear in the following contexts:

(57) a. am: [ ... e J' -w b. nam: [ ... V_Jw

In this manner, consonant stems . § 28cII below) i ego chánd _ ,generally have laml (but see V .as n. sacred hym 'h h'

owel stems instead f n as candas-am f

' ' , requently have In - I . .' 1.nal vowel of thei t ' am , before which the

b ' r s em 1.S long even 'f' , aSlC stem; for example both ,.~ 1 lt lS short in their

h ' - ' sama- f 'y' d' ave sama-nam deva-nam. . ear and eva- m. 'god'

11) Consider, however th bers from 'three' to 'ten: e G.pl. forms of the cardinal ' ('one' h num-am-class, and 'two' or'lly as gd-pronominal forms of the

(58)

dual forms):

G.pI. forros of the cardinal s '3'-'10'.

'three' :

'four' :

'seven' :

'nine' : 'ten' :

m. catul'fjam saptanam navanam dasanam

All these forms contain the suff' in catul'nam b 1.X Inam/, which violates (57)

. Y occurring w;th th ' 11 lan Á e stem catul'-. I th guage, there are also a b n e later

, num er of other f vlolating either (57 ) - orms, with Inaml

a . or (57b): sannmn J f ' , da AV 4.40.6) with Inaml aft l';' ,o S1.X (from Paippala-, 1 er sas-I t1Sl'nam~ t ~ .. lve y 'of three (f )' and ' f f .. , /.. ca aS1'nwn res.pect-

• o . our (f )' ( , ''':' texts, ego Kaths 27 9)' _ . from Sa~hlta-prose

. • w1.th In ami aft Accordingly it ' ,er a short vowel.

, lS necessary to sp 'f veda that the suff' I - I . eCl y already for the R.g-

1.X nam occurs be 'd bably) in all cardinal s f ' ,. S1. e other contexts, (pro-

rom three' to 't' stem may be. en , whatever their

111) In addition to this th wh 1 1 ' ere are single l' o e c asses of the th voca 1.C stems or

m at can have als 1- I For instance the a- t d' o am beside Inam/.

, , ' s ems eva- m 'g d' á lng have a G pI end' _ . o and Cal' tha- 'mov-

.. lng -am in the ph d ~~ ., race of the god ' ( . rases .evan Janma 'the

s RV 1.71.3d 6 11 3b ' o-;her similar phrases cf. ,.., Wl th Iml -+ ñl __ # ji for Y'atham 'the womb of D&W, p. 108) and possibly gáY'bhas ca-

the moving ones' (RV 1.70.3d). If their ac-

§ 29] 101

tually attested -an is to be restored as -mn, as D&W (p. 108)

suggest, it is a150 possible to add to these blO forms RV 4.2.3d

v'Ísa a ca máY'tan 'and the tribes of the mortals' and RV 6.47.16d

k- I ~, P d .... co~ uyate v~sa ~n Y'O manu~yan 'Indra collects the tribes of men'

Not dissimilarly, svás:r- f. 'sister' has 8vásffJam and B7JásY'am, gó-' mL 'ox, cow t gónarn and gávam, dh?;- f. 'thought' dhi'n1irn and

dhiyam, etc. In all such cases, one must necessarily specify that the single

word or, especially in the case of the f. radical ~- and u-stems,

the whole class can have both G.pl. case-suffixes.

29. a) We have seen in § 4d that in the gd-pronominal a-stems I -~ ,

like ya- the m.NAc.du. may have the two forms ya and yau. 'rhe

former has been e~tered in (56) with a question mark.

Actually, in a11 consonant stems and in the :r-stems the m.

(and f.) NAc.du. forms contain either --a or -au as case-suffixes,

bound if possible to an ablauted stem¡ ego pad-a and pad-au from 'd ~ , -+ .- ...... pa - m. 'foot', s~c-au from s~c- f. 'hem', Y'aJan-au from raJan-

m. 'king', pitál'-a and pitáY'-au from pitf- m. 'father', etc. The

same suffixes also occur with diphthong- and ü-stems, with a11

the ~-stems that do not belong to the devt-class, and with a few ~ -P-- + " 1 ~_ and u-stems: ego gav-a and gav-au from go- mf. ox, cow ,

tanv-a from tanu- f. I body 1, napty-a from naptt- f. I daughter' ,

baháv-a from bahú- m. 'arm', etc. Apart from this type, however, most i- and u-stems and the

words of the devt-class have forms such as pát~ from páti- m.

'lord, husband', bahu from bahú- m. 'arm' and devt from devt-f. 'goddess' , which appear to contain a lengthened stem and no

suffix (obviously enough, the long final vowel of the stem devt-cannot be lengthened further) • .

These two patterns can be represented in the following way:

(59) a. [stem(ablaut) {a, au}]w

b. [stem1 0]w

b) Which of these two patterns fits such forms as deva and

ya, that occur together with deváu and yáu as m.NAc.du. of nom­

inal and gd-pronominal a-stems? The doublet of endings -a and -au that occur in these forms

are really reminiscent of the suffixes la, auj in (59a). Yet

there is ~n important difference between a form like tanvu or

§ 29J

102 ...... -

gaVa a~d deva: in the former what precedes stem f the case-suffix' h

, 1 Possible even the ablauted st ' lS t e form what precedes th 1 em, whereas ln the latter . e ong a does not a

stem, since its fi 1 ' ppear to be the normal . na._ a lS apparently , ,

decompose deva or ya' th' mlSSlng. Thus, should we . . ln . f-nr surface c t'

have a shortened kind of,:::t . d ...... o:;.s ltuents, we would . , w em. eV-a, y-a

It lS true th t ' o a ln the gd"pronominal .

positing a special t h' a-stems we cannot avoid . s em w lch lacks its final

GL.du. forms yóh enoh avóh ( t vowel for the m. Ye t . , . . . s em 0' c f. § 32).

, lt lS also true that these f . . quicklYafter the Rgveda Th' orms Wl th stem lZl disappear f . ' lS seems to impl th t elt as alien to th ' . Ya they were " e morphologlcal syste f h

Slnce the suffix _ h ' m o t e languageo But o lS the common GL d

flectional classes 'th l' o U o morpheme in all in-, e a lenness of th tI

in their stem-shape th t" e lree forms must lie , a lS ln their hav' t

quence, should we d lng s em~. In conse-ecompose NAc.du ya' [ ~ - _

we would oddly enough h th " yau as y {a, au}]w' ave e same st h '

besides having no co em s ape ln forms that, ncurrents, survive in th '

elassical Sanskrit el l elr aU-doublet into • ear y, the stabilit f

NAc. du. should have .' y o stem~ in the m. been reflected someh ~

duals with the same . ow or other upon the GL stem shape so th' .

noto ' me lng however which it was

e) Alternatively, we can mainta' th d ............ structure (59a) at d ' ln at eVa ya etc. have

an un erlYlng level ' face level this is bl ' even lf at their sur-

, urred by sandhi ',' flnal vowel of th - processes lnvolvlng the

e stem ~nd the vocalic suff' the process Id lX. In other word wou be akin to (60): s,

(60)

{d;~á} + {a~} + sandhi

deva, deváu, ya, yáu This would

seem to be the simplest sol' , ed concatenative framework (f § utlon wlthin a so-call-

f ' c. 42b and M e h o llnear addition of t ' ac.art y, 1981a, b) , s em and suffix which h lng the gd-pronominal f th ' we ave seen cover-. orms at contain si 1

& or U. Interestingly it ' . 1 mp e stems in short a , , lS a so the solut' '

nl (6.1.104) for the NA d lon provided by Pani~ 1970, po 19). c. u. of the m. a-stems (cf. van Noote~,

In fact, phonological processes fro d yielding surface a d

m un erlying la + al and la + aul an ,zu respectively Rre independent_

§ 29 J 103

ly required by such forms as visvayu- 'all-moving' (from vlfn)o­and ayú-) or 'lasting all the life' (from v1.sva- and ayúa-), ami

ápauhat 'he pushed away' (from ápa + auhat). It is worth noting

that, if such processes are seen not as a contraction but as an

a-drop (ie. a+flll {a, au}), we remain with the same surface

structure dev-a, y~a discussed above. The difference is that it

is here regarded as a derived structure, not as a sort of primuI11

as in the former case.

The surface forms would not change if we posited underlying

Idevt, y ti with long a, rather than Idev~, yál as in (60) above

In fact, also la + a, a + aul result in la, aul (cf. § 44aII).

d) 1) However, we might be tempted to argue that deva and

ya are of the same type as pát~ and bahu (and amu). In other

terms, they would contain no case suffix but only the lengthen­

ed stem, as shown in (59b).

In itself, this analysis is extremely simple: no sandhi .is

required to intervene between surface and underlying levels, and

the form is made up of a stem shape that is in any case required

in several other parts of the paradigm.

11) Let us consider, however, what this treatment of deva and ya would entail. First of all, we have already observed

that these forms have the doublets deváu and yáu. This seems

te pattern in a quite obvious way with the pairs pada and padau from pád- mo 'foot', pitára and pitárau from pitf- m. 'father'

gava and gavau from gó- m. 'bull', f. 'cow', etc. In fact, the

suffixation analysis of (60) aims at organising all these forms

into a single system, ie. structure (59a). But if deva and ya are analysed as lengthened a-stems, this generalisation can no

longer hold, since pada etc. is necessarily [stemablaut aJw' The resemblance between the two sets of forms would, accord­

ing to this line of reasoning, be only accidental or, more plaus­

ibly, due to a common historical derivation. In fact, it is usu­

ally hel~ that the ending -(i (as well as -au) was originally

restricted to the a-stems, from where it subsequently spread

to the other stem classes (cf. ego D&W, p. 48, that report also

on the preceding literature; more recently Adrados, 1975, p.

442). Yet this view implies that when this spreading took place,

the antecedent of later deva, whatever be its origin, was felt

by the speakers td contain the suffix -a.

§ 29 J 104

In fact, in morphology a process of analogical spreading a­

mounts to the creation of a new system which includes both old

forms subsumed under its rules and new forms created according

to them. In our case, the creation of new forms having struc­

ture (59a), ie., containing the NAc.du. suffix -a, requires that

such a suffix be actually available in the list of case-suffixes

of the language, which obviously is not the case if deva .andya are analysed as containing no suffix at all but only a lengthen­ed a-stem.

111) This line of reasoning can be pursued even more con­

vincingly against any possible non-concatenative synchronic

analysis of deváu and yáu. In fact, while regarding for example

deva as [steml 0JW could be justified, at least on the face of

it, by the actual existence of pát1:, amu and other NAc.du,forms

that follow (59b) , to treat the a7.,/.-forms from a-stems as not con­

taining a suffix /au/ involves a considerably more complex ma­chinery and appears to produce rather ad hoc solutions ,.

One may, for instance, regard this /au/ as a lengthened grade

of U. In this case, the operations involved would be: (i) basic

stem change, ie. -a + -u, and (ii) lengthened-grading, ie. / -uf +

jau/o Yet the evidence to SUpport such an analysis is really

rather weak. On the one hand, for instance, stem changes within

a nominal inflectional paradigm may - but not necessarily _ be

seen to Occur regularly in the Locatives in -a and -au of the

i-stems and in a few other cases. Moreover, lengthened-grade

stems do occur in m. (and f.) NAc.du. case forms of several stem classes, but are always joined to the suffixes la, au/: ego

h6tar-a vs. D.sg. h6tr-e from h6tr- m. 'sacrificer', rajan-a ...... - ...... ~....... 1..... _, .....

raJan-au vs. D.sg. raJn-e from raJan- m. 'king', svan-a sVan-au vs. AbG.sg. sún-a1 from sván- m. 'dog', etc.

It seems quite eVident, therefore, that (60) offers the sim­

plest and most systematic solution as a synchronic analysis.

e) 1) A not dissimilar problem is raised by the I.sg. ending

-a of the a-stems, which is surely attested in the gd-pronominals

only in tya in the ~gveda (cf. § 13eI). Indeed, on the one hand

all consonant stems, the r-, ü-, r- and diphthong stems as well

as a number of i- and u-stems have forms of the type [stem aJw

' where /a/ is distinctly a suffix¡ for example, pad-a from pád-

'f ' ·t..... 't' , t I - , f m. oot, pL r-a from pL r- ID. fa ther , gav-a from go- '.

§ 29] lOS

..... -t ~ f 'aid' etc. On the other hand, several 'cow', uty-a from U 1--. • 'r t ] for example ütt from f. i-stems have a distinct type s eml W' ',._

~ In addi tion to this, sorne compounds ~n -t1/- have the above üt~-. l' _ s at the end of a verse (cf. [ ] 25 times, almost a way ..... _ I

stems

W cfl· 10 3 O 1 ab prá devatx¡a by'alzma:r¡e gatu)~ 145) as eg. in RV . . . D&W, p. _, "k.ti I the way (gatúh) should go to t / 'áaha manase na prayu . . e u/apo (b ..... hmane) towards the waters h ' s utterance ra , the gods for t e ~lOU, . h' 'd' The a- and a-stems have,' as by impulse (prayukt1-) of t e mln

d,' en2Z and respectively,

h . re cornrnon en ~ngs - , over and above t· e mo -a, eg. v1:rya from vT:x'ya- n. I he--ay-a also forms with an ending _ ,

' .....··h ..... 'tongue', beside attested V1,y'ye-roism' and jihva from J~ va- f.

1a

, vrrye1

a and jihváya. nce of the suffix /a/ suggests an

Accordingly, the occurre -J f J'ihoa and tya (and VL-. f th t pe [stem a also or .

analysls o e y x ~W..... est that we should re-~ 11) while the type ut1- may sugg, _ rya as we ,

gard such forms as [stem1JW'

, 't dard reconstruction 11) Should the Indo-European~sts s.an . (f . fix as *-e/oor laryngeal be correct c . ego

of the I.sg. suf . Instr was created by 199 "an autonomous ~ •

Kurylowicz,1964,p.: _ " 1970 pp 169,174), . - -e -o) ... "; Szemereny~ I '. • _

means of .•... ~ ( , d the Indo-Iranian suffix /al as it would be necessary to rega~_ t which would have been the

' d f the 'ho- and "a-s ems , _ generallse rom '- (f ~'~,;.o + suf ~~-a +

. h I sg in long -a rom , only stem classes Wl t an .. . ts' óf forms like vT:rya and J1--suf). Accordingly, the anteceden. . [stem aJ , cf. § 29dII hva would have been analysed sometl.me as x ~if above.

f i-b in mind that sorne . III) However, it should be +orne . . but also as - • he form üt~ not only as l. sg.

stems like ut~- use t " 'di- f 'altar' has even 1 (f notes 8 and 14); ve .

D.sg. and I.p. c. 'd asyam 'on thisaltar' (cf. 'ar or védi in RV 2.3.4b ve y . L.sg. ve _ l'k urna- 'wool' have L.sg. note 8). Parallelly, sorne a-stemdds't~ e tO'thl'S sorne consonant

..... - -) In a ~ lon , ~ urna (rather than ur~ayam . , h ffixless I.sg. forms,

• I 'word speech ave su stems like vaaas- n. " _ , 1 ' . th a new speech' (final 'vyasa vaaa~ Wl eg., in 'phrases such as na 6 48 i1b, 8.39.2a) vs. RV 6.62.5b part of the verses RV 2.31.5c, .. a consonant stem is pro­návyasa váaasa.' A suffixless D. sg. from §

. h' f r which cf. 39cII. bably váy

a1 'for strengt , o d' the type práyukti as a d · 1 instead of regar lng , ,

Accor lng y, '. 145) in a verse pos~t~on "shirtening of -t1; into -t~" (D&W, p.

§ 30J 106

where the metrical length of a syllable does not matter anyway,

it may be better to regard all these forros as due to two differ­

ent morphological phenomena. On the one hand, váca~ vs. vácasa requires us to posit [stem (a)Jw at least in the I.sg., that is

an optional character of the occurrence of the suffix. In prac­

tice, however, eVen though the morphological system of the lan­

guage allows for this possibility, the suffixless option isreal­

ised only rarely in forms such as váca~ and, possibly, ppáyukti. On the other hand, we may argue that the f. i-stems and possibly

the a-stems as well have (retained?, cf. Ludwig, 1871, p. 5 ff.)

a suffixless syncretic form [stem1JW for a number of sg. and pI. oblique cases.

In this manner, tya and jihva may fit into the morphological

system of the language not only as [stemx

aJw' but also as syn­

cretic forms used as intrumentals (like ütt). If it can be held

tha t the gd-pronominal f. paradigm (and possibly the paradigm

of the a-stems as well) has consistently steml

(cf. § 44aII),

tya and jihva could thus be both of [steml

aJW

and [steml

J{r.7' How­ever, they could not be suffixless counterparts to jihváya, which would be )·~jihvé.

30. We already observed that all the f.pl. forms in (56) con­

tain a lengthened stem bound to a set of case-suffixes (for /sam/

cf. § 28b). It is thuspossible to describe the f.pl. gd-pronom­inal paradigm as follows:

(61) F.pl. paradigm'of the gd-pronominals

a. Stem-shape:

steml : [ ____ SUfJW

b. Case-sUffixes: s: [stem

l __ J

W if NAc. bhis: [stem

l __ J

W if I. bhyas: [stem

l __ J

W if DAb. sam: [stem

l __ Jw' if G.

su: [steml _JW if L.

It should be noted that the stem-shape steml

can be general­

ised to all the plural forms (cf. § 44aII), and that the suffix­

es of the non-direct cases are shared also by the mn. plural. Only the case-suffix /s/ is distinctively feminine here.

~ 31, 32J . 107

f the f Pl there is one type of base for 31 Tn the case o .• '. ' _ • - ..,. +.- Sometimes, however, the dlstrl 11 the case-forms: ya-, amu . • d' i

c a , h' area of the para 19m ., , f a particular base Wlt 1n an ~ butlon o , h A pl forms yan

' h is the case for t e m. c . ..:., . <,

more restrl.cted. Suc [ CVn J that occurs ..,. h' I h appear to be of the same type .... í-J . " -1'-

amun, w le d 'n most i- and u--stems; cf. de van 11 a and 1"-stems an 1. ....

in a m. - • . + 't'- 'father' agn~n from l ' , od I . p1... t1"n from p"t 1" m., 1

from e eva- m. g. ' f"'" • I f • 'ttl e' ¡'1i thin .the ap-J "1 pasun from pasu- m. ca . . ,

agn"t- m. flre, or h forms can be descrlbed proach that is being developed here, suc

as [steml n Jw, since we wish t.o cap-ture a number This is not enough, however, / 1 of such forms: (i) that /n on y h f ts in our treatment

of ot er .ac '(' ') that- jt is always preceded by a 1 sufflX 11 '. occurs as m.Ac.p . ., (" ') that not all vowel stems have ] 'c stem and 111 ' , 'h lengthened voca .1, ~, :1 ut' pasv--a

(f a1"u-áh from a1"'1.- m. levo 1 •

this type of m.Ac .pI. c. h ~'h' f ' ylatht- m. I chariot.eer " " I ttle' 1"at y-a rom

from pa. su- m. ca -, , . d an make either one oE the 11 with /as/). 'ro thls en , we c . '"

etc., a . _ u _ stem means "t- or u-_.tem following sta tements, where "t 1 or 1

1 ffjx' not taking /as/ as m.Ac.p • su .'

(62) M.Ac .pI.

a. Stem-shape: or i1

- or ul-stem stem

l: [ ___ nJw, if a- or ~-stem,

b Case-suffix: t . i 1- or Ul-'s em n: [stem

l ___ Jw, if a- or ~-stem, or

th side of the data b observed that, depending upon e ) It may e 1 tem-shape or case-suffix, (62a or 1 king at name y s ,

we are 00 I 'h f these contalns ' (62b) ill suffice, Slnce eac o respect1vely w ld b pointed out, moreover,

' f mation It shou e all the relevant 1n or ,'{62b) is any reference made to gd-that peither in (62a) nor ~n f the case-forms where the gd-

" 1 Indeed this lS one o , 1 pronomlna s. , .', t distinct from the nomlna Pronominal inflectional system lS no

1 §§ 8a 50a-b). a- and u-paradigms (cf. a so ,

. ( 'h enoh and avóh (cf. § 4e1II-32. The three m. GL. du • forms yo., 'l' t _ sh~pe lacking i ts

f them a specla s em ) uire us t0 posit or '+/ b nd to IV req an underlying .stem /ya/ or /ya ou I

final vowel. In' fac;" '/ ld haveresulted in ~':yauhf ff' oh le /aus, wou

the GL.du. su, 1X -.1' attested. Accordingly, their oJ:enau~ or oJ:avauh, tha tare nowhere 'th stem indica ting the structure may be described as follows, Wl ~

§ 33] 108

shorter stem-shape of these forms:

(63) M.GL.du.

a. Stem-shape:

stem~: r ___ sUflw' only in yá-, ena-, avá-

b. Case-suffix:

aus: [stem~ ---]W

~nterestingly, th~ forms with this stem-shape are becoming rapldly obsolete. Avo~, in fact, disappears after the Rgveda.

Eno~ is replaced by enayo~, which is the only form t.O ~urvive in the later language, already in AV 7.44.1b ná pára J'iqye ka-t " l. L

aras cana&no~ 'neither of them was defeated' , which is parallel to RV 6.69.8b (quoted in § 4eIII). In the case of yó~, already in the ~gveda it occurs only twice, in verses which raise a num­

ber of doubts (cf. § 4eIV), while yáyo~ occurs 14 times. After­wards this ratio of 1 : 7 evolves into a complete loss of the shorter forms (cf. also § 50CIII).

For the distribution of stem~ within the gd-pronominal para­digm, see § 44aI-II.

33. a) Let us now consider the I.sg. forros yéna (and yéna) J

for the mn. and yáya amúya for the f. In § 25 it was argued that i~ is_necessary for us to posit along with the cornmon I.sg. suf­flX /a/ a second suffix /na/ with a more restricted distribution for Wh~Ch see (53). We- are thus left with the bases yé-, yáy- ' and amuy-. The first two, however, can be regarded as realisa­tions of a single underlying base /y~i/, since they occur in the contexts e and V t' 1 I --- ___ respec ~ve y. It follows that amuy- may be considered to be underlying /amúi/, according to rule (70).

This type of base would also appear to occur in other parts of the gd-pronominal paradigm, as shown in (64).

b) The extremely frequent occurrence of this kind of base in the mn. plural and in the I.sg. appears difficult'to attribute

to one cornmon factor. It is not improbable, therefore, that these bases ha ve different historical sources.

Let us hypothesise, however, that within the synchronic sys- ~ tem of the language these bases can be regarded as a unitary phe­

nomenon, at least in the cases where there are no other elements in the morphology of the language that could warrant a differ-

§ 33J

(64)

109

Distribution of the forms with bases in /-ai/ and /-ui/

sg.¡N.

1.

du.NAc.

GL.

pl.lJ •

1.

DAb.

G.

L.

m. n. f.

ay-ám (?) I I

I '- I I ye-na yay-a ~ ___________ ~y~e_' __ n __ a ____________ ~ ____ arn __ m~y~-_a __ ___

~_-----------~-----y_é--(?_)--L-~---y_é------I yáy-o~ amúy-o~ .

f 1 ye 1--.

-~

yé-bhi7;¡ ----

yé-phya~ , -ye-"ffam , I ye-::¿u

I

ent interpretation.It should be borne in mind, in fact, .that

the diphthong /ai/ can represent, even on asynchronical level, a number of different things beside simple /ai/. I~ may be the strong-grade ablaut of i, eg. in agnáy-a~ vs. agnt-¿2 respecti ve­ly N .pl. and N. sg. of agn1..- m. I fire' or i~ é-mi v~ .i-más.i re­spectively 1.st sg. and 1.st pI. óf the present indicative tense of i- 'to go '. But i t might also be the resul t of thecontrac,,­

tion of /a + i/, la + i/, /a + Ii and la + Ii, cL eg. préti-,. f. 'de­parture I from /prá + i ti/, páreta- 'gone away 'from /pára + i tal , upeyivarrys- 'having attained' from /úpa + I"yivaíps/, pareyivarrys'- . 'having gone away' from /para + I"yivarps/.

On t.he other hand, it shciu1d he borne inmind that the diph­thong /ui/ does not exist as a basic phoneme in Vedic, but can

only arise through the contact of two different morphemes.Yet the sequence uyV may be /uiV/ (through rule (70», perhaps even /uTV/ (vocaZis ante vocaZem corripitur, and then rule (70», but only with difficulty /üiV, üív/, whichwould yield uyV.

, - 'h Accordingly, we can assume that, at least in yaya and yayo" the al ternati ve 'analyses /ya + i ••• , ya + r ... / should be excluded

because of their parallels amúya and amúyo~. Moreover, since forms with a basic stem i do not appear to occur in either of , . . the at-, am- or ta,-classes of gd-pronominals, thus excluding

¡ "

i? 34 1 1 (¡

/yái, sárvai, tái/ as strong-grade forms of /yi, sárvi, ti/, it

would appear that we are 1eft with the options of regarding /yái,

am~i/ either merely a.s diphthongs or as /{yá, amú} + T/. But

since, as we just ohserved, a basic diphthong /ui/ is to be ruled

out for Vedic, a parallelism between /yái/ and /amúi/ will hold la!.

only if they are considered to result from the binding of /i/ to

short /yá, amúl.

e) The sequences lyJ + t, amú + ti which have been posi ted in

this manner are new bases to which case-suffixes bind. Consequent­

ly, if we wish to remain fai thful to the format [st.em suf Jw which,

we have so far adopted, they must be regarded as stems.

Two paths are therefore open to uso On the one hand, we may

consider them as instances of a fourth stem-shape, on a par with " + + ) '1 stems (ya, amu) , ~teml (ya, amu) and stem\25 (y . Alternatlve y,

we can consider ITI to be a stem-extension, on a par with Ismal and Isil of ego yásmat and yásya~ (cf. §§ 39bVII, 40, 45).

The difference is not merely terminological, sinee a stem­

extension is, we might say, internal to the modulation of stem­

shapes. As a consequence, we may posit at an underlying level

lyJ. + il as stems and Iyá + TI as steml , even though both would

be realised as yé-, yáy-. This analysis enables us to detect

interesting consistencies between forms which, at first sight,

would seem to be quite different, as in faet we shall argue be­

low, in particular in § 44aI-II.

34. The distribution of the mn.I.sg. forms yéna and yéna was

discussed in § 4b, while in § 25dII it was argued that yéna may - , - ~ -

eontain the same suffix Inal of amuna, agn~na etc.

In the light of what was said' in § 33c, we ean even regard

yé-asa simple stem-shape like amú-, even though it eontains the

stem-extension i. In eonsequence, the distribution oí the mn.I.

sg. case-suffix Inal may be simplified from (53) into (65):

(65) Revised distribution of I.sg. Inal

na: [stems __ Jw, if m. or n. a-, i- or u-stem

Isolating Ina! can justify a parallel analysis yé-na, where

!na! would however be one of the case-suffixes which do not oc­

cur other than in the nominal and gd-pronominal a-stems, such

as Ab.sg. l71tl or I.pl. l71isl (but see §§ 39bV, 41c). We can,

thus, make the fo110wing statements about the qd-pronomina1 rnn.,

§ 35 ]

I. sg. forms:

(66) strueture of the gd-pronominal mn.I.sg.

a. Btem-extension:

i: [stem J t ' if basie a-stem -- s em

b. stem-shape:

stems : [ __ sufJw c. Case-suffixes:

na: [stems

__ Jw na: [stems ___ Jw' optionallyif basic a-stem

111

35. a) The f. and n. NAc. du. forms of the gd--pronominal a-I

sterns are hornophonous: ye. They are similar to their correspond-, f

ing forms in the nominal a- and (i-stems, for example asve 'twb

mares' from the f. a-stem ásva- and padé 'two foot-steps' fronl

the n. a-stem padá-.

b) Inall the other stem classes the n.NAc(V! .du. is uniform­

ly marked by the suffix -~ in the Bgveda (but see §§ 16e1I,

50cII) i for example, there are yat-t from the participle yánt-1 going', prat1:c-t from the añc-stem pratyáñc- 'turned towards' ,

dhaman-1: from the n. an-stem dhaman- 'abode', jánas-1: from the ., -,6. h t f, 'd n. as-stem Janas- 'race' I urv-~ from t e u-s em uru- Wl e,

broad'. The i-stems appear to fluctuate between this type, at­

tested ego in súc1: from súci- 'shining, bright', and'the type

with n which generalises in the later languagE; to all the n. i-, u- and :r-stems. However, this latter type seems to occur only in

hárin1: from hári- 'yellow, golden', which occurs hapax in RV

9.70: 7b¡ in the same hymn, the:¡ze is the n.G.sg. ca.Y'u1Ja~ from the

u-stem caru- Idear' (for which see § 25cII).

In consequence, Wackernagel (1896, p. 36; cf. also D&W, p.

51) suggested that this same"1: is present" in the ending -e of the n. NAc. du. of the a-s·tems, through the same common sandhi

process !~ + TI + e that we saw in § 33b.

e) Wackernagel (1896, po 36; also D&W, p. 51) clairils that

the same explanation should also be given to ásve 'two mares'

and f. yé, ie. to the NAc.du. of the feminine a-stems.

In this case, however, there is no synchronic evidence in

support of a f.NAc.du. suffix !I! comparable with the evidence

J

§ 35 ] 112

for neuter NAc.du. /í/. In fact, the only form which could be

,taken into considerationis dyávT 'two skies (ie., sky and earth)'

in the doubtful first verse of the following gayatrI-stanza:

(67) RV 4.56.5

prá vammáhi dyávT abhí úpastutim bharamahe ,} - I " suc~ upa prasastaye 'to you, great sky and earth (?),

we bring the praise (úpastutim) , to the shining ones (súcT úpa, or súcT úpa (stavamaheJ

'the shining ones we praise'), for fame'

We may regard vam either as D., in which case both prá and

abhí would be preverbs to bharamahe and máJd dyávT would be V.,

or as an Ac. governed by the postposition abhí. In the latter

case, máhi dyávT could·also be an appositional Ac. to it. In

both cases máhi is suspect (i) because there are no other cer­

tain instances of NAcV.du. -i instead of -T (ef. D&W, pp. 50 and

54) and (ii) because as an Ac. the accent should be on the last

syllable, cL maHt f .Ac .du. in RV 1.159.1b, n.N .du. in RV 1.121.

11a. In dyávT, which as a V. ought to lack its accent, also the

short a i8 peculiar, since its common (and regular) NAcV.du.

has lengthened grade: dyava (as V. in initial position in RV

1.125.2d dyava rákf},atam pr:thivT no ábhvat 'o sky and earth, pro­

tect us from horror (ábhvat) '). It would thus appear that there are several reasons for con­

sidering corrupt the only other form which could represent a syn­

chronical evidence in support of an analysis [stemx TJw for the

f.NAc.du. of the nominal a-stems and the gd-pronominal a-stems.

d) 1) In this manner, it seems safer to assume that the i­element contained in f. yl! and ásve is not a suffix. Within the

framework that is being developed here, the only alternative op­

tion open to us is to regard itas a stem-extension. According-'

ly, f. yrk. would have zero suffix, like f. amu and all the NAc .du.

forms with structure (59b). rndeed, on account of what was said

in § 33c, we may even go as far as to argue thatf. yrk. is an

instance of steml .

As a result, the f. and n, NAc.du. case-forms of the gd­

pronominal a-stems may be different at an underlying level, even

though they look alike at surface level:

§ 35 J

(68) i. F.NAc.du. of the gd-pronominal a-stems

a. stem-extension:

i: [stem ---]stem

b. structure:

[steml 0Jw ii. N. NAc. du. of the gd-pronominal a-stems

structure:

[stemS

/ l ;Jw

113

It should be observed that n. yé is ambiguous between Iyá + II and /ya+I/, as indicated in (68ii) above. In § 44aI-·II, however,

we shall see that there may be sorne reasons for positing stem 1 ,

11) The stem extension /i/ in the f.NAc.du. appears only in

the a-stems (and in the gd-pronominal a-stems) in Old Indic. Its

isolated character qualifies it as a possible relie from an old­

er stage of the language.

Interestingly, the NAcV.du. ending of the a-stems is common­

ly reconstructed as ~':-Cíi (cf. Pisani, 1961, p. 120; Adrados,

1975, p. 442; etc.) on the basis of the Old Indic forms, and

of Old Bulgarian zene 'two women', Lithuanian st;¡Y'ni 'two does' I

Latin duae (and maybe Homeric 6oLaC, &~~ÓT€pa", ef. Pisani,

1961, p. 166), even though Szemerényi (1970, p. 174) posits *-oi on the assumption that Mycenaean forms like to.pe.zo 'two tables'

should be read TOprr€sOL and not TOprr€sw.

e) 1) It rnust be noted, however, tha tone of the argument.s I ~.,... I b h for regarding f.du. ye as /ya + 1/ like n.du. ye is that ot are

pragl,;hya, ie, rernain unchanged ,.in sandhi, like all n.du. forms

in -ro Typically, Wackernagel (1896, p. 325) writes that "-e comes

frOm older -ar, before vowels -aiy, and therefore could not be­

come -a(y) before vowels like other final -e's". Yet only a few

pages earlier Wackernagel himself justifies the status of prag:r­

hya of the -"i and -71 duals as follows: "It would appear that

this imitates (is nachgeamt) the duals in -e, which end actual­

ly in -ey before vowels; accordingly, the endings -~ -u, which

had their same function, were treated as -i(y) and -u(v) re­

spectively" (p. 320).

C:; 35 J 114

11) It seems to us that Wackernagel's explanation of why the

duo ending -e is pragrhya could be fitted into the framework used

here (obviously reading his concept of "older" as "underlying")

if we were to limit ourselves to the neuter forms.

In fact, the difference between the long final syllable of

n.du. imé (and ubhé) in (69a) and the short a of m.pl. imá ( +- imé) in (6gb) can be accounted for on a. phonological basis .

if we posited in the first case underlying lima + l/ (or /imá + l/)

and ih the second case /imái/.

(69) a" RV 5.82.8a , . , bh' 'h -ya t-me u e a ant-

(trochaic octosyllable: vv-vl-vv-) 'who both these daylights'

b. RV 1.137.2a

imá a yatam lndava1 (iambic octosyllable: vv--Iv-vv) 'these soma-drops (1ndava~), come here'

Note, however, that the following argument ~ and implicitly

also that of Wackernagel - assumes (i) that phonological rules

should treat long ~ as a sequence of two i's, ié. as ii, (ii)

that contraction of /~ + Ii ei ther yiels ei or takes place after

the operation of a number of sandhi processes, and (iii) that a

sequence ey should be spelt as e. Let us now consider rule (70), for the justification of which

see Wackernagel (1896, pp. 35 ff., 41, 200 ff., etc.):

(70)

Apart from this rule, it should be remembered here that in

the ~gveda the metre shows that in the sequences -~y#V- the y was dropped or weakened to y (cf. Wackernagel, 1896, p. 323 ff.).

In the actual spelling y is dropped in all such contexts except

--ay # a-, which is usually spelt -e a-. This can be stated by

writing (71a) and (71b):

(71) a. y+0/(;}_# V

b. y+Y/a_#a

Rules (70) and (71) would interact with the underlying strings

limar ubhar áhanT/and limái al in the following way:

§ 35 ]

(72) a. ima:í ubh"áí áhan1: +

imaiy ubh?21:y áhan1: imaiy ubhaiy áhan1:

• I bh' 'h -;mey u ey a ünt- -r

imé ubhé áhan1:

b. unái a -r (70) I -1-

'unay a -)- (71a) . , ..... t-ma a .

(70)

-)- (71) does not apply

+ monophthongation

spelling of ey as e

1 1 r;

111) Consider however the behaviourof the pragrhya n.du.

jánas1: 'two races' and of the non-prag:¡;hya f.sg. pátnT 'lady,

wifé' and gerund k~tvt 'having done' (from the verb kr-) in the following verses:

(73) a. RV 2.2.4d

pathó ná payúnj jánas~ ubhéánu (dodecasyllable: _~v __ ,vvl_v_vv)

'like a protector the paths (pathá1, probably wrong

for pathá1), (he watches) both races'

b. RV 4.24.8c

ácikradad v~~a~am pátny ácha (hendecasyllable: v-v~,vv-I-v--) 'the wife shouted to the bull (v~~a~am ... ácha)'

c. RV 1.161. 3d

tani bhratar ánu va1 k~tvy émasi (dodecasyllable: ---v,vv-I-v-vv)

'these things, o brother, having done, we follow (ánu ... a imasi) you'

In (73a) the final long 1: i,;:> spelt 1: and and is metrically

long, whereas in (73b, e) the two final long 1:'s are spelt y but count metrically as short vowels.

Wackernagel (1896, pp. XI-,322) maintains that in such cases

the later tradition systematically misinterpreted the actual

forms, that were iy. Our rule (70) could be invoked here, chang-- I'h~'h-I I -1- ..... 1· 1'" -1 I ' lng pat 1 ac a and krtvl a lnto patnly acha and krtvly

al. This rule, howeve~, does not seem to apply to n.du. forms like jónas1: in '(73a), although there does not appear to be any

underlying phonological difference between IjánasII on the one

hand and Ipátnl, k~tvtl on the other. In fact, the difference is morphological: in a synchronic

§ 35 116

account of the pragrhya phenomena, it seems impossible to avoid

referring to sorne grammatical feature of the involved forms. For

instance, the facts of (73) may be treated by not allowing rule

(70) to apply to words of the type r ... :¡:-lwr duo l' which include also the non-suffixal -:¡:- of the dual of i- and :¡:--stems.

However, since it would be necessary to specify grammatical

features for at least one of the contexts where rule (70) doe?

not apply, we mayas well reformulate it as (74):

(74) i + y/V_V, except in r ... (~ l Jwr duo 1

In this new form, this rule can predict the pragrhya behav--.

iour of f.du. -e, thus making it unnecessary to posit an under­

lying / .•• ~ + Ti -for this ending. Besides this, of the three as­

sumptions made in § 35eII, only the first would still be requir­

ed; ie., thatlong :¡:- should count phonologically as ii. In fact,

contraction of /~ + T/ into /ai/ can take place anywhere in the

derivation, since rule (74) is sensitive to any duo form

[ .•. ai JW-

IV) It should be observed, however, that in the Bgveda pra­

g:rhya -:¡:- contracts with a-following i-, in contrast with the

later language (cf. Wackernagel, 1896, p. 321: "contraction was

most likely the original (behaviour)").

In the actual text which has come down to us, contraction

is written, for example, in the cadence of the hendecasyllable

RV 7.90.3a ródas:¡:-mé 'the~e two worlds (ródas:¡:-) " where lack of

contraction would result in a sequence -u-v~, which would be im­

possible in such a position. Even in passages where the later

tradition has forced the later uncontracted spelling upon the

original text, contraction must or can be restored. For example,

among the passages that are usually quoted as examples of lack­

ing contraction (cf. Wackernagel, 1896, p. 321; Macdonell, 1910,

p. 65), in (75a)the metre requires us to restore akq"tva (and

cáksusa a, metrically -uu-, vocalis ante vocalem corripitur) in

ord~r'to have the hendecasyllable --u-,vu-I-v--, instead of the

irregular --uu-u-I .•.• It should be noted that thisakq"tva might

even be a misspelling of akq"t va, since "an old doublet va" of -

iva appears to be required-in several parts of the ~gveda (cf.

Wackernagel, 1896, p. 317).

, 36, 37] -117

(75) a. RV 2.39.5b

akEf.t iva cák,c¿uEf.a yof;a;n cu'va¡"-'like two eyes with (their) sight (~ák?U0a) come (a vo -

tarr/) hi ther I

b. RV 1.16.2b

háy'-;¡; l:hópa vaksatah 'the two bay steeds (hál~7[) should bring here (ihlr) 1

c. RV 1.63.2a

a yád dhárT indra vlvrata Vé1 -+ '7 'when, o Indra, you bring (a ... ve]) the two reluctant

(vlvrata) bay steeds'

Instead, in the octosyllable (75b), even if it is not abso­

lutely necessary, restoring hár:¡:-há Ú- would yield an octosyllable

opening u-vv, which would be perfectly acceptable. On the other

hand, the hendecasyllable (75c) has,the scheme --v--,vul-v--, which is quite regular. Yet an equally acceptable vv-v-,vvl ... is obtained by restoring contracted hár7[nd(a)ra and counting

the preverb a as disyllabic (cf. Wackernagel, 1896, p. 49).

Our account of the prag:rhya phenomenon by means of rule (74)

is not contradicted by these facts. Indeed, by ruling out the

change of /-T, -ai/ into /-iy, -ay/ in duals, it leaves open

the possibility of /-T# i-/ contracting into T.

36. For m.N.sg. /ai/ in ayám, see §§ 14cIII, 45aIII, 50c1V.

37. a) In § 33a itwas argued that f.1.sg. yáya amúya and

mfn.GL.du.. yáyoJ¡. amúyoJ¡. should be regarded as containing the

common case-suffixes /a/ and /aus/ bound to the bases /yái, amú.i/.

It may be recalled here that /aus/, ie. -01, is the only GL.

duo suffix attested in the language. The I.sg., instead, has be­

side the suffix /a/ the allombrphs /na/ and /na/, for whose di­

stribution cf. (65) and (66), as well as 0 (cf. § 2geI, 111).

b) As' a consequence, an alternative analysis yá-ya yá-y0 1 etc. would pbsit the suffixes /ya/ and /yaus/ which would occur

only in the nominal a-stems and the f. gd-pronominals and, re­

spectively, in the nominal a- and a-stems and the mfn. gd-pro­

nominals.

lt is true that we already encountered sorne case-suffixes

§ 38 ] 118

characterised by a very restricted distrubution, like the I.sg.

/na/ which occurs only with mn. a-stems, or G.sg. /sya/ which

the mn. gd-pronominals share with the mn. nominal a-stems. But

in such cases our isolating a special suffix always appeared to

be, it migh~ be said, unavoidable.

Here the main purpose of positing the suffixes /ya/ and /yaus/

would be to avoid the bases /yái, am~i/. Yet, we have seen that

in the gd-pronominal a-stems, positinq such a base leads to in­

teresting results in the mn.I.sg. forms yé-na and yé-na (cf. § 34) and is also necessary in other parts of the paradigm (cf.

§§ 33, 45).

As for the gd-pronominal u-stem amú-, it must be conceded

that a base /am~i/ occurs only in the two forms we are discuss­

ing here, that is amúya and amúyo~. But these and other case­

forms of thisstem which clearly diverge from the inflectional , pattern of the nominal u-stems, such as mn.G.sg. amu~ya, f.N.pl.

-+ -+ • -+ h -+ hf amuh, f.I.pl. amubh~h (vs. respectively caro. and caru~a. rom

car~- 'dear', and dh;náva~ dhenúbhi~ from dhenú-f. 'cow'), can

be accounted for in a straightforward way if we posit a gd­

pronominal inflectional system which includes not only such most ,.,. 1 b f typical forms as mn.D.sg. yasma~ amu~ma~, but a so a num er o

other. case forms the structure of which is shared by all the gd­

pronominal s with the nominal a- and a-stems (cf. § 50aI). As a , result, to posit the suffixes /yal and /yaus/ only for amu-, or

even for all the gd-pronominals, would seem an unnecessary com­

plication.

38. a) In the mn.pl. forros, the gd-pronominal a-stems have

a partial system yé, yé-b1ziJ:, yé-bhyaJ:, yé-~Cim, yé-~u. ~~Tith the

exception of m.N.pI. yé,which 'would seem to have zero-suffix,

the other forms have the same case-suffixes as the f. plural , -+ h' h (cf. § 30). The difference lies in the base ye- vs. ya-, w lC

may be regarded as a stem extended by /i/ (cf. § 33). . , It should be observed that, at least on the face of lt, ye-

is ambiguous with respect to its stem shape, since it can be re­

garded both as stems and as steml (cf. §§ 33c, 44aI). However,

since all other pI. forms which we have seen so far for the gp­

pronominal a-stems ha ve steml , it is possible to argue that this

stem-shape should be generalised to the whole plural as in (76)

below:

(76) PI. of the gd-pronominal a-stems

a. stem-extension:

i: [stem --Jstem ' in m.N. and mn.I.DAb"G.L.

b. Stem-shape:

stem1 : [ __ suf JW

c. Case-suffixes:

0: .[ steml -]w' n: [stem

l __ Jw

n~: [stem1 __ JW' s: [ stem

1 _Jw bhls: [steml __ JW' bhyas: [ steml _Jw' sam: [steml __ Jw' su: [stem1 --]V-l'

if m.N., n.NAc.

if m.Ac.

if n.NAc.

if f.NAc.

if 1.

if DAb.

if G.

if L.

119

b) Most of the authors who dealt with this question (cf. ego

D&W, pp. 531 ff., and the literature they review) noticed the

striking similari ty between the system yé yé·-bh1:~ and the forms

of the asáu-demonstrative which correspondto it, ie. amt omt­bhlJ: amt-bhya~ amt-EJ,Om amt-.'?,u. Indeed, since the other plural

-+ forms of this demonstrative are from the lengthened stem ctrrru-, its whole plural would fit exactly into the system described in

(76), were it not for the base amt-, which does not seem to be

to /amJ, amÚ/ what /y~i/ is to /yá, y!/. More generally, while

the gd-pronominal a-stems ha ve the extended stem /yái/ both here

and in the f.I.sg. and GL.du., the stem amú- has on the one hand

the extended stem /amJi/ (amúy-a, amúy-07J) , on the other the ..... ..... ..... bh 'h ) puzzling am~- (am~, am~- ~.' etc ..

e) 1) In the light of these considerations, several authors

(beside those mentioned' in D&W, p. 531, cf. ego Tedesco, 1947,

pp. 121 ff. i Thumb, 1958, 1 2 p. 148) suggested that the forms

amt amt-.. bhi~ etc. should derive from forms containing ~·:ut. For

instance, Brugmann (1911, p. 343) maintains that "in the manner

of Old Indic té, téEJ,Cim, tébhya~, tébhi~, té~u (with e from ai) beside Acc . tan , ,':amui, '·:amuú¿Cim,· ,':arrruibhya~ etc. had been form­

ed analogically heside amun, and the diphthong ui became T (pro­

bably through Th". . , Clearly, in terms of our framework this amounts to maklng amu-

aqree entirely with (7~) at a diachronic leveL.

§ 38 ] 120

11) Sorne more cautious authors like D&W (p_ 531) did no1": how­ver adopt this kind of explanation and instead limited themselves to observing that "the relationship of amt amt- to the forms with amú- amu- is unclear".

Indeed, this would be the only instance of lA?: resultinq into T in this language. In other known cases of original ~';U1: or un­derlying luil in word-final or pre-consonantal position, whate,­ver is the kind of boundary intervening between u and i, the resul ting sequence is ei t.her monosyllabic vi or disyllabic uvi (for the rules which appear to control their distribution, see Wackernagel, 1896, pp. 197 ff. and 320 ff.).

For instance, the disyllabic preverb and postposition ánu al­ways has V, as in RV 10.53.6a bhanÚm ánv ihi 'follow the light (bhanÚm)', cadence of a dodecasyllable (-v-vv). In other cases of intervening word boundary, although the spelling is usually V the metre requires uv to be restored, as in RV 1.15 .1b a tva vi!;antv. lndava~ 'the soma-drops (lndava~) should go into (a ... vi{;antu) you', where only by restoring ?J1:santuv it is possible to have an acceptable octosyllable cadence v-vv.

The'same happens with internal word boundaries such as those which hold between the members of a compound. For instance,

r tv-1j- 'sacrificing (ij- reduced grade of yaj-) at the proper time (ttú-) ' always has consonantal V, whereas in .'3V-1:qta- 'well (su-) sacrificed (i~tá- verbal adjective of yaj-) , or pasv-l~­

'desiring (i~-)cattle (pasú-) ' the metre requires trisyllabic

súvit¡ta- pasuvl~~. This UV is always spelt in the compound suv-itá- 'well (SU-) faring (itá- verbal adjective of i-), easy

of access'. As for morpheme boundaries, one may mention forms like {;rr¡vi~é 'you are heard' or !;r:r¡viré 'they are heard', from the weak present stem !;r:-1JU- joined to the middle endings -se -re wi th the "coimecting vowel" -i-, which always have conson­antal V.

Also with long T this is the pattern that obtains. For exam­pie, the u-adjectives urú- 'broad' and pr:thú- 'wide' have the

stems urvt- pr:thvt- for their feminine forms, always with con­sonantal V, formed by binding the suffix 111 to their basic

stems !urú, prthú/. And in the verb, the middle optative forms from weak present stems like kr:-1Ju- and stu- are krr;vTtá 'it should be done' and, respectively, stuvTtá 'he should be prais­ed' .

In this manner, whilc' befnre vocal i{~ s\lFfixp~, lih, la, aUé~/

§ 38 J 121

our rule (70) ensures the actually attested forms amúya a.rrnÁyoJ}

from /amúi+a, rnnúi+aus/, in word-final position (ie. before a 0-suffix) and before consonantal suffixes one would expect fonns

~ ,SL ".,~ like ~':QJ71V1-- (even wi th svay'ita-accent ~:QJmn-) or "amznn-, never

amt-. The only way to regard amt- as derived from lafIJúil wouId thus be by means of sorne special rule such as the following one:

Reference to the word to which t.hi5 rule should be restricted cannot be avoided since, as we saw, all other cases of U1: are

treated differently.

d) 1) However, it is commonly accepted that a phonological rule should display a reasonable degree of generalisation, and not be restricted to a single lexical item, as in the case of

(77). When this happens, we should try to find sorne alternative

way of handling the same facts. It is interestingthat already during the last century sorne

authors suggested that OJnt should be regarded as a clust.er of pronominal roots a + mi, j oined to a morpheme i a s in the gd­pronominal a-stems. In other words, they suggested t.hat the

long T of amt does not come from sorne phonological process in­

volving a stem-final u, but rather, directly from a stem-final i. In this manner, the problem is shifted from a phonological to a purely morphological level, because no special rules are

required for deriving amt as a lengt.hened stem or even as an

extended stem, ie. [aml iJstem ' from a basic aml. The plural of the asáu-demonstrative eould thus be seen as following the same system (76) as the gd-pronominql a-stems. However, it would be necessary to specify that the basic stem amú alterna tes idio­syncraticaliy with a basie ami. in the m.N.pl. and mn.I.DAb.G.L.

pI.

• 11) However, it is also possible to regard am~ not as a cluster,of roots, but quite simply as what it seems to be, name-, ly a basic.stem alternant to OJnU.

In fact, a similar alternation appears to exist between ká-, and kl- in the interrogative--indefinite pronoun and between a-and i! in the aywn-demonstrative, even though the distribution of these alternants is never parallel (cf. ~~ 12, 14b, 46a). It

·', 381 122

is interesting that, if we also take a wider derivational para­

digm into aceount, the interrogative-indefinite pronoun exhibits

a threefold set of alternants ká--kt-""-'kú-. 'rhe latter even

oeeurs in the same eontext of (W¡Ú- in kú-ta~ 'whenee?, from any'

(vs. amú-tal.l 'thenee') and in kú-tY'a 'wherever' (vs. amú -tr'a

'there', first attested in amutr'a-hhuya- 'otherworld existenee'

in AV 7.53(55) .la). In many cases, however, the distribution

of the different basie stem alternants shows no parallelism, as (78) can indieate:

(78) Basie stems of the interrogative-indefinite pronoun and

of the ayám- andasáu-demonstratives in comparable deri­

vatives in the ~gveda

i. ant: ki- (klyant- 'how big?')

i- (lyant- 'so big')

ii. vant: ki- (ktvant- 'how big?')

i- (tvant- 'so big')

d I I iii. r:s

iv. dha

v. tas

vi. tY'~

vii. ha

viii. da

ki- (k~drs- 'like what?')

i- (~drs- 'like this')

ka- (kadha eg. in kadha-pY'iya- 'ever friendly')

0.- (ádha 'now, then')

ku- (kúta1 'whenee?, from any') • I h . 'h 0.-, &- (ata. 'henee', &ta. 'henee')

amu- (amúta~ 'thenee')

ku- (kútY'a 'wherever') , J.I. '

0.- (atY'a 'here')

ku- (kúha 'where?, anywhere')

i-, 0.- (ihá 'here', and maybe the eontrastive

partíele áha)

ka- (kada 'when?, anytime')

i - (ida 'now')

It can be seen that lant/, Ivantl and Idr~1 take ki- andi-,

and Idhal ka- and 0.-. For Itas/, Itr~/, Ihai and Id!/, however,

it is neeessary to speeify for eaeh gd-pronominal word the basie stem whieh will oeeur.

It thus appears that a synehronie grammar eannot posit a sys­

tematic patt-ern, neit-.her for all the derivatives 1 istE'n in (78)

§ 38J 123

above, nor for the alternations ká-,....,k-i-, á-",{- and (possibly)

amú- "-'am'Í- wi thin the infleetional paradigms of the interroga-, " tive-indefinite prono un and of the ayam- and asau-demonstrat,ives.

What sueh q. grammar must state, however, is that beyond the two

levels of stem modifieation whieh we have so far observed at

work in the case forms of the gd-pronominals, namely stem--exten­

sion (eg. [stem iJstem) and stem-shape (stem s ' steml and stem0),

there ls a third and more internal level. It eonsists in the

alternations of the basie stems (b-stems) kú-'-'" 7<á-,,-, kí-, a!.",i!. and, aecording to one hypothesis, amú-"'am{- (but eL § 38dIIJ

below), whieh oecur idiosyncratieally in the ká-pronoun and in

the ayám- and asáu-demonstratives (for other instanees ofbasie

stem alternations, see § 46a-c). In each case we m~st specify

(i) whieh 'basic stems oecur and (ii) where they oeeur.

111) Within this kind of approach, it is also possible to

eonsider amt-'not as a basié stem am{ extended by i, but ra:ther

as a basie stem am bound. to theextension i into [am iJ stem ' The

length of the second vowel cbuld then be accounted forby (76b) ,

ie., bythe gd~pronominaJ.. plural forms' having steml .

In a diachronic perspeetive, this alternative interpretation

could have a simple explanation, since am may be the old Accus­

ative ~':a-m reinterpreted as a stem~ In § 16b we sawthat the

same ~':a-m joined to a particle U may be, the source of the new

demonstrative stem amú~. Moreover, am may be present in the first word OI the mantra

AV 14.2. 71aámo 'hám asmisa tvám 'that one am 1, that fl.reyou' . , " .' ' , ' ( Ama~ is clearly present in later texts, see eg. BAH 1.3.22 eEja sa camas ceti 'he is that one andthat one'. Thesame stem ama.-c­may even be present in Old Persian ama-ta 'thence' (= Old Indic

amú-tah). In i tself, áma- may' have bE;enderi ved from the old 1:am through a lost reinflected Accusative 1:ám-am, jbst ,as N. sg. d6n­ta-h 'tooth' was made in ~gvedic age by reinterpreting the Ac.Sg.

dánt-am of dánt- m. 'tooth' (which still has the N.sg. dán in RV

10.115.2a) asdánta-m. Yet we could also hypothesisethat áma~ might be a corruption of an old Accusative ~':am-á~ (with the same

particle as ad-á1) which had become obsolete and, having lost

therefore both lts original accent and its proper morphological

meaning, was treated as a m.N.sg. It follows that the plural of the asáu-demonstrative can be

considered. to follow the system described in (76), but we must

§39]

qualify {76a) with a statement such as the fOllowinq one:

(79) Basic stems in the pI. of the as6U-demonstrative

. amú: [--Jstem ' in m.Ac., n.NAc. and f. OJn : r i 1 -- stem

124

39. a) In the mn.D.Ab.L.sg. the gd-pronominal a-stems have

the forms y6smai y6smat y6smin. The as6U-demonstrative, instead,

has amú~mai amú~mat amú~min where the retroflex ~ is due to the

preceding u (cf. §§ 24, 28a). Both sets of forms appear there­

fore to contain the same underlying segments /smai, smat, smin/.

b) 1) Let us consider first the Ab. forms. In their segment

/smat/ it is possible to distinguish the ending -at of the Ab.

sg. of the nominal a-stems (eg. fndrat 'from Indra', etc.).

Its internal structure raises, however, a number of problems.

In fact, at first sight a number of analyses suggest themselves,

ranging from the two surface decompositional options fndra-t and

fndr-at to those recurring to an underlying level, such as ego / ' -, lndra + a t, lndra + a ti. Choosing between them in a non arbi trary

way is difficult, because the Ab.sg. has separate case forms on­

ly in the nominal a-stems, in the gd-pronominals, and in the personal pronouns.

11) The latter have one type of formation in all numbers, as shown in (80). (See also (6».

Ab. case forms of'personal pronouns

1.st person

sg. mát, mámat

duo

pI. asmát

2.nd person

tv6t (often to restore

as tuv6t)

yuv6t

yw~m6t

It is interesting to observe that all these forms have the

short ending -ot, while the other Ab.sg. forms have long -ato However, only in the 2.nd person sg. and duo are there forms

like D. tú-bhya, tú-bhyam or G. yuv-ólJ. that could justify posit­

ing a suffix fati. All non-Nominative forms of the other personal

prortouns have bases which e~d in la, a, ai/, ego the Datives

§ 39J 125

I ~ ~ má-hya(mJ asmá-bhya(mJ YUE¿ma-bhya(m), the Accusatives ma-m aBma-..... 1- l. dh h n yu?,ma.-n, t.he l. ma.y-a and the L. maY-1" an t e pragr ya syn'~

I I cretic DGL. forrns asme and yw:¿me. These bases, however, occur

also in th~ 2.nd person sg. and du., as can be seen from the ó . I -.0....... h h L tvé etc. yuva-bhyam, t.he Ac. t VQ--n¡ y~iVa-m, t e pragr ya . / I

Bases which do not end in la, a, ail seem to occur syst.emati-­

cally only in the N., where it may be possible to see a system

such as (81) bel~w:

(81) Nominative forms of the personal pronouns

{

ah~ tu } [ [ a~ :], ~~ ám J~'i

va'~, yUí-

In fact, there is strong diachronic evidence such as Gat.ha­

Avest.an tu beside tvam 'thou' vs. Gothic pu, Gatha-Avestan yus beside yuzam 'you I vs. Gothic jus, Hi tti te uJe8 and Gothic 1JJeú;

'we', etc. which indicates that at least sorne of the Vedlc N.

forms in -ám derive from older monosyllabic forms which lacked • I ,

this ending. The diffusion of the forms wlth -am presupposes I.n

this case the creation of a system such as (81). On the other

hand, it would not seem particularly meaningful to see in ahám tvám etc. the suffix/m/ of the n.NAc.sg., something which would

have no raison d' etl'e in these forms.

It should be in any case noted that, except in the 2.nd per­

son sg. and duo /tu, y~/ (and in the 1.st duo /au/ which does

not occur in the 13gveda), the N. bases are quite different from

the bases for the other case forms, which all have baslc stems

in a: /ah/ vS. /má/, /vai/ vs. /asmá/, /yuil vs. /yu~má/. Suppose then that we analyse the Ab. forms of the personal

pronouns as containing a suffix /tl bound to tha simple stems

/má, tvá, ••• /. It is worth noting, incidentally, that in this

way the Ab. mámat in RV 4.18.8a-d, 9a can be explained as G.

máma bound to the Ab. suffix/t/, cf. also D&W (p. 460) "appar-I , JI

ently combined out of mat and the GSg. mama

111) 'With respect to the at-Ablatives of the nominal a-stems,

our analysis of Ab. má-t tvá-t etc. could require a parallel de­

composition Indra-t, in order to have a single Ab. case-suffix

/t/, occurring in the context [stems _1\'7 in the personal pro­

nouns, and [steml _1\<'1. in the nominal a-stems. Since the per-sor ,l pt :l!1011 ., h:I\",> a ·.epOI It" 'Iflf,(,tioro ,1 ,;v·'tern, as ·'ven

§ 39 ] 126

their few forms cited in ~~ 7e11, 39b11 clearly show, it appears

reasonable to conclude that a certain suffix should require a different stem-shape with them.

1t is interesting to observe that the Archaic Latin Ablatives

Gnaivod, sententiad, ZoucaY''1:d 'ruco, sacred wood', castüd I ri te' ,

etc., follow the pattern which has just been suggested here for

the Vedic Ab. of the nominal a-stems, 1e., "long stem vowel + d" as Pisani (1961, p. 117) puts it. In this regard, however, we

must not forget that each language may reanalyse the same 1n­

herited stock of forms along different lines.

IV) A counterargument to this analysis of forms like 1ndY'at can be drawn from the adverbs n'1:cat and asat (for which see ~ 39bV below) as well as from the suffix -tat of a group of place

adverbs like adharat-tat 'below', pasca-tat 'from behind', upá~ Y'i~-tat 'from aboye', etc. With the sole exception of the last

adverb cited aboye, the only attested counterpart of which is

the adverb Upál>i 'above' (but see Wackernagel, 1910, p. 294),

they are all constructed on the basis of adverbial words which

in fact OCcur in the ~gveda and which have a clear semantic re­lationship with them, as illustrated in (82).

This suggests that this family of adverbs was formed relative­ly recently.

Traditionally, this adverbial suffix -tat has been regarded

as an old Ablative of the qd-pronominal stem tá- (cf. Grassmann,

1872, pp. 44, 184, etc,; Ma-cdonell, 1910, p. 425; D&W, p. 500;

Renou, 1952, p. 330), ie. as iaentical with tat 'then, so far as' •

If, however, we consider the set pasca 'behind', pascat 'from

behind' and pascatat 'from behind', we find that the last form

can be regarded not as being directly derived from pasca, but as

a hypercharacterised form ofthe Ablatival pascat, ie. as pas­cat-at. This very form may have been reanalysed subsequently

as pasca-tat after the pattern of the old ta~-adverbs felt as

containing an element t and the AbG. suffix /as/ (cf. ego ánti­ta1 'from near' vs. ánti 'in the presence of, near, before';

abhi-ta1 'before, in front, around' vs. abhi 'towards, for, over'

etc.), and originated the whole group of tat-adverhs. Most other known cases of hypercharacterisation in Vedic nom­

inal morphology are, however, more correctly to he seen as in­

stances of resuffixation, ie., what is added to the already in-

(82) Tat-adverbs in the ~gveda

a. adhaY'attat 'below'

~rattat 'from afar'

uttarattat 'from the north'

parakattat 'from afar'

b. pascatat 'from behind'

c. ápaktat 'from behind'

údaktat 'from aboye, from

the north'

praktat 'from the front'

d. adhástat 'below'

avástat 'below'

parástat 'further away, a­

boye' I _

purastat 'before, eastward l.

e. upári~tat 'froro aboye'

1.27

aclharat 'below'

;:11'at 'from afar'

zrttarrlt 'from tbe nortli I

par>aVéit 'from afar'

, --- 'b l' dI' pasca e1ln, ater

ápak '(behind), west­

wards'

údak 'aboye, north­

wards'

prak 'in front, east­

wards'

adhás 'below, down'

avás 'downwards' , paras 'away, afar, be-

yond, etc.'

pUY'ás 'before, in front'

I • upar1.- 'aboye, upwards'

flected forro ls a suffix, and not an entire ending. For example,

in the Vedic N .pI. forms of a-stems like devasa~ 'gOd8', the N.

pl. suffix /as/ is added to the more coromon N.pl. /devas/. 8i­

milarly, if the D.sg. forms of the i-stems (agnáye 'to the fire')

and of the a-steros (ásvayai 'to the mare') are really hyper­

characterised froro older 1:agn'di (cf. Adrados, 1975, p. 463) and

*asvai (cf. § 19c.), the elements that are added to them are

properly the D.sg. suffixes /ai/ and /ai/, even though on the

face of it the endings -aye anó -ayai may seem merely to dupli­

cate the older l':-'d1: and l':-a1:. It follows that to be able to consider pascatat as (at least

originally) a reinflected pascat requires that we posit anAb­

lative suffix fati.

V) 'It is interesting to note that pascat-at is not the only

form which seems to contain fati as a suffix.

Consider, ln fact, the adverb n'1:c:at 'from below', hapax in

RV 1. 116. 22bnrcad ucca cakY'athu~ patave ¡fa7j 'from below you

took out (ucca cqkrathuJ:) water (va~) for drinking'. It provides

tbe 1\);. tu nre1;'down, do",nwa:rc1s', ",hich is formally the mn.L,o,'!.

§ 391 128

of nyañe- 'directed downwards'. DM'J believe that this adverb

should be regarded as resulting froro an interference with the

adverbs ueea 'aboye' and pasea 'behind', which would contain an

old suffix -ea-: "n1:ea ... was felt as being formed like ueea 'a-1+ ~..... I+

t, b bove', pasea 'behind', therefore n1.-eat ... after pasea from e-

hind' .•. " (p. 231).

Were this form the only instance. of adverbial Ab. -at bound ..

to a seemingly consonantal stem, D&W's explanation would have

to be accepted. But paseat-at (and as-at, cf. below) indicates

that n1:e-at is not completely isolated in Vedic.

A third forro which appears to follow this pattern is the ad­

verbial asat 'from near', attested twice in the ~gveda always in

idiomatic connection with dürat 'from far': RV 1.27.3a dürae easae ca 'from far and near', and RV 4.20.1ab a na 'Índro dürad a na asat/ •.• ávase yasat .•. 'may Indra come (a ... yasat) to help

us from far, may (he come to help) us from near'. In fact, as -..... ..... D&W (p. 317) correctly observe, asat is likely to be from as-

- 'h ..... 'mouth', clearly attested in Ab. asa. and the compounds an-as-'having no mouth' and sv-as- 'having a nice mouth'. Although

they regard the form as a rhyme creation (ReimbiZdung) to dürat (an a-stem, cf. Ac. dürám 'far', L. düré 'far, in a distant

place'), it seems more simply to be a further instance of ad­verbial /atf bound to a consonant stem.

It must be pointed out, however, that this type is not pro­

ductive in the ~gveda. Paseatat, even though its original struc­

ture was paseat-at, was probably already felt as pasea-tat, since

'what exists in the language of the J3gveda is a system of adverbs

formed by means of --tat, which could even bind to at-Abla ti ves,

as in adharattat and the other words listed in (82a). And it is

not unlikely that asat may ha ve been protected by the fact of its occurring in a rhymed idiomatic phrase.

VI) Nevertheless, our argument based on paseat-at, n1.-e-a f + - ~ +t

and as-at may support an alternative analysis of nominal Ab.sg.

forms like 'Índr-at. Indeed, even though the type n1:e-at as-at is

not productive in the ~gveda, and cannot even be regarded as a

vestige of an original wider distribution of Ab.sg. -at (which

probably never existed, cf. ego Szemerényi, 1970, p. 168 f.), it

attests that not long before the stage actually documented in

the ~gveda (recall that the tat-adverbs are probably a recent

group) the ] anguage had. an Ab. suffi x fati j n sorne adverhs _ Yet.

(: 391

this suffix could be drawn only from the Ab.sg. of the a-stems,

analysed as surface 'Índr-at rather than as 'Índra-t. It should be noted that if we retain this type of decomposi­

tion also lor our synchronic analysis of the Ab.sg. of the nom­

inal a-stems, the surface form may be regarded as amhiguous he­

tween either of findr + at, indra + at, indra + at/. Yet, if it is

true that the only forms where stem0

~lould really be unavoidable

in the nominal a-stems, ie~ GL. duals in -01 instead of -ayo~,

probably do not ~xist (cf. § 4eII), then we can perhaps argue

that stem does not occur at all in these stems (in contrast

with the ~d-pronominals, where stem~ certainly occurs in the m.

GL.du. and the mn.L.sg., cf. §§ 32, 39dIV). It follows that

findra + at/ may be justified by 'Índra-sya, which has stems

; how­

ever, /{ndra+at/ may also have sorne justification, if we_consi­

der D.sg. sakhya and the analysis of the D.sg. forms in -aya which is sketched in ~ 39cII below.

VII) For the sake of clarity, letus summarise what emerges

from the aboye discussion:

(83) Speoifically Ab. case-suffixes

t· [t ] l'n personal-pronominal a-stems for a. :s ems __ W'

all numbers.

b. at: [stems / l -]W (i) in nominal a-stems for the sg;

only,

(ii) adverbially in a few consonant

stems as well.

Since the gd-pronominal forms yásmat amú~mat are not adverbs

but regular paradigm forms, we may take (83bi) as requiring that

they contain a stem-shape of a "basic a-stem. In other words, the

approach developed here compels us to analyse the internal struc­

t~re of such gd-pronominal forms as /yásm~ + at/, ie. as [[ stems / l 1 at] • In this way, it is possible to subsume themunder (83bi),

W " 'al" and where accordingly it will be necessary to erase nomln

·1 " read "in a-stems for the sg. on y .

Let us' now consider the stem yásma or yásma which we have

posited. It is nQt a new stem-shape, since it can be sUbsume~

under two of the stem-shapes which we have isolated so far, le.

stems or steml • On the other hartd, its relationship ~o the bas­

ic stem yá- does not look like a basic stem alternatlon such as

§ 39J 130

ká--..,kl-",7<.ú- or a!.",i!., because it is generalised to all the

gd-pronominals and is not restricted to a single word or sub­

class. Instead, yásm~ (i) occurs in a particular are a of the gd­

pronominal paradigm and (ii) appears to contain the basic stem

of the gd-pronominal word (yá-, amú-, etc,) before the segment ~

sma. Taken together, these facts closely resemble the behaviour

of i, which we labelled as a stem extension in § 33, and serve.

to justify our positing a second stem-extension sma (whose stems

will be -"sma, and -sma its stemi) ._ 1_

For the present, the forms yasmat amul?mat can t.herefore be described in the following manner:

(84) Mn.Ab.sg. of the gd-pronominals

a. Stem-extension:

sma: [stem J t .- s em

b. Stem-shape:

stems / l : [_ suf Jw c. Case-suffix:

at: [stems / 1 __ JW

e ) 1) The mn. D • sg. forms

ently follow the type yásmai argued in § 39bVII above, it

of the gd-pronominal words consist-I •

amUr¿ma1.-. In the light of what was

is nbt difficult to consider them as containing t:he same stem-extension sma of the mn .Ab. sg.

It must be pointed out, however, that in this mahner they are

t:he only a-stems which h9.ve the D. sg. ending -ai in Old Indic.

11) It is well lmown, in fact, that the usual D.sg. ending

of these stems is -aya, as in sakhyaya 'for friendship' from n.

;~a7dlyá-. In addition, a rarer ending -a must be acknowledged

ciometimes in the ~gveda, ego in the forms ratnadhéya and sa7<.hya Wllich occur in (85a) and (85b) below:

(85) a. RV 4.34.1ab

r:bhúr vlbhva vaja lndro no ácha imélJ~ yajñém.! ratnadhéyópa yata '~bhu, Vibhvan, Vaja, Indra towards us (no ácha) come (úpa yata) to this sacrifice, for the distribu-

tion of wealth (ratnadhéya) '

§ 39J

b. RV 1.178.2b

gáman na indra~ sakhya váyas ca 'Indra may come to us, for friendship (sakhya) and

strength (váya~)'

c. RV 9.7.7a-c

sá vayÚITI lndram asvlna sakám mádena gachati rá~a yó as ya dhármabhi~ 'he to Vayu/ to Indra, to the A~vins

131

he goes together with (his) intoxication (sakám máde­ha)

he who (goes) with its rules for delight (y1ár:z.a) '

D&W (p. 93) regard such forms as "haplological shortening"

of -yaya into -ya, since most of the more likely instances of

this ending are with ya-ste~s. Similarly, haplology of -aya ya­into -a ya- could account for rár:z.a in (85c), where rár:z.a may~ how­

ever/ also be an l. of rán- 'delight' rather than a D. of rar:z.a-. lIt would then be not a final Dative, but rather an Instrumental

of reason; cf. Delbrück, 1888, p. 127 f., Instrumentalis des Grundes) .

Itis possible to treat such D. forms in -a as forms without I

suffix, ie. as belonging to the same group of RV 1.105.5b rocane instead of rocanésu (cf. § 2geIII, and notes 8 and 14). Example

(85b) is particul;rly interesting in this regard, because here

sakhya is associated with váya1' another suffixless D. form (the

normal form should have been váyase) ,which recurs in the same

verse position, ie. in the cadence of a hendecasyllable, in RV " h ' , , t f" t 7.97.1d gaman madaya prat ama~ vayas ca 'may he come a lrs I

for intoxication (mádCiya) and strength'.

In a synchronic perspective, we might thus be entitled to i­

dentify in the Datives in -aya, whatever their historical orig­

in (cf. § 39cIII below), a suffix /ya/ bound to a lengthened a­stem, with an alternation between, eg., sakhya (suffixless form)

and sakhya-ya (form with suffix) which would be exactly paral­

lel to sakhya"-'sa7<.hya-ni in the n.NAc.pI. Interestingly enough,

Panini seems to envisage an analysis of this kind for the D.sg.

of°1:he a-stems ih 7.1.13 and 7.3.102 (cf. also van Nooten, 1970,

p. 19) o This can be described in the following way:

l~ I 1,

1

§ 39] 132

(86) D.sg. of the nominal a-stems

a. Stem-shape: steml : [ __ (suf) Jw

b. Case-suffix: ya: [steml _Jt'l

III) It is important to note here that in the elosest sister language of Old Indie, ie. Avestan, a similar differenee does not exist between the D. ending of the gd-pronominals and the D. ending of the nominal a-stems. Indeed, as we have seen, these endings are respeetively -ai and -a(yaJ in Vedie. In Avestan, instead, the same ending -ai is shared by the gd-pronominals (eg., yamnai, amnai = yásmai, asmái) with the nominal a-stems (eg. ahurai I to the god I = ásuraya) .

This Avestan nominal ending has elear parallels in Greek AÚXWL, Arehaie Latin duenoi 'bono', Osean hÚY'tú1 'horto' or fAouaoL 'Floro', Gaulish MaxxapLouL or (MartiJCiaollui, Lithuan­ian vi~kui Ito the wolf', etc. This has been generally inter­preted as meaning that the Indo-Iranian ending -ai, a eontinua­tion of Indo-European ~'~-oi, was the original ending whereas -aya (also sometimes oeeurring in Avestan, yet only "as an arehaism in the Gathas", ef. D&W, p. 93) was an Indo-Iranian innovation in the nominal a-stems (ef. ego Pisani, 1961, p. 116; Szemerényi, 1970, p. 169; Adrados, 1975, p. 466; etc.). D&W (p. 94), however, also suggest "the possibility that the Old Indie (and partly al­so Gatha-Avestan) differenee between nominal -aya and pronominal a-sm-ai may derive from Indo-Germanie age like the other differ­enees between nominal and pronominal endings".

Whiehever is the most adequate historieal reeonstruetion, it does appear that the ending -ai of the Vedie gd-pronominal mas­eulines and neuters is an old form whieh in the synehronic system of the language has the status of a relie with a restrieted dis­tribution.

IV) One traditional interpretation of this mn. ending -ai has seen in it the eommon D.sg. suffix -e, ie. /ai/. For instanee, Maedonell (1910) elaims that "the normal ending -e is aetually used in the pronominal deelension, e.g. tásmai = tásma-'e" (p. 257). Other authors are more eautious, limiting themselves to projeet­ing this type of strueture into a Proto-Indo-European stage (eg.

~ 39 ] 133

11 d '--o",' l' S eontraeted from the stem-·final D&W, p. 94: In o-Germanle &

o and the general Dative ending -a1· or -ei"; similarly Thumb,

1958,1 2 p. 32). In our tramework, this would amount to positing an underlying

strueture [[stem smaJstem

aiJw. The distribution of the D:sg. suffix /ai/ eould,aceordingly, be deseribed roughly as belng general, with the exception of the nominal a-stems, the mainly feminine stems that have /ai, as, ami, and the personal pronouns

(for whieh ef. § 7eII). Yet it is possible to argue that when the gd-pronominal in-

fleetional system diverges from the pattern of the nominal a-and a-stems, it is always in the direetion of special morpho­logieal deviees, not of extremely general ones. This is the case with the suffixes 0 and /sam/ for the m.N.pl. and the G.pl. re­speetively, the oeeurrenee of the stem-extension /i/ in the,m., N.pl. and in the mn.G.pl., the stem-extensions /sma/ and /Sl/ ln a number of oblique cases for the ron. and the f. (ef. §§ 40,45), the suffix /in/ of the mn.L.sg. (ef. §§ 39dIV, 50bI-II);

Clearly, to treat yásmai ascontaining the suffix /ai/ w~uld not be eonsistent with this pieture, sinee neither of sakhyaya and sakhya eontains /ai/, at least synchronically (ef. § 39cII).

V) Alternatively, we may identify a suffix /ai/ in the mn. ending -ai of the gd-pronominals, whieh is formally similar to the suffix whieh we isolated in devy-ái, sénay-ai etc. However, in sueh forms the suffix /ai/ eooceurs with las, ami in a set of basieally f. ease~suffixes, while in the gd-pronominals t~ere are no mn. forms with las, ami. Moreover, historieally speaklng, mn. -ai and f. -ai are differentbeeause the former derives from ~':-oi and the latter from ~·:-ai. hIt follows that we can argue that the relie mn. ending -ai should be analysed synehronieally as eontaining a suffix /ai! whieh must be distinguished because ~f its isolated eharaeter from the homophonous suffix of the basle­ally feminine set /ai, as, ami. In this manner, the mn:D.sg. s~f­fix /ai/ can be added to the list of speeial morphologlcal devlees

of the gd~pronominals (ef. §§ 3geIV, SObI-II). " . h' eh i s am-The surface structure of the form lS ya-sm-a-¿, w 1

biguous with respeet to its underlying stem shape, ~ine~ either of /yásm + ai, yásma + ai, yásma + ai/ may resul t in' yasma-¿. 'rhe faet that the nominal a-·stems have steml in the D. sg. may favour

. the s'~me stcm-sr.1ape 11so for the mll.O. s '. an ana 1 '{si s .that pos 1 ts "

§ 39] 134

of the gd-pronominal~. However, a closer examination of the dis­tribution of stem-shapes within the gd-pronominal paradi

'd . gro may provl. e some grounds for preferring stem (like yá-sya th sg di t ' - ~ .' e mn.

• . rec cases, amu-na, and possibly ye-na and /yásma + at/ cf. § 44aI-II). Accordingly, the forms yásmai and wm~8mai ca~ be described as follows: •

(87) Mn O f •. sg. o the gd-pronominals

a. Stem-extension: ama: [stem J

-"stem b. Stem-shape:

stems/l: [ ___ suf]w

c. Case-suffix:

(ji: [stemS / l -]w

~t mus: be stressed that we refer here to how the relic endl.ng a-z- b mn.

- can est fit in with the synchrontcal morphologieal system of,vedic, and not to its origino In such a persp~ctive, an analysl.s like (87) seems not only to be the simplest one bot also to capture a number of tnterestl.'ng . . ,

generalisations.

d) 1) The mn. L. sg. forms yásm1;n amúsm,,'n ~ clearly b,elo,ng to the same grou f' . , - .•

p o yasma-z- yasmat, because of their stem-extension' However, their L sg e di . h .. .

• . n ng --z-n as even fewer counterparts in the mO~Phology of the language than the mn.O.sg. ending -ai has.

It l.S neeessary to point out that, although the text of the ~gveda always has -in in the gd-pronominals, on oceasions the

m~~áre WO~ld seem to require an ending -i, as in the clauseyásmiñ aaK n whl.eh recurs' th d l.n e ca ence of a hendecasyllable in RV 1 ~3.14a, 1.174.5a ('he in whom you rejoiced') and 10 95 4 ('h' l.n whom h " • • c e

s e reJol.ced'). It appears that the correct scheme -v--can be obtained only by restoring yásmi aakán.

It may even be that this type of form has to be posited in-dependently for the 1 d' "

n l.C area, l.f 1t is true (ef. Smith, 1929, p. 270; however, Mayrhofer 1951 p 108 f di '

, • p "" , sagrees) that pa~l. tam~1". Asokan Prakri t tasi and Southern inscriptional Pra-~r1t etama~ are continuations of *táami *etásmi wh l Sau ~ t . ' . ,. ereas on y .

rasen1 ass~~ would be from tásmin. 13

:1) Important to note is the fact that the Avestan gd-pro-noml.nals ha ve only -hmi, also 1 h - 1 ~ ~ " spe t - m1: /jl1r1trn ahrm (= w$nmlrt,

§ 39J 135

asm1-n) etc. Outside the Indo-Iranian area, the only direct parallels to

these forms with -in or -i may be the Cretan gd-pronominal m~. O.sg. 5T~~~ 'OTWL' and the Old Bulgarian mn.L.sg. gd-pronominal forms in -mt like to~t, jemt, komt etc. In these Old Bulgarian forms -'t may, however, be both from ;':-in and from ;':-i. It should be observed, moreover, that Umbrian esme in Tabulae Iguvinae VI b 55 [e]sme pople. 'in hoe populo' and Lithuanian m.L.sg. tame may have the normal endings of the *o-stems (ef. pople and, re­speetively, lange 'in the window'), while Old Bulgarian -t ap­pears to be isolated in the synchronic system of the language (ef. rabe 'in the servant') like Old Indie -in.

The clearest parallel to this ending has been seen, instead, in the D. ending -~v of the Greek personal pronouns, eg., Oorie . . . ,.,) " () E~LV (l.st sg.), TLV (2.nd sg.), Homerl.e TELV (2.nd sg. , a~~l v (1.st pI.), ~~~L(V) (2.nd pI.), etc. If there is an actual link between sueh Greek forms and Vedic yásmin etc., although they belong to different morphologieal classes (ie., personal pronouns as against gd-pronominals) , it would seem that the ending -in is at least as old as -i in the gd-pronominals.

III) We ha~e just seen that Cretan OTL~l and Avestan yahmt seem to suggest that yásmi is an old formo We may even speeulate that its origin is assoeiated with the structure of Hittite pa­radigms like sg. N. arunas, D. aruna, L. aruni in the a-stem aru­na- 'sea' or sg. D. -sma, L. -smi in the possessive -smi-'their l.

Within the Vedic morphological system, this form would be likely to be felt as:

(88)

An alternative [[yá smiJstem ~]w would be excluded, since we have seen that alternations su eh as ká--kí.- or a'!"-i'!" occur, at least in the gd-pronominals, only in the basie stem, not in the stem-extension.

In (88) the suffix /i/ resembles the most eommon L.sg. case­suffix. Yet in the nominal a-stems it binds to stem or steml . s, yielding the endíng -e of, eg., í.ndre 'in Indra', while /yasm/ is elearly stem~. It is not diffieult to see that the oeeurrenee of the eoromon L.sg. suffix /i/ in a gd-pronominal form that di­verges from its parallel forms in the nominal a-stems is at vari-

§ 39J 136

ancewith the pattern we mentioned in ~ 39cIV.

In consequence, it is not surprising that this form· should

have be en reduced to a marginal status in Vedic,

IV) The analysis given above for yáami may require a paral­

lel analysis for its more corumon doublet yásmin:

(89) Mn.l..sg. of the gd-pronominals

a. stem-extension:

sma: [stem J t -- s em

b. Stem-shape:

stemp : [ __ suf J~7

c. Case-suffix:

in: [stemp __ Jw

V) The isolated form yadtsmin (cf. § 17a) is puzzling not

only because of its idiosyncratic occurrence within the paradigm

of yad2:S-, but also because the underlying sequence Issl in a

possible Iyadf~-sm-inl would be expected to become ka, as in I •

v1~kqu 'in the settlements' from Ivis + súl or ádik.c¿i '1 assigned

to I from I~ + dis + s + i/. In other words, the phonologically re­

gular form would be the unattested *yadfk9min. Bartholomae (1892) suggests that the form originated through

th t' 11" , ,. e propor lon ye: ye-Ef.u = yas : yasm1--n" (p. 291). If this were

t:aken as an assertion of the presence of a regular pattern in

the language, it would lead to a number of unwanted results. In­

deed, on the one hand it could be taken to mean that the mn.l..sg.

S~OUld b.=. [/~m.N.sg. J :u:;J\J' But since the m.N.sg. of yadflJ- was elther yadr:n (from Iyad~ns + si), attested in the later language, , . _. or yaeb:k like svordtk etc. (cornmonly regarded as derived from

/-df~ + si), the resulting L. form should have been l'~yadfñk?min or 1'~yadtk9min. On the other hand, to take Iy~sl as a stem could

entail, according to our framework, that the m.N.sg. yá~ is not

[stem s sJw but[[stem sJstem 0Jw' that is, that /sl should be a

stem-extension and not a case-suffix. Yet Bartholomae's analysis

would be the only reason for doing so, while there is independ­

ent evidence to warrant regarding Isl as a N.sg. case-suffix.

D&W, instead, regard the form as "simply a free imitation of , . , yasm1--n, where the similarity of S and S also played a role" (p.

499). If we also take into account the fact that yad~;?mln is i3

~" !.

,. ..•...•.. c

¡ I

~ 401 137

hapax, we may thus regard it as an occasional individual cre­

ation, based on a proportion similar to Bartholomae's, as well -.1'7< - " as on an (incorrect?) analysis of the m.N.sg. yaar· as Iyadrs/.

It is ihterest.ing to note that this kind of occasional cre­

ations, which do not follow the prevailing morphological pattern,

also occur in other cases in Vedic. One of the most typical

examples are the Ab. forms didyót 'from the thunderbolt' and'

vidyót 'from the. lightning', which occur in two rather similar

mantras in Middle Vedic texts, ego TS 1.8.14.1 mrtyór ma pahi didyón ma pahi 'protect me from death, protect me from the thun­

derbol t', and VS 20.2 mrtyóJ: pahi v'idyót pahi 'protect from

death, protect from the lightning'. D&v.) correctly maintain that

these two forms should be viewed as "occasional analogical forms

to the Nominatives didyút vidyút according to the pattern of

m{'tyúJl : mr;tyÓJ:" (p. 151). In other words, didyót vidyót may have

been formed not by suffixation, as in the case of the reqular

AbG.sg. forms didyút-alJ vidyút-a~, but by ablau·t. Yet, there is

an essential difference between m:dyút : vidyót and mr:tyúJ: : mr:­tyóh. In the former pair, ,t belongs tothe stem, which is v1:dyút­(cf: Ac.sg. v1:dyút-am, N.pl. '¡yidyút-a~), while in the latter the

, , I final Isl is a suffix (cf. Ac.sg. m2.'tyu-m, N.pI. mr:tyav-a1.; see

also §§ 19bVI, 25cI). Since no ot:her consonant stems have AbG. sg.

forms marked only by strong ablaut, DMA] seem to be correct in

their interpretation of these two forms.

4 O. It was argued in § 19d that the f. sg. forms yásyai yásya)J yásyam and amú~yai amú~ya~ amúEf.ywn contain the suffixes lai, as,

ami, which occur in the paradigm of a number of essentially femi­

nine vowel and consonant stems. The bases yásy- amú~y-, to ~hich these suffixes bind, appear

to contain -sy- "'-sy- as a feminine counterpart to the stem-­

extension -sm-"'-s~- which we observed in § 39. Since this f.

st.em-extension ne~er appears in the contexts __ C or __ # I there

is no direct way of determÚling whether i t should be regarded

as underlying Isy/, Isil or IsI/. However, its -y- occasionally

counts ~etrically as a short syllable, that is as -iy-,as in

the dodecasyllable RV 2.13.1a r:túr jánitY'''i tásya apás pári 'the

sea son is Chis)' mother. Near her water ..• ', where the opening I .,. ~ (- PI')

v-v-- (rtur Jan~tY'1--) and the cadence -v-vu -a apas par1-- re-

quire a'break of two short syllables, that is, tásiy-. This al­~

ternati on tány- -I.c'wly- may point to underlying Isil, because

§ 41] 138

only sorne underlying /y/I S never beeome iy (ef. Waekernagel, 1896, P .202: "y in the reI. pron. yá-, in the Gen. sing. -sya, in theeomparative suffix -yas-, in the present-tense element -ya- and in the future-tense element -sya-U) •

As a eonsequenee, we could regard the stem-extension as being /si/, and the stem-shape as being either stem (/y~si/) or stem

l (/y~sr/), as in the following statement: s

(90) F.D.AbG.L.sg. of the gd-pronominals

a. stem-extension:

si: [stem J t -- s em

b. Stem-shape: stems / l : [ ___ sUfJw

e. Case-suffixes: (ji:· [stem

S/ 1 __ JW' if D.sg.

as: [stems / l __ JW' if AbG.sg. am: [stems / l __ JW if L.sg.

41. a) We noted in § 4gIII that the I.pl. ending -ai~ tends to be used les s in gd-pronominal than in nominal stems! In addi­tion, this ending is restrieted to the a-stems and appears to laek any parallels within the morphological system of th~ lan­guage, whieh otherwise has the suffix /bhis/ (associated w1th the stem-extension /i/ in the doublet ending -ebhi~ of the a­stems).

b} On the other hand, there is no doubt that -aiQ is to be regarded as an old ending, because of itsseveral parallel forros in the sister languages.

In faet, it is the normal ending of both nominal and gd-pro­nominal a-stems in Avestan, ef. zastais from zasta- m. 'hand' or yais (= ~Jbhi~). Only the demonstrative stem a- has beside 2iis also a~bis (= ebh~~). The same ending seems to oecur in the Lithuanian m.I.pl. forms tats, Zanga~s (from Zangas 'window ' ) and possibly in Osean zicoZois 'diebus' and Archaie Latin cas­tpeis, which could all be from *-ois. The short diphthong of Greek LnnoLS, on the other hand, may have a different origin, even though it presupposes in all probability a lost *-WLS.

e) From a synchronical standpoint it should be noted that in

139

the two adverbs papacáiQ 'away' and p~acái~ 'forwards' -ai~ seems to bind to the consonant bases pa~ac- p~ac-, weak stems

, -f"'J • -/I-.-..¡ of the. directional adjectives pa~anc- 'dlrected away' and p~anc-'directed forwards', respectively. As in the case of n~cat etc. in § 39bV, we may therefore argue that -ai~ should be treated as a suffix /ais/, as suggested also by pa~ini 7.1.9 ato bhis ais 'after a nominal stem ending in a, ais is substituted for bhis' (ef. also van Nooten, 1970, p. 19). In this manner, however, the stem-shape can be any of stem~, stems or steml , all of which

would result in /anyais/. Accordingly, we may describe this case forro in the following

way:

(91 ) structure of mn. 1. pI. anyái~

a. Stem-shape: stemx : [ __ suf Jw.

b. Case-suffix: ais: [stemx ___ Jw

ORGANISATION OF THE SYSTEM

42. a) 1) It was demonstrated in §§ 19-41 that the case

forms of the Vedic gd-pronominals can be described consistently

and result into interesting generalisations by using the general

format (92a) rather than (92b):

(92) a. [stem (suf) Jw b. [stem endingJ

W

In fact, the traditional concept of ending has often been

used in a rather loose way for indicating both strictly suffix­

al segments which recur with different stem classes without mo­

difying their own shape, and segments which more properly con­

tain the rightmost rhyme of the stem and a suffix (cf. also § 3a). Thus D&W (p. 37 f.) appear to treat as G.sg. endings, on

the one hand , the suffix lasl of ego k!'átv-af) (AbG.sg. of kY.'átu­m. 'strength' I cf. N.sg. kY.'átu-1, Ac.sg. kY.'átu-m), nav-áf) (AbG.

sg. of náu- f. 'ship', cf. N.sg. náu-f), Ac.sg. nav-am) or vi­dyút-a1 (AbG. sg. of v'idyút- f. 'lightning', cf. N. sg. vidyút, Ac.sg. vidyút-am), and on the other hand the segment ~aBya, which

contains the final a of the a-stems and the suffix Isya/, cL

dv ' d' d " , e a-Bya an lts Ac.sg. eva-m vs. amu-~ya and its Ac.sg. amu-m (cf. also § 24).

Just as inthe mn.G.sg. of the gd-pronominals thisformat

(92a) enabled us to see a single structure in the two endings

-aBya and -u~ya, we argued in §§ 20-21 that the n.NAc.sg. forms

ékam and k1m can be regarded as instances of a single structure

[stems m Jw-

11) In (92a) the symbol 'suf' is enclosed by round brackets

in order to indicate that it might as well be missing. In such

cases, the actual form is made up only by the stem, obviously,

not by the stem bound to a zero-suffix. Accordingly, the symbol

'0' indicates only an absence, and is used merely because it is

visually more effective than a mere blank or a gap.

, 1t should be noted that when using the round bracket notation

in (92a) we mean to imply three theoretically possible types,

all of which are represented in the gd-pronominal inflectional

sys tem: (i) the type [s tem suf Jw eg. in yá-m, yá-Bya etc. i ( i i)

the type [stem]W' which occurs eq. in f.N.sg. ya with th~ leng-

§ 43 J 141

thened stem¡ (iii) the type [stem (suf) JW' where the case-suffix

may optionally be missing in the same case formo This seems to f h' +. + happen in the al terna. tions Ba-. '" Ba or ya-n-& '" ya. We have seen

in § 39cI1\ that the doublet D.sg. endings -aya and -a of the

nominal a-stems may be viewed as a further example of this model,

which may account also for the al terna tion -e~u '" -e in the L. pi.

of the nominal a-stems (cf. note 8 and § 2geIII) .14

b) Structure (92a) above is a typical_ instance of concate-.,.-----~ -"-

native structure (cL McCarthy, 1981b, p. 373). According to it,

th~ affixal case-morphemes are discrete elements that linearly

bind (in this case) to the right end of the stem.

These morphemes, which we have here termed case-suffixes,

have been mainly identified by means of two kinds of discovery

procedures. The first one involves searching for invariant par­

tial sequences which recur in parallel case forms of different

inflectional classes. The second one seeKs to isolate a partia1

sequence as a stem which recurs in different case forms of a

single inflectiona1 c1ass, and then checks against a variety of

criteria whether what is 1eft as a residue to its right can be

regarded as a case-suffix.

43. a) The case-suffixes encountered in the gd-pronomina1 '.

morpho10gica1 system are arranged in their underlying forms in

(93) on the next page. See § 39cV for the reasons for keeping apart mn.D.sg. lail

and f.D.sg. lai/.

b) 1) For the distribution of the doublet forms, reference

shou1d be made to the relevant sections. In particular, for Isl . " and 0 in the m.N.sg. see §§ 13cIV-V, 14cI1-I11, 16c1, 22, 26;

for Idl and Iml in the n.NAc.sg. see §§ 20, 21; for Ina/ and

Inal in the mn.I.sg. see §§ 4b, 25dV, e, 34; for linl and lil in

the mn.L.sg. see § 39d1¡ for lal and possib1y 0 in the f.1.sg.

see §§ 13e1, 2ge111; for lal, laul and 0 in the m.NAc.du. see §§ 4d, 29; ,for III and 0 in the n.NAc.du. see §§ 16eII, 35b, dI:

for Inil and 0 in the n.NAc.pl. see §§ 4f, 16a¡ for Ibhisl and

laisl in the mn'.I.pl. see §§ 4g, 30, 38ab, 41. We can summarise here the discussion in the above secticins

by recalling that these alternátions of doub1et forms cannot a11

be viewed as optionalvariants. 1ndeed, strict1y speaking, only

--"-----------§ 43J

142 ..

the alternation 0 -/nil in th "TA ] e n .• ~ c.p .• 8eems to be free, while the alternations ~-/sl i th n e m.N.5g. of the tá-class and la/-/aul in the m.NAc.du. of the a-stems i - tend to be specia1-sed to certain phono1ogical contexts.

(93) Gd-pronominal case-8uff ixe8

m. n. f.

sg.N. 0 -T s, ~

Ac. m d, m r--~

m l. na, -'---na a, (~)

D. a i al ----- -

Ab. a t G. sy a as

- -'-r-' L. in, 1~ am dU.NAc. a, au, 0 ] 1:, 0= ¡ 0

IDAb. bhyam GL. -

aus

p1.N. 0 j n; Ac. n 1» s

r. bhz:s r ais bhis ----DAb. bhyas G. sam L. su

We know too little about linl '" lil in the L . . mn. • sg. to make any general~sat~ons, since it 8eems to be attested ~lith 8~ d-gree of pl~usibility on1y in the relative yá-. me e

Also Ina/- Inal and /bhis/'" laisl in the mn 1 d spectivel th .. sg. an , re-

- - . y, e mn. I. pI.. of the gd-pronominal a-stems would to occur freely i th d seem '. n e wor s for which they are attested' but ~n th~s regard we observed that Ina! and Ibh~sl a 'f

• ¿ re more re-quent ~n the gd-pronominal than in the nominal

a-stems. We may

§ 43J 143

thus maintain in a limited sense that the members of these two pairs tend to be specific not to different phonological contexts, but to different word classes: Inal and Ibhisl to the gd-pronom­inals, andl/nal and laisl to the nominals.

As we argued in § 2gel1-111, in the f.I.sg. zero-suffix may be present only in the hapax tya, which can even be a poetic lieence caused by the preeeding svetya (cf. § 13eI). In any case, it would seem really to be a nominal type, while lal in the regu­lar yáy-(i is shared by both gd-pronominals and nominal (i-stems.

1t is the class of the word or stem which seleets the ease­suffix in the other pairs of alternants. For Isl and 0 in the m.N.sg. and Idl and Iml in the n.NAc.sg. see § 50cV, while on the question of the lack of Inal in amú-, on the one hand, and on the other hand the distribution of la, aul and 0 in the m. NAc.du. and /II and 0 in the n.NAc.du., see § 50c11.

11) Sinee it is likely in any case that tya i8 a poetie li­cenee (cf. § 43bI above) , if it contain8 0-suffix and not lal, it may beobserved that all the sure doublet forms occur only in the m. and n. This may be associated, in part at least, with the emergence in Vedic of a specifically feminine inflectional type, characterised mainly by its case-suffixes (cf. the analy­sis of the case forms of the devt-class and of the a-s teros in § 19bI-III).

111) It is interesting to note that gender-syncretism is much wider in the suffixes than in the full forros. In fact, while in the obligue singular cases there is the wel1-known op-, position between syncretic ron. and f •• in the obligue duo and pI. there is a single set of suffixes. The only exception to this is the possibility of the a-stems of having ;aisl in the mn.I.sg., but only marginal1y.

Accordingly, we can posit two hierarchic dimensiona of dif­erentiation, where the elements on the right side tend to be more gender-syncretic than those on the opposite side:

(94) a. N.Ac. > non-direct cases

b. sg. > pI. > duo

In addition, it can be observed that within the les s gender­syncretic N.Ac. suffixes, the case-differentiation follows, on the one hand, Ilierarchy (94b), and onthe other hand tlle f0110\l.'-

1:

§ 44J 144

ing one:

(95) m. > f. > n

44. a) I) While we found no reason for analysing the suffix­es into smaller units at a synchronic level, we did find that the stems could be decomposed into a rich inte.rnal structure.

J\t its outer layer we found an opposition in a number of forms between short, long and zero vowel, which we regarded as an op­position between different stem-shapes, namely the simple stem (stems )' the lengthened stem (steml ) and the shortened stem (stem\Zl) .

In a number of other forms there 18 no direct surface evi­dence of 811Ch stem-shapes, even though it is possible to posit them at an underlying level prior to the operation of sandhi rules. Accordingly, sorne of these forms may be viewed as being ambiguous between the three stem-shapes (ambsJ~) r like yáu which could be either of jy + tu!, !yé, + auj and /yt +'au/. Other forms, however, are ambiguous only between stems and stem

1 (amb

sl)' but

seem to exclude stem\Zl. F'or instance, in yásyai we isolated a base yásy- which we analysed as /yé, + st¡, the segment /st/ be­ing the stem-extension /sl/ in some stem-shape. If, however, we regard the shortened stem as a stem the last vowel of which is dropped (ef. § 44b), yásy- can only be stems or steml' since stem\Zl would have been yás-.

The distribution of the stem-shapes and of the ambiguous forms is shown in (96) on next page. (For amt- as steml see § 38dIII) •

11) In §§ 38a, dIII it was suggested that steml may be gen­eralised to the entire gd-pronominal plural because all the un­ambiguous pI. forms have this stem-shape. It is obvious that al­so the forms with the ending -ai~ (which were not taken into ac­count in the sections which have just been mentioned) can be regarded as conforming to this pattern.

Not dissimilarly, all the dual forms can be regarded as be­ing steml' with the exception of YOQ etc., which has stem\Zl in an unmistakable way.

In the sg., instead, there appears to be more differentiation. On the one hand, all the feminine forms could be viewed as being stem1 · But the mn. clearly has stems in the direct cases (taking

§ 44J 145

(96) Distribution of the stem-shapes and of the ambiguous forms in the gd-pronominal paradigm

sg.N.

1.

DAb.

G.

L.

du.NAc.

IDAb.

GL.

pl.N.

Ac.

lo

DAb.

G.

L.

m. n. f.

stems

amb::e~~Y=1-)_ '-----¡------------

r--------~s-t;;:m- (amu-'---)- ambs1

(yáy-) s

{ stem1 } (tya)

ambsl (yé-) ambs1 \Zl ¡------------- ._-------- ------------

-stem (anTU)l ~te-;;l ¡ami1¡ 1 steml ¡~¡ amb 1 (ya yáu) amb 1 (yé) i3Jl1bs1 (ye)

sl\Zl s. ____ ". ___ _ t----------- --.. --.~.--.-

stem1 --- .- ---------_._----------_._----

---- ~-stem

l (mn!) ---\ --

ambs'l (ye) -J stem1

steml (arnt-) ambs1 (yé-)

§ 44J 146

ay~ also as stem ), in amúna and in the G., and stem~ in the L. s v '1-'

It is possible to unify yt;na to amúna as stem , but in the D. s

and Ab. it seems difficult to choose between stem (thus having s -this stem-shape in the entire mn.sg.

(cf. § 39bVI, cII, V). except the L.) and steml

In any case, the pattern which results becomes quite simpli­fied:

(97) Simplified distribution of stem-stapes in the gd-pronom­inal paradigrn

m. n. f.

sg.N.Ac.I. --~------------------~

D.Ab. -----~----------_._--------I

G.

L. stem<;'S

du.NAc.

IDAb. ~--~~~~~~-----------~--

. steml

ste~ GL.

pI. J b) Stem-shape alterriations are not instances of morpheme con­

catenat;io;n (cf-~--·r-42b). rndeed, if we take stem as the fundam-s

ental shape

(cf. § 46b) ,

shapes is by

because of its formal identity with the basic stem

the most obvious way of deriving the other two stem­

means of the following two rules:

(98) a. Stem-vowel lengthening:

V+V/ J --- stem

b. stem-vowel drop:

v + l2l/ --Jstem

It may be noted that the two rules (98a) and (98b) are mor­

phological and not phonological rules, inasmuch as they are sen­

sitive only to a morphological boundary.

§ 44 ] 147

e) 1) On the face of it, the two rules (98) would seem to

be ablaut rules, yielding a lengthened grade a and, respective­

ly, a zero grade l2l from a normal grade a. Such an ablaut series

indeed exi~t in Vedic, for example in the following two verbs:

(99) Root

Normal

grade

Zero

grade

ghas- 'to eat'

ghás-at Aor. subj.

kll-an Aor. inj.

Lengthened ja-ghas-a Pf. indo

grade 3.rd sg.

pat- 'to fly'

pat-ati Preso indo

pa-pt-ú~ Pf. indo 3.rd

pI.

pat-ayati Causo preso

;Lnd.

11) Consider, however, the paradigm of the ablauting ~-stem

svás~- 'sister' given in (100). The forms in square brackets do

not occur in the ~gveda, but can be reasonably reconstructed on

the basis of parallel case forms from other ~-stems.

(100) Paradigrn of f

svas~- 'sister'

sg. duo pI. p - svásar-{a, au} svásar-al] N. svasa I - .. svásy!-~ Ac. svasar-am

lo [svásr-aJ rsvás~-bhyCimJ svás~-bhi~ ,

11 [ svásr:-bhya~ ] D. svasr-e svásul] "

11

Ab.

{SV~sY!-~Ciml G. " svásr-ol] svasr-am

[svásar-i J 11 r svás~-E}u ] L.

V. [svasaJ¡.J [svasar-{a, au}1 svasar-al] - "

In the Rgveda, the ending -rol] of the GL.du. of svás~- is al­

ways disyliabic (cf. Grassmann, 1872, p. 1635; D&W, p. 20: f.~ as in all the r-stems. In consequence, the attested spelllng lS

probably to beOattributed to the later editors who modernised

the original form svásaroJ¡. (cf. Wackernage~, 1896, pp. XI, 55).

Disregarqing the forms svása and .svásul], which raise sorne

problenls with respect to their proper synchronic analysis (for

svásul], however, see note 15), and the question of the accent

of the Vocative, which is notof relevance here, the bases

are distributed as follows:

§ 44] 148

(101) Distribution of the dH ferent bases in the paradigm of , 'sister' svas:r:-,

sg. duo plo

N. , - svásar svasar Ac. p - , -svasar svas{' ----I.

svásr D.

, , svast' svasr

Ab.

G. '~L ' svásar ~~! sv_~ L. , , svas{' svasar V. svasar svasar -_.-

Given that the two bases svás:r:- and svásr-· are in complement-

ary distribution in the contexts ___ C and ___ V respectively, it

is natural to regard them as surface realisations of a single

underlying /svás~'I. This is commonly regarded as the reduced

grade of the normal grade /svásar/, whose lengthened grade is

/svásar/. The same ablaut series occurs, eg., in the verb bh{'-'to bear': bl-bhar-t~ Preso ~nd 3 d b' bh ,. P v ~..r sg., ~- {'-mas~ res. indo 1.st pI., ja-bhar-a Perf. indo 3.rd sg.

I - , _ ,

But what of svas{'- in svas:r:-~ and svasf-~am? Cléarly, it

seems to be generated by our rule (98a), but it cannot be re­

garded as a lengthened-grade ablaut, because the latter is svá­sar- in this word. In consequence, it would seem that in (101)

two different systems are at wórk: (i) stem-ablaut, which alter-

/ ' , , -nates svas;- "-' svasar "-' svasar/, and (ii) stem-shape, which oper-

ates only on the reduced grade, ie. on the only ablaut-stem

which ends in a vowel, alternating /svás;-,,-, svás'f/ .15

111) Since an a-stem would have a final vowel in all.its ab­

laut grades, it cannot formally distinguish stem-ablaut from

stem-shape as the :r:-stems (as also the i- and u-stems do). In

this respect, the systems of stem-shapes are ambiguous in the

gd-pronominals and in the nominal a-stems.

However, it lS possible to think that the oeeurrence of a

similar (although redueed) system of stem-shapes in the i-, u­and J:'-stems concurrently wi th ablaut indicates that t:hey ,~hould

§ 44J 149

really be viewed as two separate systems.

One fact that may support this view is, for example, that in

the m •. and n. one of the main oppositions is between sg. (stems and stem(b' ipossibly also steml ) and du.pl. (steml ). In other

words, it is a number opposition, while all ablaut patterns in

Vedic nominal morphology are broadly speaking case oppositions

(eg., direct cases vs. oblique cases, N. vs. other cases, etc.).

In the gd-pr<;mominal system of stem'-shapes, however, the dis­

tribution of stem(b is distinctly at variance with the pattern

sg. vs. du.pl. of stems

and steml . In fact, if we were to take

the distribution of the shortened stem-shape at its face-value

only, ie., Ohly in the mn.L.sg. and the m.GL.du. where it occurs

in an unmistakable way, it would elosely.resemble the distribu­

tion of the normal grade /svásar/ in the paradigm of svásI.'-. We already pointed out that yásmin and its possible doublet

yásmi are old forms (ef. § 39dII-IV). Moreover, the rapid dis­

appearanee of yó~ eno~ and avó~ after the ~gveda (ef. §§ 4e11I­

IV, 32) as well as their isolated position w~thin the gd-pro­

nominal infleetional system may be taken as elues of their be­

ing also old forms.

Ineonsequenee, the deviant distribution of stem(b would be

attested only in relie forms. This is quite aeceptable, sinee

it is indeed not infrequent that a relie feature violates the

prevailing system in a language.

IV) We noted that forms like yásmin yásmi may be eonneeted

in sorne way to the Hittite paradigm of the a-stems (§ 39dIII).

Consider in faet the sg. of the Hittite words aruna- eommon

gender (c.) 'sea', zaaaai- c. 'fight, battle', tekan- n. 'earth'

and ais- n. 'mouth' (fromFriedfieh, 1960):

zahhai- te kan- .v ( 102) aruna- a~s-

uu

v zahhai-s sg.N. aruna-s tekan .v

uu a1-S Ae. aruna-n zahhai-n

uu v zahhii-as tagn-as

.v v v G. arun-as ~8s-as

uu r.

tagn-i ·VV •

DL. arun-~ 1-8S-1-

D. (old) arun-a zahhii-a uu r. tagn-a

arun-az(a) zahhii-az(a) tagn-az(a) .v v Ab. ~ss-az

uu r.

iss-it 1.

If we do not want to separate the ease-suffixes of the a­stems from those <;Jf the infleetional types that are he re exem-

§ 45]- 150

plified by zabbai-, i;ekan- and ai'S-, we have a consistent system

which distinguishes in the stem the direct sg. from the oblique

sg. cases:

(103) sg • N . Ac . aY'una- zahhai-uu

G.DL. etc. arun- zahhii-uv ,.,

tekan­tagn-

ai'S­iss-

The alternations ai",i and an",n are clearly ablaut (cf. ego

Friedrich, 1960, p. 28). On the other hand, a- fll in aY'una- looks

like our alternation stems ",-,stem\Zl' Yet in Hittite it is organ­

ised into such a consistent ablaut system, that it would make

little sense to regard it as anything else than ablaut.

In this manner, if the Hittite pattern (103) can be regarded

as old also in the a-stems, the deviant distribution of stem\Zl

in the Vedic gd-pronominal system of stem-shapes could be viewed

as a vestige of a lost ablaut pattern.

45. a) 1) Between the case-suffix and the segment we have

called basic stem (cf. §§ 38dII-III, 46b) we found in a number

of forms an intervening morpheme which we labelled as stem-ex­

tension. Formally, there are three such morphemes in the gd-"- -- ---------pronominal paradigm: li/, Ismal and Isi/.

Their distribution is displayed \n (104) on next page.

11) It will be noted that Isil and Ismal have a rather clear

distribution in the oblique f.sg. cases (with the excéption of

the 1.) and, respectively, in the mn.D.Ab.L.sg. It seems diffi­

cult to explain, however, why Ismal does not occur also in the

G., as Isil does.

On the other hand, lil occu~s in such diverse areas that it

cannot be pinned down to a single common denominator. A number

of facts may be observed, however.

First, its regular occurrence in the I.sg. of the a-stems

has an exact parallel in the ~gvedic distribution of the new

suppletive stem aná- in the ayám-demonstrative. Even though it

is difficult to find a principled explanation for this, it does

seem to indicate some special status of the l. as compared with

the other oblique cases.

Second, lil occurs massively in the mn.pl., even though with

two gaps. However, these are filled by the forms [[ b-stem h n JW in the m.Ac. and [[b-stemJl (ni) Jw in the n.NAc., which occur

in all vowel stem classes In other words, the deviant forms are

§ 45J 151

particularly well established in the inflectional system of the language.

(104) Distribution of the stem-extensions \

m. n. f.

sg.N. 1.- (in ay-ám) 1 Ac.

1. -------------,-j;¿-------;--=:-----, -- ----

1.- (in ye-na, yay-a, amuy-a)

n.Ab.

G.

L.

t--------___

sma

.. ~"~ sma ~_~ ___________ ~

si

du.NAc. ,

i (in ye)

IDAb.

GL. b (except in YÓ1 etc.) ~----~----------~

pl.N. i J Ac.

etc.

l. i (except in anyái1)

, Third, lil in the m.N.sg. occurs only in ayam. Our interpret-

ation of this form was justified in § 14cIII on the grounds that

its alternative interpretation fitted even less well in the mor­

phological system of the Vedic gd-pronominals. In other words,

since we dismissed an ablaut i~terpretation of lail with the

arguments (i) that full grade in the m.N.sg. of an i-stem occurs

only in the isolated vé-1 'bird', and (ii) that ablaut does not

occur elsewhere in the gd-pronominals, it seemed more adequate

to interpret the morpheme li/, whatever its origin, as a stem

extension,within the synchronic morphological system of the lan­

guage (but see § 45aIII below) o

111) The stem-extensions occur consistently either in all

the gd-pronominals or in their widest group ie. the a-stems. , The only exception in this respect is lil in ay-amo

§ 45] 152

This could provide an interesting counter-argument against our analysis of this form, since s11ch an idiosyncratic oc curren ce specifically characterises the alternations of suppletive basic stems. Accordingly, /ai/ could also be viewed as a synchronical­ly unanalysable suppletive stem restricted to the m,N"sg. of the ay&m-demonstrative.

b) 1) When examining some of the forms in which the stem­extensions occur, it was observed that they have parallels in the sister languages. In fact, almost all these forms have ex~ct equivalents in the Avestan gd-pronominals. The only significant exception is yé-;iZi yé-na, ie., the occurrence of /i/ in the mn. I.sg. of the a-stems. In fact, Gatha-Avestan has ta, ya, ka (with the same ending -a of eg. Vedi:c v"irya 'with heroism " cf. § 2geI-III) and ana, for which see § 7bII, in this case formo Ac­cordingly, since neither -ena or -ena has any clear counterparts outside of Old Indic, it may be a specific innovation of this language group.

Moreo~err it should be pointed out that the difference between Avestan f. L. sg. ~':ahya and Old Indic asyam is not of relevance here, because only the case-suffixes are diff~rent, while the stem-extension is the same.

The overall picture clearly results .from (105), where the re­levant forms of the Gatha-dialect are listed. The forms in square brackets are from Young Avestan, and have no counterparts attest­ed in the Gathas:

(105) Avestan gd-pronominal forms with stem-extensions andtheir Vedic equivalents

Avestan Vedic p m.N.sg. ayem ayam

mn.D~sg. ahmai ' . asma-z-mn.Ab.sg. ahmat asmat

ahm"i A mn.L.sg. asm-z-n ..!!.

ayóJ¡. mfn.G.du. aya yoi , m"N.pl. ye

mn.I.pl. [aeibis] ebhlJ¡. mn.D.pl. aeibyo ebhyálJ

-v + mn.G.pl. aesrm e[}am -v- I mn.L.pl. yaesu ye[}u

aya -A f. 1. sg. nyn

§ 45]

f.D.sg. f.G.sg. f.L. sg. f.N~c.du.

anyai [ai~h2i] « ~':ahyas) [ai¡)heJ «~':ahya) yoi

153

, . asya-z-asyaJ¡.

...... asyam , ye

This perfect correspondence between Vedic and Avestan pat­terns can only mean that all these forms are old.

111) It seems odd that such a pattern should have remained so stable in spite of its being consistent in only a few areas. Nevertheless, these forms remain unchanged in Classical San­skrit, even though the ending -aiJ¡. spreads to all the gd-pronom­inals but for the ayám- and asáu-demonstratives. Accordingly, if our analysis of the Vedic system should hold also for Classic­al Sanskrit in its main outlines, it would appear that the above pattern did not lose its stability. However, one may concede that the morphology of the classical language is partly an arte-­fact due to an extensive grammatical codification which mainly focused its attention on phonology and morphology.

Nevertheless, it.must be observed that, at least at first sight, several features of the Old Indic system of stem-exten­sions were preserved into Middle Indic.

In pali, for example, the stem-extension -sm(a)-, together with its doublet -mh(a)-, survives in the mn.Ab.L.sg. of the gd-pronominals (eg., Ab. yasma yamha, L. yasmim yamhi) a~d even s reads to all the vocalic mn. stems (for example devasma deva-

p . - ", " f' I smim from deva- m. 'god', agg-z-sma agg-z-sm-z-m from agg-z-- m. ~re

etc.), fighting against the tendency to create a syncretic IAb. sg. (deva, aggina, sattuna from sattu- m. 'e~emy', etc.) ,_which matched both the feminine (eg. IAb.sg. ta~haya from ta~ha- f. 'thirst', matiya from mati- f. ~thought', which are also syn­cretic DGL.sg.) and the plural (eg., IAb.pl. m. yehi, f. yahi, devehi, agg"ihi etc.). The endings -smim -mhi completely r:placed the older concurrent endings in all m. and n. i-, u- and u-stems, which have only aggismim aggimhi etc.

In the feminine, on the other hand, the stem extension -ssa-, extracted from the old forms yásyai yásyaJ¡. yásyam, survived only in the f.DG.L.sg. ,of the gd-pronominals (eg. DG. yassa, L. yas­sam), while the Ab. was collapsed with the l. in th: syncretic yaya and amuya (which follow the nominal forms ta~haya and, re­spectively, dhenuya fromdhenu- f. 'cow').

It is interesting that, contrary to § 45cII, the old case~

§ 45 J 154

sUffix/sam! was reinterpreted in Pali as containing a stem-ex­

ten:io~. In fact, apart from m. yesam, f. yasam, there were also

yesanam and yasanam like devanam or ta~hanam, possibly to be analysed as [stem

l nam]W'

As for the forms with the stem-extension /i/, Pali vowel san­

d~i is too complex a question to be treated adequately here.Suf­

flce i t to observe that several Vedic forms of a-stems \<1hich COn-tain this stem-extension are matched by P-I' f ' a 1 orms wlth e or y, whatever their most pI' roper ana yS1S may be. This can be se en in the following list:

(106) pali forms corresponding to Vedic forms with the stem­extension /i/

Vedic pali i' ayam m.N.sg. ayam mf.N. sg. ,

vena mn.I.sg. vena mn.I.sg. p

yaya f.r. sg. yaya f. IAb. sg. , ye m.N.pI. ye m.NAc.pl. ldibhih mn.I.pl. yehi mn.IAb.pl. ~ .

I ye~Cirn mn.G.pl. yesam mn.DG.pl.

I

yeEfu mn.L.pl. yesu mn.L.pl.

In the case of the stem amu-, it should be observed that it

has y in th~ f.IAb,sg. amuya (cf. Vedic amúya) as well as in f.

DG.sg. amuya and f.L.sg. amuyam, doublet forms of amussa and

respectively, amussam. AII these forms, with the exception ~f those with -s:a-, are ho~ever nominal (cf. f.IAbDG.sg. dhenuua, L.sg. dhenuyam). Moreover, the mn.pl. generalises the base a~-(m_~NAc. amu, n.NAc. amü(niJ, mn.IAb. amühi, mn.DG. •

mnusu) , with no vestige of the old base amt-. amusam, mn.L.

e) 1) It should be noted that there l'S no evidence of forms with a long vowel before a stem-ext~nsion. On the other hand,

/am/ may be regarded as stemp of amú-, even if this is not ne­

cessarily so (cf. § 38dIII), since a suppletive basic stem with

an idiosyncratic distribution raises no problems for our frame­

work (cf. § 46c). Let us then make the rather strong statement

that the stem-extension is preceded only by an unmodified basic stem, which is essentially identical to a t b . 1, S ems except for the

aS1C stem ~I- of the asau-demonstrative.

I 1) The above statement can support our ~ an,11 ys i s of t~he 'r,g-

§ 45] 155

ment /sam/ as a G.pl. case-suffix (cf. § 28ab).

In fact, Lane (1961, p. 474) and other authors see the (gd-)

pronominal stem ;':so- composed wi th the different gd;::-pronominals

in its s, Oh a par with the gd-pronominal stems l':SYO- and l':sem-/ *som-, from which forms such as tásyai and, respectively, tásmai would deriveo Obviously" this is to be considered as a claim

~ concerning the historical origin of thegd-pronominal forms.

Within our f.ramework, this may entail considering /sam/ not

as a suffix, but rather as containing the suffix /am/ bound to

a stem extension /sa/. Interestingly, this association of /am/

with an a-stem would be a relic, as in devam etc. (cf. § 28cIII).

But in té~am and tasam the segment /sam/ is preceded by the stem­

extension /i/ and, respectively, the lengthened basic stem, which

do not occur before any other stem-extensions. In other words,

the alleged stem-extension /sa/ would violate the generalisation

we proposed in § 45cI on the basis of the behaviour of all the

other stem-extensions.

Clearly, it can be argued that Lane's suggestion should hold

only at a diachronic level, and that the segment /sam/, original­

ly an inflected Pfonominal stem composed with the gd-pronominals,

was subsequently reinterpreted as a. case-suffix. Yet it seems

strange that this should have occurred only here, and not also

elsewhere.

Accordingly, we may hypothesise that the origin of /sam/

should be explained along different lines. It is interesting

that Laroche (1966, p. 41) suggests that *tasom, the antecedent

of tasam, was formed by adding G.pl. *-om to the N.pl. *tas. A-, . ~ . ~

drados (1975, p. 829) adds ::to'Z-som as l:-om bound to l':tois, a pI.

form which did not take hold and was later replaced by the simple

*toi as a N.pl. Szemerényi (1979) remarks that Laroche's sug­

gestion "ls contrary to the principles 0f Indo-Germanic case­

formation" (p. 189). Yet the Indo-Iranian pI. paradigm l"tai, l':tai-bhis, l':tai-bhyas may lqok like another example of suffix­

ation to a N.pI. formo Similarly, D&W (p, 54) suggest that the

dual ending -abhyam of the a-stems wascreated by binding the

suffix ,bhyam to the m.NAc.du. in -a, and. that the type akqt ak~tbhyam originated in the same way from old akq-t. (The con­

sonant stem stíll survives in m.N. an-ák'blind'; but synchron-

~ically ak~t s8ems to count as an r-stem, ef. § 16eII). Neverthe­

less, i t is true that in the f.pI. l':ta-s, l':ta-bhis, l':ta-bhyas do not seem to follow such a pattern. 16

§ 46J 156

But in Indo-lranian at least there are sorne examples of a dif­

ferent process by means of which old forms give rise to new

forms, namely, re~Llffixéltion.ln §§ 19c1l, 39bIV we argued that,

eg., the N.pl. ending -asa1 and the D.sg. -ayai may be explain­

ed in this way as N.pl. -a1 (eg. deva1 'gods') and D.sg. -ai (eg., stHI in RV 1.54.11d svapatyái f.D.sg. of svapatyá- 'hav­

ing a nice posterity'; differently D&W, p. 119) to which the suf­

fixes /as/ and /ai/ respectively have be en added. Accordingly,

Proto-lndo-lranian *taisam *tasam could be viewed as old G.pl.

forros 1:tais ;':tas which were reinflected by means of /am/ when

they became obsolete as G. plural forms. Even though 1:tais :':tas are not normally reconstructed as G.pl. forms, it is interesting

that *-s as a G.pl. suffix has a parallel in Hittite, which in

its oldest attested stages has the two G.pl. suffixes -as (iden­

tical with G.sg. -as) and -an «*-om). Later, -an carne to be

used also for the G.sg. as the language developed a thorough num­

ber syncretism in the G. (-as, -an), Ab. (-az(a) and l. (-it). Friedrich (1960, p. 45) and other authors regard Hittite G.pl.

-as as an innovation. Yet, just like the possible Proto-Indo­

Iranian G.pl. forms *tais *tas, it may well be a reflex of ñ

stage in which the nominal and gd-pronominal inflectional sys­

tem had an organisation altogether different than in the histor­

ical languages.

4. 6. a) We have encountered in a number of gd-pronominals sorne

alternances which fit into neither of the above systems of stem­

shapes and stem-extensions. These alternances precede, so-to­

say, the two latter systems, in so far as the forms where they

occur agree with the normal morl?hological pattern in all other

respects (stem-extension, stem-shape and suffix). They can be

summarised as shown in (107).

In (107b) only the alternants of tá- are given, because tyá-, t I t k' . I , , , e a- and a a- al ternate respectl vely sya- '" tya-, e<¡a- '" eta-;

saká- """ taká- following the same pattern. See § 13d for the pos­

sibility that sásmin does not belong at all to tá-. For the two analyses [a iJstem and [aiJstem of ay-ám see §§

14cII-III and 45aIlI respectively. Note also that in (107d) the

base amt- is analysed as steml of [am iJstem ' rather than of

[ami iJstem (cf. § 38dII-III). Either option is compatible with

our position here.

l' " 46 157

(107) Distribution of suppletive basic-stem alternances

a. lnterrogative-indefinite ká-:

m. n. f.

sg.N.

Ac.

l. ká etc.

----------------~----------~

b. Tá-class:

sg.N.

Ac. etc.

L.

m.

(sá)

c. Ayám-demonstrative:

m.

n. f.

tá

n. f.

~------~.---------------------a (or ai) sg.N. i

• I

Ac. -z-ma

l aná I , ana 1 r.

a • I

G. -z-ma

d. Asáu-demonstrative:

m. n. f. m.n.f.

, , sg.N. asa asa

a Ac. I

amu l. ,

amu etc.

'----",-, '-'

du.pl.

ká

du.pl.

tá

du.pl. . , -z-ma

a

m. n. f.

am] t--. ,

amu

am

§ 46J 158

b) In our discussion of the individual forms we have gener­

ally regarded these alternaces as instances of suppletion and

the single alternants as basic stems (b-stems). In this manner,

it has been possible to dlstinguish, eg., the stem /amúsI/ from the b-stem /amú/, which is only a subpart of it, in the'form , . amu~ya~, analysed according to (92a).

We have deliberately refrained from referring to the single

alternants in (107) as roots, even though the term "suppletive

roots" is commonplace in the linguistic literature. In Old Indic

and more generally Indo-European linguistics the word "root" has

usually a more restricted meaning, ie. it refers to a lexical

morpheme "which is not only inflectionally unanalysable, but

'derivationally' and compositionally unanalysable also" (Mat­

thews, 1974, p. 40). In other words, it refers to a segment

which is (or can be) the unanalysable base not only of an in­

flectional paradigm, but also of a set of derivatives and com­

pounds. These criteria, however, must be satisfied both synchron­ically and diachronically.

In this sense, none of the suppletive alternants in the para­

digm of the ayám-demonstrative, for example, is to be viewed

as a separate root, since all of them can be regarded as deriv­ing ultimately from either a~ or i~. Yet these two bases, recon­

structed as *e- and *i- respectively, are generally believed to

have be en alternating in the same paradigmalready in the Indo­

European age (cf. ego Szemerényi, 1970, pp. 189 ff.). Clearly,

it is not possible to regard *e- and *i- as different ablaut

grades of a single root on the basis of our current knowledge

of Indo-European phonology nor, however, given their intimate

connection at a very early age, .can we regard them as different

roots. It is interesting that the same picture obtains for ká~

ki, reconstructed as *kWe-/*kWo- and *kWi-, which also alter­

nate ego in interrogative forms such as Homeric Greek sg.N. TC-S;, G. TÉ-O, or Hittite N. kui-s, Ab. kue-z, kU14.a-t 'why?'.

Instead, in sá- '" tá- the change affects not the vowel but the

consonant that precedes it. It is thus even more distant than a~ '" i~ (and )':e- '" )':i-) from any normally accepted morphological

alternance in Indo-European. Yet, as we saw in § 13bII, there

are exact parallels to the distribution of these two bases in

Iranian, Ancient Greek and Germanic. As a consequence, it is

likely that also the antecedents of sá- and tá- should already

have been latched together in a single paradigm at an early age.

§ 47, 48J 159

e) It is important to note that the alternations of basic

stems follow a consistent pattern only within the tá-class; Be­

tween the different classes there is no consistency, save for

the fact that the basic stem asá- of the asáu-demonstrative has , the same distribution as the s-containing basic stems in the ta-class. Accordingly, the distribution of the suppletive basic stems must be specified separately for each gd-pronominal class,

as in (107). In other words, while the case-suffixes, the stem-shapes and

the stem-extensions have a systematic distributional pattern,

the suppletive alternances of basic stems are idiosyncratic for

each of the four classes of gd-pronominals where they occur. In addition, it should be rernernbered that also from a historic­

al standpoint these suppletive alternances are quite disparate. I kiJ ,~, , l'

In fact, we have seen tha t ka- '" ~-, a- '" ~- and sa- '" ta- are

continuations of old alternances, while the wealth of basic sterns in the paradigms of the ayám- and asáu-demonstratives'is

for the rnost part the result of Old Indie innovations, as we

argued in §§ 14b, 16b.

47. As we have seen, one of the most important morphologic­

al devices of Old Indic, namely ablaut, is almost complet.ely

lacking in the gd-pronominals. One trace of 'it, as we noted in § 14cII, rnay bethe m.N.sg,

/ai/ corttained in ayám, if this is the full grade of the basic stem i~ (but we rejected this analysis for the reasons discuss-

ed in §§ 14cIII, 45aIII). Another trace of ablaut may be represented by the forms with

stem0

(cf. § 44cI, IV). It would appear q however, that they have

been synchronically integrated ,wi thin the syst.em of stem-shapes,

which is not ablaut.

48. a) Another important. morphological device of Vedic, name­

lyaccent-shift (cf. ego §§ 6cIV, 19bII, VIII), does not occur

in gd-pronominal morphology. In a few cases (cf. §§ 5, l1bIV), there is the generalised

process of aecent-deletion (or accentlessnesp) in Voeatives

which do not occur in sentence-first position. In other cases,

a V. or anothei accentless form appears with first-syllable ac­

cent because it occurs at the beginning of a sentence or a verse

(cf. §§ S, lOcII, 15dITI).

§ 48J 160

b) In a few gd-pronominals the opposition between aceented and aeeentless forms is used for distinguishing different lexie­al items. The most typieal example is the pair a~ '(deietie) this' vs. a- I (anaphorie) him, her, it'. The former, whieh is always aeeented on its last syllable, ie. on the stem-extension or on the ease-suffix (or even on the partiele), is one of the suppletive stems of the ayám-demonstrative and, vestigially, of the asáU-demonstrative as well. A-,instead, is basieally aeeent­less (but has a first-syllable aeeent when it oeeurs at the be­ginning of a sentenee or a verse, ef. §§ lSdI-III, 48a) and may be regarded as alternating with aeeentless ena- in an enelitie anaphorie paradigma

A similar distinetion holds between samá- 'same, equal' and sarna- 'some, any, every'. The latter oeeurs only in early Vedie and has gd-pronominal forms, even though its attested paradigm has too many gaps for us to be able to assign it to any elass (ef. §§ lOa, el). The former, instead, is also attested in the later language, but only with nominal endings. It is interest­ing, however, that in the ~gveda the attested forms are only sg.

'h ' -Jl. , -1'0 sama., n.NAc.sg. samam, duo sama and samau, n.pl. sama, f.pl. sama1 (and the adverbial samáya), which eould be compatible with a gd-pronominal of the am-elass, ie. the elass of the etymolo­gieally and semantieally related samaná- 'eommon, same'. More­over, in Old Persian the parallel hama- 'the same' has a gd­pronominal stem-extension in hamahyaya par (a) da 'of the same year'. Aeeordingly, it- eannot be exeluded that samá- may have been a gd-pronominal berore (or still in) the ~gvedie age.

A third pair kl- '(interrogative) who? u and ki- '(indefinite) any, sorne' survives only vestigially. On the one hand there are (i) the hapax interrogative kl1, and (ii) klm, whieh however i8 already both interrogative and indefinite¡ on the other hand, there are kilJ in náki1 and mCikilJ (ef. § 12bI) and the forms kIm and cit, whieh have been redueed to mere partieles. However, there is a perfeet parallel in Aneient Greek interrogative TC~ vs. indefinite T~~.

A vestige of a fourth pair yá- and ya- may survive in the ad­verbial derivatives yátha and yatha. The former is a relative eonjunetion whieh means basieally 'as, so that', cf. ego RV 10. 38.2d yátha vayám usmási tád vaso k~dhi 'as (yátha) we wish, so (tát) do, o exeellent one (vaso) " RV 2.26.2e havls krnusva su­bhágo yáthasi 'prepare the oblation, so that (yáth~) ;~u'may be

§ 49] 161

sueeessful (subhága1) '; after a verb of knowing or of saying, it can be translated with 'how', ego RV 1.170.3e vidma hl te yátha mánah'beeause we knowhow (yátha) your mind (is) '. Aeeentless yat~ is ihstead a postpositional partiele meaning 'as, like', ef. ego RV 8.1.2a avakrak~11~ v~~abhá~ yathajúram '(praise the one who is) rus~ing down (avakrak~t~am), like (yatha) a not-

, -1'0 b h-h- . 'Ld h/' ageing (ajuram) bull', or RV 1.26.4a-e a no ar 1-- r1--sa asa. va-ru~o mitró aY'yama/stdantu mánu~o yatha 'on our barhis the de­stroyers of the enemy, Varu~a Mitra and Aryaman, should sit down (ZL •• stdantu) like (yatha) on Manus' s' .

It is important to point out that this kind of lexieal dis-­tinetion between aeeented and aeeentless forms does not oecur in any other grammatieal eategory beyond the gd-pronominals.

p

49. a) In the m.f.N. and n.NAe. singular of the ayam- and asáu-demonstratives there a~e forms whose strueture is not eon­templated by (92a). In faet, latehed to the ihfleeted form there are the segments /~m/ and /áu, ás/ respee-tively, whieh have been regarded as deietie partieles (ef. §§ 14eII-III, 16eI-III).

The overall strueture of these forms ean thus be deseribed as in (108) below, where the internal s~nbol 'w' stand s for a

strueture like (92a), ie. [stem (suf) Jw:

(108) [w ptel]w

b) The deietie partieles /ám, ~u, ás/ oeeur only in the forms that have been mentioned in § 49a aboye. Yet there are at least two other sets of forms that may be regarded as similar to strue­ture (108)., even though their partiele has also a number of in­dependent uses (for whieh ef. ego Grassmann, 1872, pp. 434 f., 454 f.¡ Delbrüek, 1888, pp. 47é, 544 f.): ká- caná 'nobody, no­thing' and ká- cit 'every, any'. They oeeur, ego in the follow­

ing passages:

(109) a. RV 1.191. 7e

ád~~talJ kl~ canéhá va1 . k ~ ,

, 'o invisible ones, nothing ( 1--~ cana) (is) here for

you'

b. RV 10.62.9a ná -tám asno ti kás caná

, k" , h h" 'nobody (na ..• as cana) reae es 1m

----------------,--------;---c---~ __ -.--~---------------------------.--. -- -- ____ o

§ 50J 162

c. RV 1. 132 Af sunvádbhyo randhaya k~ cid avratám 'to the soma-pressers (sunvádbhya~) subject (randhaya)

every impious (man) ,

d. RV 3.45.1c

ma tva ké cin nl yaman vl~ ná pa81na1 'nobody (ma .. ké cit) should stop you

catchers (paslna~) (stop) a bird like the bird­(vlm) ,

It should be pointed out, however, that in these construc­tions the particles caná and cit are not restricted to the N., but practicallyco-occur with all case forms of ká-.

For this reason, and because both caná and cit are also used independently from ká-, ká- caná and ká- cit may have more the character of phrases than of words. The conventional practice of spelling ,them as separate words may have sorne justification in this _regard. However, the fact that ká- caná and ká- cit can

never be split by any intervening material even under the rather free word order of ~gvedic poetry, may mean that they are not wholly separate words.

e) It may be interesting to remember here that structures like (108) occurin the demonstratives and indefinites of sever­al other Indo-European languages. Suffice it to recall here the Greek 0-6E 'this' (with the particle -6E bound to the entire set

of inflected forms, not dissimilarly from Old Indic caná and cit wi th ká-); Latiri hic 'this' (wi th -e bound in the classical pa­radigm only to sorne caseforms, ego m.Ac.sg. hun-c, but G.sg. huius, m.N.pI. h1:), quis-piam 'sorne' I quis-que 'each, every·, etc.; Gothic sa-'-h 'this, tha t' 'or hwaz-uh 'each, every' (wi th -(u)h behaving líke -6E in 0-6E), etc.

The particles and gd-pronominals entered into this kind of

structure may differ, the structure itself may occur also in relative pronouns, as in Greek oa-nEp or Gothic sa-ei or iz-ei, but the pattern remains unchanged in its main outlines.

5 O. a) 1) In § 8a -c we pointed out sorne of the facts tha t distinguish the morphology of the at-class of gd-pronominals from the nominal a- and a-stems. Now, after having analysed in fuller detail the different sub-classes of gd-pronominals and the internal structure of their case forms, it is possible to

§ 50J 163

(110) Structures shared by all the gd-pronominals

m. n. f.

sg.N. --~ ... --_ ... _.-- ,--------------

[steml 0Jw

Ac. [ stems mJw] 1---------.---

l.

._~-~------- . -- .

D. [[stem smaJs / l aiJw r [ stem si:J l ai J~'V

Ab.

G.

[[stem smaJs / l at]w

[stems syaJw [[ stem si Jl as Jw

-t----------L. [[stem smaJ

í25 in]w [[ stem si JI am Jw

duo IDAb.

GL. '--____________ [_s_t_e_ml __ bh_yam_·_J_

W

___ --__ -- _1 _ [[stem iJ l ausJw

pl.N.

Ac. ¡-------------'-------------------f-------------1

l. [[stem iJ l bhisJw ¡------------------------+----------

DAb. [[stem iJ l b.hyas]w 1---------------------------. ¡----------------1

G.

L.

§ 50J 164

attain a more comprehensive view of the whole system.

In the majority of case forms, all the gd-pronominal words

have consistently similar structures, which are listed in (110).

11) After the ~gveda the types f.1.sg. yáya and mfn.GL.du. , t -+ 'h yayo~ wholly displace the concurrenttypes ya and yo .. AS a con-

sequence, in the sg. and duo the areas where the gd-pronominals,

do not behave in a consistent manner restrict themselves to the

first three cases of the m. and n., and to the direct cases of

the mfn.du. (cf. § 50c). On the other hand, because of the spreading of the ending

-ai~ to all the gd-pronominal a-stems but for the stem a~, the

type [[stem iJl

bhisJw occurs only in the two most properly deic­

tic demonstratives in the classical language.

b) 1) Several of the structures listed in (110) are shared

by the nominal a- and a-stems with the gd-pronominals, where

however they occur also with basic i- and u-stems (i~, k~- and

amú-) . Yet, there is a core of nine case forms which occur in all

the gd-pronominal classes and only in them. In § 8b we pointed

out that such structures are those of the mn.D.Ab.L.sg., f.D.

AbG.L.sg., m.N.pl., mn.G.pl. and f.G.pl. However, not all the

constitúents of these structures are typical of the gd-pronom­

inals. In particular, the suffixes /ai, as, ami of the f.sg.

forms are shared by several other inflectional classes, among

whom there are also the a-stems (cf. § 19b). Not dissimilarly,

fati is also theAb.sg. suffix of the nominal a-stems (cf. §

39bV1) • Instead, the.following case-suffixes are strictly gd-pronomi-

nal:

(111) Strictly gd-pronominal case-suffixes

mn.D. sg.: ai mn.L.sg.: in m.N.pI.: f2l

G.pI.: sam

Of these four suffixes, we already pointed out in § 39cI11,

dI1 that mn. /ai/ and /in/ seem to be relics. As for /sam/, see

§§ 29b, 45c1L

Also m.N.pl. 0 looks like being a reflex of an old formo In

§ 50J 165

fact, beside the sister languages where ~':-oi i8 the m.N .pI. end­

ing of all ~':o-stems, like Greek, Latín and the Bal to-Slavonic

group, , i t. is interesting that in Hi tti te only the two demonstra­

tives ka- ,jt.his' and apa- 'that' should have c.N.pI. ke and ape, while all other gd-pronominal and nominal c.N.pl. forms have

either -es/-is or the e.Ac.pL suffix -us (ef. Friedrich, 1960,

p. 45). Not dissimilaY'ly, Gothic has m.N.pL -ái only in the

demonstrative pa- 'this, that' (and its derivatives after § 49c) I

in the so-called strong declension of the adjectives, which is

formally a gd-pronominal inf~ectional paradigm, and in the car­

dinal twái 'two'. Significantly, all other m.N.pl. forms have an

-s, even eis from the gd-pronoun is 'he'.

It would appear in this manner that all the strictly gd-pro­

nominal case-suffixes aY'e or derive from old forms which have

be en reinterpreted within the morphological framework of the

language.

11) The stem-extensions /sma/ and /si/, which occur in six

of the nine forms mentioned in the preceding section, have no

parallels in nominal morphology.

On the other hand, / i/ does not occur in the m. N. pI. and mn.

G.pl. of the nominal a-stems, which are devCi-7J, deva-sa~ and,

respectively deva-nam. However, since it i9 present in the mn.

LpI. dev!:.-bhi~, mn.DAb.pl. dev!:.-bhya~ and mn.L.pl. devé-flu, which are structurally identical with yé-bhi1 yé--bhya~ yé-f}u, what seems to mark out the gd-pronominal mn.plural is the almost

complete generalisation of this stem-extension (cf. also §

45aII) •

e) 1) In sorne case forms t~e gd-pronominals have several

concurrent structures, which are listed in (112), on next page.

The distribution of these concurrent structures, however,

varies considerably.

11) On the one h~nd, [stems naJw in the mn.1.sg. and

[steml ~Jw in the NAc.du. of all genders occur only in tne u­stem amú-.The former is the normal mn.1.sg. structure of the

nominal u-stems (cf. § 25c), the latter only of the mf.NAc.du.

of such stems ·(cf. § 29a) , while in the neuter it occurs only

in aJnÚ- and in akE/t I two. eyes' (eL § 16eII).

It can be remarked that, beside what we already stated in §

§ 50 ] 166

16eII, the relationship between urvt and amu may be captured by writing [stem

l (Y)JW' ie. by regarding the suffix JI/ as option­

al (at least in the u-stems), just like /ni/ in the n.NAc.pl., even though the lack of other attested examples of this case form for the u-stems in the ~gveda does not allow us to make any sure claim for this earliest stage of Old Indic.

However, since in the case forms he re under discussion the. gd-pronominal a-stems follow the pattern of the nominal a- and a-stems, it may be argued that here the gd-pronominals behave like their corresponding nominal stems. In other words, these case forms can be regarded as not being covered by the gd-pro­nominal inflectional system and, consequently, as requiring that they be supplied by the corresponding nominal paradigms.

(112) structures where the gd-pronominals differ from each

other

sg.N.

Ac.

1.

du.NAc.

GL.

pl.I.

m.

[stems sJw [stems Y" lAr

or [ [ s tem 1.: J 0 J s

n.

[stems dJw [stem s m Jw

[[ stem i ls naJw J [stem i Js na Jw

[stems naJw

[steml {!J Jw [steml 0Jw

[steml 1:"Jw [steml 0Jw

f.

r [ s tem i h a Jw [steml aJw

or rsteml 0lw

re stem i JI 0 Jw

[steml 0Jw

[stem~ aus J\l1 [[stem i\ ausJw

I I

111) The mn.I.sg. suffix Ina/, the f.I.sg. tya, the mn.I.pl. of the type anyáil] as 'I,e11 as the m.GL.du. with stemql have dif­fprent degrees of marginality, yet only withln t'r·p gd-prow1ininal

§ 50 J 167

a-stems. t ..... I 'h While ya and anya1.- may be regarded as due to int.erference

with the nominal a- and a-stems, it is difficult to account for I .

the different distribution of /nal vs. /na/ in the nominal and gd-pronominal a-stems, if it is true that the mn.I.sg. is a case slot which the gd-pronominal inflectional system does not cover. 1 have no satisfying answer for this, beside what has beE!D saíd in § 43bI. ~

The type y6l], instead, which seems to occur certainly only in the gd-pronominals, may be a relic, as argued in ~ 44cIII-IV.

, IV) T~e m.N.sg. structure [[stem iJ s 0Jw occurs only in ayam. It lS thus extremely marginal. Howevér, as we pointed out in § 45aIII, lail may also be regarded as an unanalysable sup­pletive stem, which wouid leave us with the same structure [stems 0Jw of sá.

V) In this manner, we are left with only two sets of con­current structures with a somewhat higher degree of generality in the gd-pronominal system, namely [stems sJw and [stems 01w in the m.N. sg. ,and [stemsdJw and [stems m Jw in the n.NAc. sg. In both cases the difference regards only the suffixes. On the one hand there are /sl and /m/ which occur also in the nominal a-stems, in the other 0 and /d/ which have a morerestricted distribution in nominal vocalic stems (for /d/ cf. § 20bI).

As a consequence, we may regard these suffix alternations as being built in the gd-pronominal system in the following manner:

(113) a. M.N.sg. suffix (s): [stems _Jw

b. N.NAc.sg. suffixes

I:}: [stems __ Jw For each class of gd-pronominals, however, it is necessary to

specify which option is chosen: the at-class has /s/ and /d/, the am-class./s/ and /m/, ká- has on the one hand /s/ and onthe other /d/ with its b-stem ká- and /m/ with its b-stem kl-, the t

I I ,

a-class both /s/ and 0 but only /d/, ayam and asau 0 and /d/.

d) The distribution of the suppletive alternances of basic stems has alrpadv been discussed in IS 46c Suffice it to remem-

l

I

§ 50] 168

ber here that they occur in four classes of gd-pronominals and in each of these in an idiosyncratic manner. Accordingly, it is not possible to regard them as being synchronically a constituent part of the gd-pronominal system, even though it has to be con­ceded that basic stem alternations of the types ká--kt-, a.!.",i.!. and sá- '" tá- seem to be attested only in gd-pronominal words (cf. §§ 38dII, 46bc).

TheVedic gd-pronominal system appears in this manner to be made up of three fairly consistent morphological subsystems of stem-extensions, stem-shapes and case-suffixes which are super­imposed on a bundle of rather diverse items. Sorne of these carry along with them a number of morphological features which are partly vestiges of their earlier history and partly a result of semantic or other affinities. For instance, in spite of their surface dissimilarity the two ayám- and asáU-demonstratives share .several structural features that distinguish them as pro­perly deictic demonstratives against the other gd-pronominals: (i) the structure [W ptclJW in the mf.N.sg. and n.NAc.sg. (cf. § 4ga) 't. (H) the case-·suffixes (21 and /dl in the m.N.sg. and n. NAc.sg. respectively, (iii) the high development of basic stem suppletion, and in the later language (iv) structure [[stem iJ

I bh--ls JW in the mn.l.pl.

Lastly, it should be pointed out that the gd-pronominals form a separate morphological category in most branches of the Indo­European family. Indeed, even though their characteristic features and language-internal distribution vary conspicuously, they are clearly marked off in th~ Anatolian, Indo-Iranian, Greek, Italic, Germanic and Balto-Slavonic languages.This is particularly in­teresting, if one considers that from a theoretical or language­universal standpoint such a morphological category is not strict­ly necessary, and is actually missing in mos·t other families of languages.

NOTES

1 Meillet (1912-13, p. 124) claims that "the arbitrary usaga of -aiJ¡ and -ebhiZ1, as it is shown by nouns and adjectives in the ~gveda, is indicative of a dialect mixture"" Not necessari-1y, how·ever. Dia.l.ectologists and sociolinguists have 8hO"\l111 that such oscillations in the usage of concurrent items can be pres­ent in a given variety, eg., as a reflex of on-g01ng linguistic changas caused by interna1 imbalances and/or tendencies of that variety.

2 I think that this claim can be upheld even if one bear.s in mind such parallel verses as RV 6.22. 9c dhz.:fiVá vájraJ7) dákqú:'/I .. 1

indra Mste 'take the thunderbolt, o rndra, in (your) right (dá­ksine) hand', where dáksine is cIearly an adjective whose gender¡ n~mber and case concord'wlth its head noun háste. The meaning is indeed almost ident!cal to RV 6. 18. 9c háste ... da7<..cJ'ir:atra , bui:: the syntactic structure i8 different. Rather than [Adj N]NP like dákf¿ir¡e ( .•. ) háste, i t is ei ther [Adv N lNP or a sort of epexe·­getical adverbial apposition to the Locative háste ('in your hand, ie., to the right side'). structures of thetype [Adv N]NP' corresponding to Greek o vüv xpóvos 'the present time', are at­tested for Vedic, eg., in SB 1.4.1.23 tá imé v1dürmv Zoka~ 'they (té) are these widely separated (v1düram) worlds' (cf.

Delbrück, 1888, p. 203),

3 As m.N.pl. -asa~ is attested in several gd-pronominals of the am-class in the ~gveda (pár~sa~, purvasa~, áparasa~, ávara­sa~, úparasaJ¡, upamasa~, madhyamasa~, ubháyasa~). See §§ lla,

llcI.

, 4 It should be noted, however, that several instances of na-

ki~ or maki~ 'not' can be eliminated (a) by a different inter­pretation,of certain verb forms or (b) by allowing -ki~ to be plural as well, as also Grassmann (1872; p, 703) suggests.

For instance, 'should the puzzling dhay~~ in RV 1.147.5d, which has just been quoted, be a corruption of the Aorist pas­sive dhayi, as sugges·ted by Roffmann (1967, p. 63 f.), the mean­ing nf t.hf' ver~~e w01l1d he 'o Aqn;, nohnoy nf. us ~.::hOlllo be ex-

170

posed to evil'. In RV 10.11.9d m'O:kir devanam ápa bhülJ, were we to take bhülJ as a 3.rd sg. we could keep saya~a's interpretation 'nobody of the gods should stay away', which accounts neatly of the otherwise puzzling G.pl. devanam.

As for (b), RV 1.69.7ab náki~ ~a eta/vrata minanti can be 'no­body (pI.) transgresses (minanti) these commands of yours', ra­ther than 'they do not (nákilJ) •.• ', if nákilJ can be m.pl. as well. Not differently, RV 10.23.7a makir nalJ .•• vl yau~ulJ, which has been quoted in § 10bV, can be interpreted in this manner as 'nobody should deprive us ••• ' rather than 'never should they de­prive us ••• '.

5 Klein (personal communication) points out to me the import­ant fact that only sá (and not sá~) occurs in the frequent col­location sá tvám, as in example (19d) or in the following verses:

(i) RV 1.36.2b-d havlsmanto vidhema te ~tv~' d' ,- ..... -1>-sa CU1J no a ya sumana ~havita

bháva vQJe~u santya 9'!¡,le want to wcrship you offering oblations (havl~mantalJ) I

and you (B& tvám) be (bháva) for us today here (ihá) a benevolent protector (avita)

in the oblations, o bountiful one'

This kind of phrase is "a syntagmatic relic in which tvám is the subject and Bá an old sentence connecting particle (even older is Bá tú, as in RV 6.21.8a 8á tú srudh7:nd.ra nutanaBya) IV. on which see Klein (1982). Instances of 8á with jlJ-suffix "in collocations other than s& tvámare either retentions under un­clear conditions, or they are old analogies based on this fre­quent syntagm'·.

6 In the S~ita-text there is aByéndra~. Only the Pada-text has asya. Vishva Bandhu et al. (1964, p. 1712), however, restore tlsyá in the Pada-text, following Veñkatamadhavaus Vyakhya and Mudgala's V~tti, which both interpret tlBya .•• BomáBya as im~ somam • this soma'.

., 1 RU 1 71 8 "., ··k d' ~-n .v • • b 8ue~ reto n~~~ ~ yaur abh~Ke it is not ne-cessary to regard dyáu~ as an Ab. governed byabhtke 'away from', translating 'the clear seed (réta~) poured (nl~iktam) frOID the

í ==

I 171

sky'. In fact, eg •• Geldner (1951, I, p. 93) translates instead 'the sky (1eft back) the clear sSf,ld t>Jhich was poured in the (love":)mee~ingf, takingdyáu}j as a normal N. and abhtke fiOl: as

an adverb but as the L. of abh1ka··· n. 'encounter', ",hieh may mean I love-meeting I e o;;:nü a t:ion' a.l so in RV 10. 61 . 6ab maclhya yá t kártvam ábhavad abhtke/k"OmaTr..l kr:tpfarJé pitcÍri yuvatya.m Iwhen the act (kártvam) was in the middle of the love-m~~eting, \",hen the

father was rnaking (k.r.:~vii'r]é pitári L. absolute) his pleasure "ll.t.h

the girl'.

a In the u-stems; t!wre seem to be also two examples of a Lo­cati ve in -o in the phrases vást;a u8Y'ah 'at the dawning (?)ásf;u~) of the morning-·light' (RV 4.25.2b, 7.69.5a, 8.46.26a) and s1ú/.O ávye (or sano avyáye) I in the upper part (of the soma··fUtar I sZrnu-) lOad e of sheep-wool (ávya- or avyáya-) ' (RV 9.86.3c, 9. 91.1c, 9.92.40, 9.96.13b, 9 .• 97.3a, 12d, 16d, 19b,. 40c), ir. :Lt

is t.o be read sana a .•• as suggested by D8,i'1 (p. 153).

'1'11e endings -yCim ~vam in the f. 1.. ano ·-úd ~uni in t:hE-~ 11, T... i'

which will become so widespread in the later language, al:':' rare in the i- and u-stems. Macdonell (1910, pp. 284 1 297) listr.,

~mly 5 forms in-yam and 2 in -Un?:. As for RV 2.3. 4b védy asyam ion thir3 al ta:c (védi"" f.) I I D&N

(p. 155) postulate haplology: védY[(lrn] asyam. Becal1se of the

intricacies of t.he proper formulation of 81..1ch a haploloqy rul~, maybe lt i8 better to regard this védy as a case form with no suffix, similar ego to the pI. Locatives of a'~'stems :Ln ·-e in·'

stead of -esu which occur in RV 1.105. 5b trisv a Y'ocané diváh I in the thr~e luminous spheres of the sky 1, ~v 8 < t L labtvém¡' agne vY'atapa awUdevá a mártyefiv a ! you q o .f>.gni u are the uphold­er of law (vratapCi~), among thé gods (devé) ,::mé!. among thf'! mor.­tals', etc o Interestingly, the Pada gives véar iti, ie., it re­gards itas prag~hya like the sg. LocaU ves in -1: of the vr;k1':·· class. The metre, however, requires --\J, ie. a short syllabic 1:. r·t would seem thus that védy 18 at most underlying non-prag:r;hya /védI/ (vocaUs ante vocaZem oOY'Y'ipitur, DB:W, p. 231 L), rnaybe

with the· same long r of other forms of foo i-stemswith mlssing suffixes f like Lpl. üt"t (instead of 'ütibhi~; 6g, in RV 4.29 .lab a na stutá úpa tiajebhir ütt/indY'a yahi ..• 'praised (stutá1],) come (a •.. úpa ••• yah1-) to us "lith rewards and dehes (üt1':); o Indr~') or D.sg. ¡1ft (instead of ütáye; ego in RV 1.100.1d marú:tvan no bhavahJ tmtra uJ"t 'attended by the tvIaruts (maY'Út.1J([n), Indra

172

should be of help (bhavatu .•. ut't) to us'; Cardona, 1978, p. 75

f., prefers to treat these D.sg. forms ut't as Instrumentals of

cause. Cf. also Haudry, 1977, p. 289 f.). See note 14, and § 2geIIL

'3 Cardona (personal communication) as wall as Klein (personal

communication) prefer, however, analogical explanations for the

historical development of devyái devya~ devyam and sknayai skna~ yaJ¡. sénayam.

Cardona's theory is that the D. and GAb. forms were created

from extended Locatives like sknayam and *devyayam (both from

older *sénai, *devyai). In the dev't-type haplological shorten­

ing pr~vailed and resulted in the two divergent paradigms: devy­ái devy-aJ¡. vs. skna-yai séna-ya~.

Klein's theory is more complexo On the one hand, he posits

ablaut 1:""' ya in the deri vational suffix:

(i) sg.I.

D. l\.bG.

L.

/0 -;- -Ib/ fd . ~ .. , d -+ eV-l-a +~: ev-~y-a > ev-y-a /oev-y¿i'-ai/ (1:-yeH 2-)

/dev-·ya-as/ p':-yeH 2 -)

/dev-ya-am/ (l':-yeH 2 - 7)

The sg.I. in ":-Ciya (originally only in the derivative type

l':-C-iH2 --eH1 ) survived long enough to affect the a-stems, which 1 _

developed seJ1aya with short a before y. Por the sg.AbG. sénayaJ¡., since there ls no good comparative

ev idence foY' a Geni ti v:e ,':sénai I Klein thinks tha t i t was crea ted

from *sknas in order to.align it with the D. and L. where these

paraoigms had the following forms:

(E) ~g.D.

AbG.

L.

,- . senaya~

,':sénas , - -senayam

devyai devyas devyam

1 o . 'k I 'k Yet the flnal -t in ya ~t and so.. rt is more likely to be

/t/. Later forms like yak~taJ¡. or 8ak~ta (for which cf. D&W, p.

312) can be regarded as evidence of it.

11 L . ( 1 . t' ) . azzeronl persona eommun1ea lon pOlnts out

caturr¡am may derive diaehronieally from ,':catvy!-ryam, not violate (57).

to me that

which would

173

12 In TS 2.5.6.6, 6.4.8.3, etc.

13 Lazzeroni (personal eommunieation) suggests that there may

have been a geographical distribution: -'asmi in the West vs.

-asmin in the East.

14 It should be remarked, however, that some suffixless forms

eannot be handled along this lineo For instanee, the f. i-stem .' -~-~ üt~- 'help, goods, riehes' has a D. sg. ut·t and an I.pl. ut~ sev-- , eral times in the ~gveda, while the normal forms are utay-e and .

ut1.-bhih respeetively (cf. note 8). Not dlssimilarly, the a-stem

urna- '~ool' seems to have a L.sg. urna (while the regular form

wo~ld have been urrFiy-am) in RV 5.52. 9ab utá ama té páruf}r.!yam/ tÚ>YJa vasata sundhyávaJ¡. I and they (shine) in the curly ()De (pcÍ­ru~YJyam), they shine in the wool (urna, ie. the cloud), being

radiant (sundhyáva~) I •

Since the suffixless stems of the normal forms would have re-o • - f '-t ~ ,...... . l' d' ff ' sul ted in ':ute, "u ~ and "uY'na~ respect1 ve y, 1 t seems 1 l·" - ..,.

cult to derive from them the actually attested forms ut~ and

urYJa. Maybe Ludwig (1871, pp. 5 fL) was not mistaken in suggest­

ing that such forms may be relies of an older sta';:re with a poor­

er inflectional system, even though D&W (p. 78) deny it. Yet see

§ 2geIII.

15 Interestingly, since the ending -ulJ. behaves as a suffix in

aákhyul], pátyuJ¡., jányulJ. from the i-stems sákhi-- 'friend', pcÍti'­'husband', jáni- 'wife ' , one may be tempted to analyse synchron­

ically svás-uJ¡., pit-úJ¡. 'father I Si, etc., wi th stem)Z5. In this man­

ner it would be possible to posit also for the ~-stems the full

range of stem-shapes /sv~Sf "" ?,vás;: ~ svás/.

16 Laroche's theory that G.pl.tasam is G.pl. ,':-om added to

the N .pl. ,':tas may find however some support in the fact 'that

ta-bhi7J ta-bhyal] can deri v¿ from ,':tas-bhia ,':tas-bhyas through

*taz-bhis *taz-bhyas, as Klein (personal communication) pointed

out to ,me. But since resuffixation of obsolete case forms is

much better attested in Indo-Iranian, I still prefer to regard

,'¡tas in tasam and ,':tais in ,':taisam (> tésam) as old G. pi. forms I , .. to be compared with Hittite G.pl. genu):!.-as, uddan-as, aped-us from genu- 'knee I , uttar- 'word, thing' aBd apa '·that I respecti ve ...

ly.

----------------------------------------------------------~

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INDEX

Acknowledgements .... " ......................................... ,

Introduction § 1. Justification of "gü-pronominals" .••....•................ :i § 2. a) Why t;.he t<gveda? b) Edi.tions that have been used ... , .. 6

§ 3. a) Terminology. Ending, suffix, stem and base. b) 1) 'rhé symbol 'W'.. b) 'Ir) Phonological notation¡ bracketing ... 6

General features of the gd-pronominal morphology § 4. a) 'J.'he paradigm of y6.-, b) Mn.I.sg. e) .1Uüé'tti.val ya-t

etc. d) M.NAc.du. e) I) GL.du. endings. el Ir) ~l'he

endings -'o~ and -yo~ in the nominal a-stems, e) :LIt)

Gd-pronominal -01]. Eno~¡ and a·vó~. e) IV) .YÓ~, f) N,NAc.

duo g) I) Jl..111.I.pl, Febhi~, g) Ir) G(:I-pronomincüiorrn~l

with ~a·Z:~¡. g) III) Assessment oi ~ai~¡ VEl, -"cbh¡:J;¡" F',

Lsg. -a. i) F,D,sg. yó'syai. j) F,NAc,du,,,,,,,,,.,.,.,,,,,,.9

§ 5. Gd-pronominal Vocative forms .•.•.•. , .•... ..•......••... J

§ 6. a) Paradigmatic syncretism in general. b) Gendar-syn­cret:ic -Cibhyam and -ayo']. Mn. gender-syncreU.sm in the

oblique forms. e) I) Case-syncretism in generaL C:I Ir)

Case- and number-syncretism in the n€1ut.er. e) lII) J\lJG.·<"

syncretism in the sg. el IV) NAc.-syncretism in the pI.

§

§

dl I) rs -bhyam only ID,? d) r:n Abléltival·~07'),,,,,.,,.,, 16

7, a) Adverbial forms in gémeral.. b} 1) A.dverbii:l.l n, Ni'.c.

and 1.eg. b) II) An~. b) XII) 1t. t~t, v~t. ia1 forms with special suffixes. (1) Ta~- and

e) I) .1'\9ai11 on number-syncretism. e) IX) Numbe:r-syncr.G~ ~., p " ) ti sm in the peJ:sonal prc;,nouns. El) I'I I) ~)'Vayam, {i:! IV

Pronominalclit.ics im, 1:' and 81:'171, e) V) Assessment oi

numbel:.'~ (ano. gender-) syncretism." ... """.". ,.","""",19 1 -8. a) Similarities batween ya- and nominal a- and a-atams,

p .-b) Differences between ya- and nominal a·~ aria a~stel1is.

e) Nominal endings that do not occur with 9'd~~'pronom:Lnals

'in the Rgveda •.• , •.....•..•..•. "" .... , ......•. ,." .... 27 1!::¡;:

Classss of qd-pronominals § 9. a) The at-class oi gd-pronominals. b) Tvat adverbie.lly

1 p p only, el Tva- u l<atama'- and yataY'a-. , , .. , ........ , . , . , .30

§ 10. a) I) InsufficiEmtly attested words, a) Ir) gC1,ya-, sa-

180

má-, ántara- etc. b) I) Ena- in the later l~nguage.~ b) II) Ena and ena as forms of ena-. b) III) Ena and ena as forms of a- and a~ respeetively. b) IV) Against adjeet­ival ena-. b) V) Enam and allegedly n.N.pl. ena. e) I)

I I ,

Simá- and sama-o e) II) S~ma. d) Katara-, yatama- and ~-tara-o e) Yaká- and anyaká-. f) I) AVÓ~. f) II) Young Avestan aom . ........................................... 31.

I ,

§ 11. a) The am-elass of gd-pronominals. b) I) Sarva- and v~-sva-. b) II) Éka-. b) III) Pára- and purva-. b) IV)

I lIt Néma-. b) V) Úttara-, beside antara-, uttama- and an a-ma- ",antamá-. b) VI) Ara-and amá-:adjeetives. b) VII) Ubháya-. b) VIII) Svá-. b) IX) KévaZa- and samaná-. e) I) patterning trends of gd-pronominal vs. nominal endings. e) II) The am-elass is expanding ....................... 39

§ 12. a) Interrogative-indefinite ká-. b) I) K~~ and ki~. b) II) K~m. e) Other oeeurrenees of the stem k~- ......... 48

§ 13. a) Tá-elass of gd-pronominals. b) I) Suppletive altern­anees sá-,..,., tá-, etc. b) II) Distribution of the supple­tive stems. e) I) Underlying /sás/. e) II) Underlying

I -+) /sá/. e) III) Metrieal lengthening of sa into sa? e IV) Distribution of /sás/ vs. /sá/. e) V) Distribution of / syá/ and / e~ás/ '" / e~á/ . d) Sásmin. e) I) F. r. sg. tya. e) II) F.I.sg. eta beside etáya? f) Taká- ....... 49

§ 14. a) The demonstrative ayám. b) I) Suppletive alternanees in its paradigm. b) II) Pattern of these alter'nanees.

I ,1 'd I e) I) Generalities about the forms ayam, ~yam and ~ amo e) II) Diaehronie-analysis of these three forms. e) III) Their synehronie analysis. d) Monosyllabie iyám. e) E­na, ená¡ anéna and anáya. f) Imásya. g) AyÓ~. h) Use of the forms of the ayám~demonstrative ..•....•.....••.. 55

§ 15. a) Oblique forms without aeeent and with first-syllable aeeent. b) Anaphorie use of the aeeentless forms. e) I) Oldenberg's elaim about adjeetival a-o e) II) Anaphorie a- with appositional or juxtaposed Ns. e) III) Analysis of the allegedly adjeetival eonstruetions a- N. d) I) Use of the forms with first-syllable aeeent. d) II) Al­legedly adjeetival use of the forms with first-syllable aeeertt. d) III) Distribution of aeeentless vs. first­syllable aeeent forms; its parallels with the Voeatives. e) Aya. f) Only basie a-o ............................. 61

§ 16. a) I) Generalities about the asáu-demonstrative. a) I1)

181

paradigm of the asáu-demonstrative after the ~gveda. b) Suppletive alternanees. e) I) Analysis of mf.N.sg. asáu. ~) rr) Analysis of n.NAe. sg. adá~. e) rrI) Adó beside adá~, in the '~gveda. d) Amuya. e) I) AmU in the Athar­vaveda. e) II) Analysis of thü n.NAe.du. form of the asáu-demonstrati ve •.•.••.••.....•.••...•.•..•.•.•....•. 68

§ . u":::d'" -d" ) h 17. a) ~a, ~sm~n and other forms of ya ~s-. b T e eom-pounds of .d~8-. ~ .. 11 • 11 11 11 • 11 11 • e 11 • 11 • 11 11 • 11 11 • 11 11 11 • 11 11 11 • 11 ...... 11 11 11 74,

Structure of the single case forms § 18. Introductory remarks .•••.•••...•...•••.••••• , .....•.... 76 § 19. a) I) Thumb's analysis of tásyam, devy'ám and sénayam.

a) 11) Renou's and Kurylowicz's analyses of these forms. a) IIr) Assessment oi these three authors ' analyses. a) IV) Instanees of f.L. -am not preceded by ~y-. a) V) L, -Cim as a special f. ending. b) 1) Paradigm of devt-. b) 11) Its aeeent behaviour. b) 111) Ite stem and suf­fixes. b) IV) Traditional analyses of the obligue 8g. cases of de7)t-. b) V) Arguments supporting ablaut,ed de­vya-. b) VI) Distribution of ablaut in the i- and u­stems. b) VII) Oecurrence of -ai, -a~, -am 0.180 beyond the ~- and u-stems. b) VIII) Necessity of a rule of ac­eent-shift. e) I) New aeeounb oi sénayai etc. e) Ir)

P -.... 9

Diachronie eonsequences of the hypothesis senay-a~

etc. d) Consequences of our analysis of gd-pronominal yásy"CiJr¡ etc., e o l\I o .. " $ .. 111 CI Q Q • ., • <O a 111 .. o .. ~ • D fiI .... " o '" (1 ... 1/. " e 110 iI '" ti .. ji 111 <j) 76

§ 20. a) 1) N.NAc.sg. in -at, -it. a) II) N.NAo.sg. in -am, -im. a) III) N.NAe.sg. yadtk. b) 1) Distribution oi /d/ and /m/ in n.NAc.sg. b) II) K'Ím, traditional eJ{pla­nations. b) III) Tedeseo's aeeount of k'Ím. b) IV) New aSSéssment of k-lm ... liI & U " • ., '! 1;1 111 .. Q .. 111 a G €I " 13 " 11 ., o G o, ., 11 • ID • lO 111 Q 1.1 " 07· a 086

§ 21. a) Analysis of the gd-pronominal n.NAc.sg. b) Form-al strueture of this case form .•...••••••••••••.•..•.•. 90

§ 22. structure of m.N.sg. yá~, kiJ;¡ ••••.•..••.••••••••••.••.• 91

§ 23. Structure of m.Ac.sg. yám, amúm ••••.••••••••••••.••.... 91 § 24. strueture of the mn.G.sg •••••.•••..•.•.•••.•••••••... :.91 § 25. a)' Amúna. b) Arguments for amún-a. e) I) Isolated

eharacter of the n-base in the i- and u-stema. e) II) Forms with the bases -Ci, -O~, -Ce, -COi n.D.AbG.L.sg. base -Cun in (49). d) I) Alternative analysis -C-i-na, -Cu-na. d) Ir) The argument of té-na etc. d) 111) The argument of kavitvana vs. kavitva etc. d) IV) The argu-

~ I

§ 26.

§ 27.

§ 28.

§ 29.

§ 30.

§31. § 32.

§ 33.

§ 34.

§ 35.

§ 36.

§ 37.

§ 38.

ment of G.pl. -(Jm --n2im. d) V) Formal strueture of

amú-na, etc. e) Assessment of -u-na vs. -un-a in the

182

n. u-stems .•.•...•.•.........................•......... 92

strueture of sá, /asá/ •.•.........•...•..•........•.... 97

The forms wi th steml .•.•.•.•........................... 98

a) F.G.pl. b) The suffix /sam/. e) 1) Distribution

of /am/ and /nam/. e) 11) G.pl. of the cardinal num­

bers from '3' to 'lO'. e) 111) Fluetuation between

/nam/ and /am/ .•.•.•••.•.•..••.•••....••.•......•.•.... 98

a) Distributíon of NAe. duals with suffixes la, au/ -+ -+ .l4 _ .l4_

and with 0-suffix. b) DeV+a, y+a? e) Deva+a, ya+a. d) 1) Deva as [stem1J? d) 11) Arguments against ita

W , d) 111) Arguments against non-eoneatenative devau etc.

e) 1) Distribution of I.sg. endings -a and -i. e) 11)

Analysis of tya as [stemx aJw' e) 111) Analysis of

tya as [stemlJW .•...•••.••..••...•..•............•.... 101

Formal deseription of the f.pl. forms ••.••••...•...... l06

M.Ae .pl •••.•.•.•........••••.•••.. .' •....•..•.•.•...... 107

M.GL.du. yó~ etc .•.•••.•.•..•••••••.....•...•.......•. 107

a) Distribution of the stem with the extension i. b)

/yái, amúi/ as /yá + r, amÚ + t/ . e) The stem-extension

/i/ ................................................... 108

Yén7i and yéna .• .•••.•.•..•......•....•................ 110

a) Homophonous yé f. and n. NAe.du. b) N.NAe.du.

forms. e) F. NAe . du. yé as /yá + T/ . d) 1) Strueture

of f. yé and n. y~. d) 11) Historieal parallels of

f. yé. e) 1) Waekernagel's argument for f. yé identie­

al to n. yé. e) 11) Possible phonologieal explanation of , the prag~hya behaviour of ,n. ye. e) 111) Neeessity of

speeifying grammatieal features for the pragrhya n.du.

-~. e) IV) Instanees of eontraetion of pragrhya -i wi th i- ............... ................................ 111

/ ai/ in ayám .• .•.•.•........•......................... 117

a) F.I.sg. and GL.du.~ suffix allomorphs. b) Why not

y6-ya yá-yo~ etc .•.•...........•••.•.•..•..•.•........ 117

a) M. and n. plural of the gd-pronominal a-stems.

b) M. and n. plural of amú-. e) 1) Brugmann's aeeount

of amt. e) 11) Evidenee against ui beeoming i. d) 1)

Alternative suggestions. d) 11) Am{- as basie stem

alternant to amú-. d) 111) Alternative analysis as

[am iJstem ................... ·························118

§ 39. a) The sequenees !smai, smat, smín/. b) 1) Types and

distribution of Ab.sg. forms. b) 11) Ab. forms of the

personal pronouns. b) 111) /t/ as Ab. sg. case'-suffix

also\ in -at. b) IV) The argument of the tat--adverbs.

b) V) lficat and asat. b) VI) The Ab.sg. suffix fati.

b) VII) Internal structure of yásmat amú?mat. e) 1)

Generali ties about yásmai. e) Ir) D. sg. -aya and -(i.

e) 111) Hist.oriea1 parallels to -a-¡: in the :'~O·-stems.

e) IV) The ending -ai as /-a + ai!. e) V) The endinq

-ai as /-~ + ai!. d) 1) Yásmin and yásmi. d) Ir) His-.

torieal paral1els to -in and -i in the gd-pronominals.

d) III) Yásmi as [stem i Jw- d) IV) yásmin as struc'-

183

§ 40.

§ 41.

t [t . J d» ,r;:;d l' . ure s em 1~n r¡¡' V.la 1{,'smuz • ••••••••..•••• , ....... 124

strueture of yasyai, yásya7J, yásyCim ete ............... 137

a) Generalities about anyái~. b) Historieal paral-" I .h 1els to -a~ J. e) Strueture of anya~ .. ........ , ........ 138

Organisation of the system § 42. a) 1) The general format [stem (suf) Jw a) 11) RouDd

braekets vs. 0-notation. b) (92a) as a eoncatenative

strueture •.•.•... o •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 140

§ 43. a) The gd-pronominal ease-suffixes. b) I) Al.terna­

tions of doublet suffixes. b) 11) Lack of doub1et

suffixes in the f. el Gender-syneretism in the ease-

suffixes .•.•.•.....•.•••.•.....••............ o •••••••• 141

§ 44. a) 1) Distribution of stem-shapes and ambiguous

forms. al 11) Simplifying the pattern. b) Rules of

stem-shape formation. e) Il Ab1aut series 0'"'-' a ,--., Ci. el 11) Paradigm of svásp-. e) 111) Stem-shape vs.

ablaut in the gd-pronominals. e) IV) The Hittite a-stems •••...........•.... o" ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 144

§ 45. al Il Distribution of the stem-extensions. a) 11)

Charaeters of the distribution of /sma, si, i/. a)

111) General features of oeeurrence of the stem­

extensions. b) 1) Avestan parallels to the Old In-'

die pattern of stem-extensions. bl 11) Developments

of the Old Indie pattern in Palio el 1) The stem­

extension is preceded by the unmodified basie stem.

e) II) Again: on G.pl. /sam/ •. e, •••••••.••••••••••••••••• 150

§ 46. a) Distribution of the suppl.etive alternanees. b)

Justifieation of the term 'basie stem'. el General

characters of the suppletive alternaneps in the Qd-

184

pronominal s .•...•.•................................... 156

§ 47. Laek of ablaut .................................. , ..... 159

§ 48. a) Laek of aeeent-shift¡ behaviour of the aeeentless

forms. b) Aecented vs. aeeentless forms as separate

lexieal i tems .•.•.•.•................................. 159

[ ] "k" § 49. a) strueture W ptcl w' b) Ka- cana and a- C1-t. e) Parallels in the sister languages .........••....... 161

§ 50. a) 1) struetures shared by all the gd-pronominal

words. a) 11) Developments in the f.I.sg., mfn.GL.

duo and mn.l.pl. after the ~gveda. b) 1) Strietly

gd-pronominal words. b) 11) Strictly gd-pronominal

behaviourof the stem-extensions, e) 1) struetures

where the gd-pronominals differ from eaeh other. e)

11) Mn.l.sg. and NAe.du. of amú- and of the a-stems.

e) 111) Hn.I. sg. /na/, tya, anyáil¡ and yó7}. e) IV)

M.N.sg. /ai/ in ayám. e) V) Optional eharaeter of

/s/ in the m.N. sg. and alternance /d/,....., /m/ in the

n.NAe.sg. d) General features of the gd-pronominal

system •. _ •.•. o,' •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• , ••• 162

Notes ..•.•............................. o o o o o o o o o •• , ••••• o o .169

References .• 0-" o •• o •••• o •••• o o o • , • o • o •• o •• o o o • o •• o , o o • , • , .174

Finito di stampare il 30-IX-1984 dalla Coop. IL BAGATTO - Universita di Roma

per conto del Dipartimento di Studi Glottoantropologici

dell'Universitli di Roma "La· Sapienza" con un con tributo del

Consiglio Nazionale delIe Ricerche