CHAPTER ONE 1.0 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the study Over the years, the issue of capital flight from developing countries, including Nigeria, has received appreciable attention from researchers. Concerns have been expressed about the magnitude, causes and consequences of these capital outflows, not least because the lack of financial resources for appropriate economic development has pushed Nigerian and most other sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries into external borrowing to augment domestic resources in their quest for economic 1
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CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the study
Over the years, the issue of capital flight from developing countries,
including Nigeria, has received appreciable attention from researchers.
Concerns have been expressed about the magnitude, causes and
consequences of these capital outflows, not least because the lack of
financial resources for appropriate economic development has pushed
Nigerian and most other sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries into external
borrowing to augment domestic resources in their quest for economic
growth. Acquisition of foreign assets by residents has escalated even as
developing counties search for external borrowings to enhance the inflow of
resources. Authors like Cuddington (1987) and Pastor (1990) have shown
that developing countries borrowing is substantially diverted into private
assets abroad.
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Capital flight has been regarded as a major factor contributing to the
mounting external debt problems and inhibiting developmental efforts in the
third world, Cuddington (1986). External debt in Nigeria, for example,
increased by 700 percent from $3.5million in 1980 to $28.0 billion in 2000.
Most analyst have attributed sluggish growth and persistent BOP deficits to
most developing countries including Nigeria, despite private transfers and
long term capital flows to capital flight Ajayi (1996). Capital flight in turn is
caused by so many factors such as speculation that any of the vehicle
currencies will fall e.g. Dollar, unfriendly investment climate facing both the
local and foreign investors, inflation, repressive financial system (under
developed financial structure) etc.
Capital flight, in economics, occurs when assets and/or money rapidly
flow out of a country, due to an economic event that disturbs investors and
causes them to lower their valuation of the assets in that country, or
otherwise to lose confidence in its economic strength. This leads to a
disappearance of wealth and is usually accompanied by a sharp drop in the
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exchange rate of the affected country. It also refers to all private capital
outflows from developing countries, be they short term or long-term
portfolio or equity investments, Oloyede (2002, pp160).
Conceptually, divergence views on what really constitute capital flight
has led to concern about the need for policy intervention to stem it and about
the interaction between economic policies in developing and industrial
countries. Capital flight also raises question about the role of International
financial institutions which lend to developing countries and act as
depositors for the capital exports from the developing countries.
Views on the concept of capital flight are largely unsettled. While
some analysts view it as a symptom of a sick society characterized by break
down of social cohesion, reduction in growth potentials, erosion of tax base,
failure to recover from debt problems, and a redistribution of wealth from
poorer to richer social groups, others consider the very use of the word
Capital flight as unnecessarily pejorative description of natural,
economically rational responses to the portfolio choices that have confronted
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wealthy residents of some debtor countries in recent years . Economic theory
explain the so-called “capital flight” from developing countries as a product
of natural and economically rational behavior of wealthy residents of these
debtor countries to diversify their portfolio in order to protect themselves
against riskiness of any one particular investment.
Thus, the arguments makes the concept more complex to define and
given the present magnitude of Nigeria’s external debt, the possible impact
of capital flight on her debt-servicing capability and following the words of
Nigeria’s former minister of finance and external affairs, Iweala (2006)
“Nigeria may benefit from remittance form Diaspora funds as a result of
what is described as anecdotal evidence of high levels of capital from the
Nigerian economy”, a study of capital flight is appropriate at this time.
Relating this concept of capital flight to the Nigerian economy, she is a
sleeping giant with a lot of potentials to develop and emerge as a world giant
because of its natural endowments in human and natural resources in terms
of production, investment and in general, but in terms of economic
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development she’s still crawling. The question is what is the cause(s) of the
sluggish growth and development?
Capital flight is an academic issue and difficult to understand. It is a
serious problem particularly in the third world counties. The primary reason
for the sluggish growth in Nigeria is not lack of raw materials, markets or
labour rather, it is the result of the institutional obstacles that had their origin
in the colonial economic structure, controlled by foreign trading houses
which saw industrialization as a threat to their commercial activities. That is,
the colonial master neglected the development of manufacturing sectors
instead, they encouraged rapid improvement in the production of cash crops
such as cocoa which they take to their countries to feed industries. They sell
their outputs e.g. cars to developing nations then repatriate their profit, this
is an ugly situation that Nigeria emulated as a way of sending stolen money
to a safer economy (secret foreign account). Besides that, there is also, large
movement of Nigerian intellectuals, highly skilled manpower and
professionals to foreign countries (Brain drain).
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1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
In most developing nations such as Nigeria which is characterized by
foreign exchange shortage, chronic poverty and heavy debt burden, capital
flight constitutes a large proportion of resources which are useful for
financing economic growth and normalizing the adverse economic trends.
Taking Nigeria as a case study, large percentage of people that engage in
capital flight are economic and political groups who seize the opportunity of
their position to acquire both legal and illegal funds and siphoned them
abroad. Such illegal funds consist of kickbacks on public and private sectors
contracts, diversion of export revenue to private accounts and the likes.
At this point, given the complex nature of capital flight and its sever
effect on Nigerian economy one needs to ask questions as to:
(i) Where to draw the line between “what is” and “what is not” capital
flight?
(ii) What are the major causes of and how do we measure the
magnitude of capital flight?
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(iii) Is capital flight something bad, which requires policy intervention
to stem or reverse?
(iv) What major effect does capital flight have on the growth and
development of the Nigerian economy?
(v) What are the measures that can be employed to reverse the
problem of capital flight?
(vi) Is their any relationship between the concept of capital flight and
investment instruments?
This study intends to investigate the above-itemized questions.
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION
The questions to be answered are:
1. Is Capital flight something bad which requires policy intervention to
stop or reverse it?
2. Is it not true that Capital flight would deter policy makers from
making “wrong” political and economic decision?
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3. Why is it when an American or a Briton puts money abroad it is called
“Foreign Investment and when an African does the same it is called
“Capital flight”?
4. Why is it that when an American company puts 30% of its equity
abroad it is called “Strategic Diversification” and when a Nigerian
businessman puts only 4% abroad it is called” Lack of Confidence.
Such arguments make the definition of Capital flight complex. This is
basically true because capital flight has had inhibiting consequences on
the economies concerned despite reflows that some countries have
experienced. Whether or not a country impose capital controls, the
immediate consequences of capital flight is to reduce foreign exchange
reserves which may, in turn, require increase external borrowing to
finance development expenditures. When both the foreign exchange
reserves and external borrowing capacity have been exhausted, the
country will be forced to initiate balance of payments adjustment through
either devaluation or equivalent expenditure switching policy, or by
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expenditure reduction. Devaluation will result in the reduction of
domestic savings required for financing domestic investment and hence
reducing future growth potential. The reduction in expenditure or demand
also reduces output both in the current and in future periods.
In countries with capital controls, capital flight is associated with a
rising parallel market premium as the demand for foreign exchange
increases due to the need to finance capital flight. The premium will also
result in the drain of some foreign resources from official reserves into
the parallel market. In extreme case, the diversion of the reserves into the
parallel market may exhaust the country’s foreign reserves and thus
forcing both the government and the private sector to increase their
foreign borrowing. Capital flight also has some income distributional
consequences especially if the country follows the “Origin” principle of
taxation, since there may be little foreign investment which can be taxed.
On the other hand, even when a country follow the “residence” principle
of taxation, it would not be easy to tax flight capital, since such capital is
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normally not reported to the tax authorities. However, strong conclusions
on the consequences of capital flight is strictly an empirical matter which
is beyond the present work. The damaging effects of capital flight may
make rational lenders hesitate to increase credits to the debtor countries.
On the other hand, the behaviour of individual agents to diversify their
portfolio by keeping some of their wealth in foreign assets is postulated
as rational by economic theory and accepted as normal in industrial and
some developing countries.
1.4. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
From the perspective of the different angles from which capital flight
can be viewed, it is important to study it for any economy. The economic
argument against capital flight from developing countries are not only
convincing but are often too strong to be ignored. Firstly, the outflow of
capital can cause a shortage of liquidity in the economy and thereby create a
shortfall in the amount of funds that are needed for the importation of
equipment which are needed for development.
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In addition, the shortage of liquidity in the economy can lead to the
exertion of upward pressure on interest rates. Furthermore, given the fact
that capital outflow is a diversion of domestic savings away form domestic
real investment, the pace of growth and development is retarded from what it
would have been otherwise. It can also cause a depreciation of the domestic
currency if the authorities are operating a floating exchange rate system. If
attempts are being made to defend a particular exchange rate, a loss of
reserves will ensue.
Secondly, the income that is generated abroad and the wealth that are
held abroad are outside the purview of domestic authorities and therefore
cannot be taxed. Thus, potential government revenue is reduced and hence
the debt-servicing capacity of government’s debt is affected. The
aforementioned consequences of capital flight call for prompt attention.
This, is the purpose for which the study is to be carried out.
1.4.1 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
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The broad objective of the study is to examine the effect of capital
flight on Nigerian economy. This broad objective will lead us to the specific
objectives which are:
(i) To estimate the magnitude and determine the causes of capital
flight from Nigeria.
(ii) To briefly examine the political and macro-development in
Nigeria.
(iii) To discuss the policy implication of what to do in order to stem or
recapture the capital flight.
(iv) To identify factors influencing port folio choice of private wealth
holders in Nigeria.
1.4.2 JUSTIFICATION FOR THE STUDY
At the inception of the current civilian government in Nigeria in 1999,
a campaign for external debt relief from Nigeria’s foreign creditors and a bid
to attract foreign investment were launched as cardinal goals in the pursuit
of economic growth and better living conditions for Nigeria. The policy
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direction was informed bys the belief that he country’s debt burden and
inadequate inflow of investment capital were strong hindrances to the
growth of the economy. When that government assumed office in 1999 the
ratio of Nigeria’s external debt to GDP was as high as 84% and the domestic
debt/GDP ratio was 25%. On the investment flow side, the net flow of
foreign private capital declined by more than 92% in 1999.
Basically, a large volume of capital flight is considered as evidence of
excessive taxation and economic mismanagement in the home country. It
casts doubts about debt relief as an appropriate response to the debt service
problem (Eggerstedt et al, 1995) and sends wrong signals to investors. A
recent study by Boyce and Ndikumana (2001) reports that as much as US$
3.5 billion flew out of Nigeria in 1996. In the light of the external debt
burden of the country, the recently approved debt relief by the Paris club and
the urge to reverse capital flight in the process of economic growth, this
study is a starting point in providing new and more recent insights into the
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issue of capital flight from Nigeria, and possible policy measures or
strategies to reverse the trend.
In the particular case of Nigeria, capital flight has been a recurrent
phenomenon and was estimated to be taking place even before the adoption
of the structural adjustment programme in 1986. could it perhaps be that
capital flight has continued unabated even under democracy?.
In view of the adverse implications of capital flight, providing insight
into possible strategies to effect capital flight reversal is crucial at this time.
1.5 STATEMENT OF HYPOTHESIS
Based on data to be gathered in relation to the concept of capital flight
and in order to facilitate this research work, an hypothesis will be formulated
and tested for reliability or otherwise purposes. The hypothesis to be tested
include:
H0: Capital flight has no significant effect on Nigerian economy.
H1: Capital flight has significant effect on Nigerian economy.
Where: H0 is a Null hypothesis
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H1 is an Alternative hypothesis.
1.6 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
Capital flight and its effect on Gross Capital Formation (GCF) and
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are being examined which are major
economic indices of growth in the economy. The time horizon cover by the
study is 38 years (1970-2007). The period cover is justified based on
observation that enormous capital outflow from Nigeria to foreign nations
occurred during this period majorly by political office holders.
This study is constrained by a number of factors. The major ones are:
i. Financial constraint as this could not allow us to access and exploit
some potential sources of data.
ii. Time constraint also limit our ability because class-work also
deserves prompt and full attention.
iii. Data collection problem because the only recognized empirical
studies on capital flight conducted for Nigeria is by Ajayi (1992)
as cited in Onwioduokit (2001).
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1.7 OUTLINE OF THE STUDY
The study will be divided into five (5) separate but highly related
chapters.
Chapter one is the general introduction of the study, it focuses
attention on the historical background of the study. It gives the objective of
the study, statement of problem, statement of hypothesis, significance of the
study, scope and limitation of the study which covers the period of 38 years.
Chapter two deals with the theoretical framework and review of past
studies on capital flight. Also, it examines briefly the political; and macro-
economic developments in Nigeria and how they influence capital flight.
Definition of terms and magnitudes are also discussed there in and also a
review of Nigerian’s experience.
Chapter three deals with the methodology framework to be used in
this study and this consists of re-statement of hypothesis, model
specification, definition of variables, estimation of techniques types &
sources of data used in the study.
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Chapter four will be exclusively reserved for the statistical inference.
In other words, giving the economic interpretation to the empirical results of
descriptive estimation.
Chapter five which is the last chapter summarizes, concludes and give
detailed recommendations on capital flight for policy-makers and others who
are concerned.
1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS
In the context of this study, some terms will be employed to analyse
and are defined as follows:
(i) Brain Drain: It refers to the movement of educated elites from one
county to another for development purpose due to better offer such
as incentives:
(ii) Capital flight: The term capital flight as used in this study connotes
illegal movement of capital or funds from one country to another
usually from developing countries to developed countries. This
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connotation implies that there may be “normal” or “legal” and
“abnormal” or “illegal” flows.
(iii) Capital outflow: It is used as a proxy for capital flight which
implies movement of investible resources out of developing
country such as Nigeria to a developed country like Britain.
(iv) Inflation: it refers to a persistent increase in price of goods &
services in an economy over a period of time. It is an economic
situation in which there are plenty money chasing fewer goods.
(v) Money laundering: It refers to an act of converting financial
proceeds realized from illegal dealings such as necrotic drugs into
legal investment.
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CHAPTER TWO
2.0 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE
REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
Most studies on capital flight have been done for Latin American,
Cuddington (1986) and Conesa (1987). However, capital flight has been
argued to stem from many factors, classified into political and economic
factors, Ajayi (1992). He argued that the political aspect is often ignored in
most analysis on capital flight and said this is predicated on corruption ( a
problem which is hardly limited to LDCs) and access to foreign funds by
political leaders.
Beginning in the mid-1980’s, the phenomenon of capital flight from
developing countries received considerable attention in the literature. A
number of country-specific case studies and cross-country studies have
examined the magnitude of capital flight, its causes, and its effects (Ajayi
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1997). Until recently, however, sub-sahara Africa has received less attention
than other developing regions. Yet capital outflows from African economies
deserve serious attention for several reasons away from domestic investment
and other productive activities. In recent decades, African economies have
achieved significantly low investment levels than other developing countries
( International Finance Corporation, 1998;Ndikumana, 2000). These low
levels of domestic investment are attributable, in part, to the apparent
scarcity of domestic savings, weak and shallow financial systems, and high
country risk due to unstable macroeconomic and political conditions. Capital
flight is both a cause and a symptom of this weak investment performance.
Secondly, capital flight is likely to have pronounced regressive effects
on the distribution of wealth. The individuals who engage in capital flight
generally are members of the sub-continent’s economic and political elites,
who take advantage of their privileged positions to acquire and channel
funds abroad. Both the acquisition and the transfer of funds often involve
legally questionable practices, including the falsification of trade documents
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(trade misinvoicing or faking), the embezzlement of export revenues and
kickbacks on public and private sector contracts (Ndikumana and Boyce,
1998). The negative effect of the resulting shortages of revenue and foreign
exchange fall disproportionately on the shoulders of the less wealthy
members of the society. The regressive impact of capital flight is
compounded when financial imbalances results in devaluation, the wealthy
who hold external assets are insulated from its effects, while the poor enjoy
no such cushion.
A third reason for greater attention to African capital flight is that
most developing countries remain in the grip of a severe external debt crisis.
Debt service today absorbs a sum equivalent to more than 6% of developing
country’s GDP. In so far as the proceeds of external borrowing are used not
to the benefit of the African public, but rather to finance the accumulation of
private external assets by the ruling elites, the moral and legal legitimacy of
these debt-service obligations is open to challenge.
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This section of the study shall deal with several issues on capital
flight such issues will cover those on prior studies, issue of measurement,
causes and effects, political and macro-economic developments in Nigeria, a
detailed analyses of trade-faking, that is, the under-invoicing/over-invoicing
of exports and imports, definitions of the concept and others that can
increase the flight of capital from Nigerian economy.
2.2 THEORETICAL FRAME WORK
Over recent years, the deteriorating impact of capital flight on
economic growth and development has received increasing attention from
researchers, economist, analysts and policy makers, especially in the third
world.
Sutherland (1996), based on the new open macro economic models by
obstfeld and Rogoff (1996) studied the implications of financial openness on
macro economic fluctuations. Buch et al (2003) modified the above model in
three respects and this modified version is used as the theoretical framework
in the study of Nair (2006) on India economy. In the study, he made 32
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observations, the period is 1973 to 2005 while he selected GDP and GNP as
the macro-economic violatility and the degree of capital account openness is
proxied by capital outflow liberation among others.
He checked out the time series properties of the variables using
Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF) tests. In the study, he used Akaike
information criteria to select optimum number of lags and concluded that all
the variables are integrated of order one except the world bank estimates of
capital flight. So, he carried out multivariate tests and suggest a robust long
run relationship between capital account openness and the volatility of all
macro economic aggregates. He proceeds to multivariate error correction
modelling (ECM) to capture the dynamic (shortrun) casual relationship
between variables. He found out that the t-ratios are significant and the ECM
are acceptable. The model adequacy tests were also satisfied.
Adeniyi and Obasa (2004) in their study, set out to empirically
investigate the impact of interest rates and other macro economic factors on
performance in Nigeria using co-integration and error correction mechanism
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(ECM) technique with annual time series covering the period between 1970
and 2002. They stated their analysis by examining stochastic characteristics
of each time series by testing their stationarity using Augmented Dickey
Fuller (ADF) test. After that, they proceeded to estimate the error correction
mechanism (ECM) model. From their study, many interested conclusions
were drawn. First, they found that interest rate spread and government
deficit financing have negative impact on the growth of manufacturing sub-
sector in Nigeria. Secondly, their study reveals that liberalization of the
Nigerian economy has promoted manufacturing growth under the period of
study. The findings were further reinforced by the presence of a long run
equilibrium relationship as evidenced by the co-integration and stability in
their model.
In addition, the results of the tests in Nair (2006) study tally with
results for the growth equation showed that not only does past debt
accumulation deter growth but so do current flows.
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Alberto and Guido (1987) have shown that capital flight will result
when future governments are expected to follow income re-distribution
policies that are not desirable for holders of domestic wealth. Capital flight
is thus, more a consequence than a cause of unequal income distribution.
Obasa and Adeniyi (2004) also argued that a way of avoiding spurious
regression results stationarity of variables and co-integration among them
should be tested prior to estimation of error correction model and Granger
causality regressions. This claimed that the co-integration for stationary
variables would be meaningless because variables have to be integrated
individually in order to be co-integrated. While the study of Nair (2006) for
India was concluded through the error correction term which showed debt to
have negative implications on growth potential of the economy. Using both
the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Gross National Product (GNP) as
important determinants of growth.
Onwiodukit (2007) also employed co-integration analysis for the
determinants of capital flight from Nigeria. In this model, he identified
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important variables explaining capital flight to include domestic inflation,
parallel market premium comparative growth rate of the economy. His
results showed that these variables determined capital flight in Nigeria as the
expected signs hold in the model. The unit root tests also confirmed the
variables stationarity at their various levels. Thus, the author confirmed
based on his empirical findings that capital flight could deter growth if not
given prompt attention by the policy-makers.
2.3 REVIEW OF EMPIRICAL STUDIES
By its very nature, it is difficult to measure capital flight. The
difficulties involved, not withstanding, a number of capital flight estimates
have been made over the last several years. The preponderant of these
studies cover a number of countries including mostly Argentina, Brazil,
Chile, Korea, Mexico, Peru, the Phillipines and Venezuela. A recent study
by Rojasuarez (1991) covers Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador,
Gabon, Jamaica, Mexico, Nigeria, Peru, the Philippines, Venezuela and
Yugoslavia. These various studies differ from one another in terms of the
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methodological approaches of measurement, country coverage and lifespan.
The most significant of these studies which have made impact on capital
flight estimates include the studies by Dooley (1986, 1988), Dooley et al.,
(1986), Worldbank (1985), Morgan Guaranty Trust Company (1987), Cline
(1986), Cuddingtom (1986), Cumby and Levich (1987), Lessard and
Williamson (1987), Khan and Ul Haque (1987) and Verna – Schneider
(1991).
In the Cuddington (1986) approach, capital flight is defined as a short
term speculative outflows which according to him is the typical meaning of
capital flight. It is defined as short term external assets by the non-bank
private sector plus the errors and omissions in the balance of payments. This
approach is concentrated on what is popularly referred to as “hot money
flows” method because of the fact that funds are expected to respond quickly
to changes in expected returns or to changes in risk. Variations in economic
conditions are likely to affect the magnitude of such flows. These in essence
are funds “on the wings” that are expected to return very quickly to the
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country of origin when economic conditions are favourable, that is, when
appropriate macro economic policy stance is adopted.
Khan and UI Haque (1987) calculated capital flight for eighty highly-
indebted developing countries for the period 1974-1982. Capital flight is
defined in two ways. First, it is defined simply as gross private short term
capital flows plus net errors and omissions in the country’s balance of
payment accounts. This is the same as the Cuddington estimate. The second
method tries to take account for normal capital flows. Capital flight is
defined as that part of the increase in external claims that yields no recorded
investment income, this in essence is the Dooley (1986) approach.
Cuddington (1986) also estimated the economic determinants of
residents capital outflow of four countries (Argentina, Mexico, Uruguay and
Venezuela). His empirical findings differed from country to country. In
mexico, capital flight was highly related with over-valuation of the exchange
rate, while in Venezuela, there were over-valuation and foreign interest
rates. In Argentina and Uruguay it lagged effective exchange rate and error
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of the model were related to capital flight. Conesa (1977) had similar results
except that it had 16 annual observation while Cuddington (1986) had 91.
Conesa (1987) had growth as an additional explanatory factor and did not
attempt to estimate over-valuation of the real or effective exchange rates but
used level of government borrowing in his study of seven developing
countries (Argentina, Mexico, Brazil, Chile, Peru, Venezuela and
Philippines). Dooley (1988) discovered that capital flight is significantly
related to domestic inflation, financial repression and a measure of country
risk premium.
Chang and Cumby (1991), in their sample of 36 African countries
discovered that with the exception of Nigeria, the absolute levels of capital
flight from the individual African countries were smaller than Latin
American countries. But in relation to external debt and Gross Domestic
product (GDP) many African countries experienced higher capital flight
than their Latin American counterparts. Hermes and Lensuk (1992),
estimated capital flight from six-sub-Saharan African countries (Congo,
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Zaire, Cote d ivore, Nigeria, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda) from 1976 to
1989, using their estimates, capital flight may seem small compared to Latin
American countries but the burden as a percentage of GDP is higher by 61%
of sub-Saharan compared to 22% for Latin American. Also, by their
calculation, Murinde et al., (1996) discovered that Nigeria experienced the
biggest capital flight over the period $21billion representing 60% of the
combined total of the six countries in the sample. Their econometric analysis
of the determinant of capital flight indicated that the most explanatory
variable is public external borrowing. The results implied that capital flight
and external debt are closely dependent.
In this study of three countries (Cote d’ivore, Nigeria and Morocco,),
Ojo (1992) opined that Nigeria had the largest capital flight of $35billion
and emphasized the importance of domestic economic environment
including policy related variables as government budget deficit and changes
in external debt. AJayi (1992) discovered in his study that cumulative capital
flight in the period of 1980 to 1991 averaged 40% of external debt to run 18
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countries sampled. The ratio was as high as 94% for Nigeria, 74% for Kenya
and 60% for Sudan. He also discovered that countries that exhibited the
greatest capital flight often are the most highly indebted and referred to them
as “twin problems”.
Ajayi (1992) estimated capital flight from Nigeria in 1972 to 1989,
drawing attention to the role of “trade faking” (misinvoicing) in the
country’s oil sector and to the link between capital flight, corruption and
governance failure. He concluded that most of the capital flight from Nigeria
is recorded in the BOP and debt statistics and that is not only explained by
economic factor but also political factor or uncertainty. Owiodukit (2001) in
his study stated that the major determinants of capital flight from Nigeria are
domestic, inflation, availability of foreign exchange reserve, comparative
growth rate of the economy and parallel market premium. Using empirical
evidence of the magnitude of capital flight from debtor countries in the
1980s, Gaydeezka and Oks of the IMF and the World Bank respectively
looks for satisfactory explanations of this phenomenon. The study argues
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that the nature of capital flight pre-1982 can be explained by poor domestic
policies resulting in adverse economic incentives for domestic investors and
facilitated by large inflows from foreign creditors. The authors then search
for an explanation for the resurgence in capital flight since 1986, and argue
that debtor governments not only lost external credit worthiness (in 1982-
1983) but have now also lost domestic credit worthiness. As confidence in
governments has been eroded , the perceived risk of domestic assets rises
and residents have sought to diversify through investing abroad. While this
continues still at the core of the problem of capital flight, the authors also
looked at several other explanations of the problem for example continuing
policy distortions, debt overhang and uncertainty over debt negotiations.
According to the authors, large capital flows out of developing
countries have ample evidence of high capital mobility between LDC’s and
the outside world and of private capitals stronger responsiveness to changes
in both domestic and foreign economic incentives. They also hold the view
that because LDC governments largely ignored capital mobility and allowed
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policy distortions to persist, capital flight continued until external credit was
denied and some corrective measures were undertaken. They concluded that
the price LDCs paid for capital flight was already high. They argued further
that massive foreign lending played instrumental role in facilitating private
capital outflows and that the deeper roots of capital flight is traceable to their
economic dis-incentives created by domestic policy distortions. They
observe that the decline in outflows from the early 1980s through 1986 can
be ascribed in part to the correction of some distortions such as the reduction
in exchange rate.
The study by Ajayi(1995) provided link between capital flight and
external debt in Nigeria. He concluded that most of the capital flight from
Nigeria is recorded in the balance of payment and debt statistics and that
capital flow is explained by not only economic factor but also political
instability.
Econometrics study on Africa seem to suggest that capital flight
results mainly from macro economic mismanagement, especially domestic
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inflation. Ng’eno (1994) for example, found capital to be positively
correlated to domestic inflation and lagged capital flight. Olopoenia (1995)
study for Uganda showed unsatisfactory results. In fact the R2 was less than
0.30. The explanatory power in Olopoenia (1995) raises concern on the
difficulty of estimating capital flight in African countries which arises
mainly from poor quality of the data.
The poor results of empirical studies on capital flight from Africa may
not be unconnected to the use of estimated statistics of capital flight as a
dependent varaiable. Attempts to empirically determine the factors that
affect an estimated statistics on capital flight is suspect and is bound to
produce spurious results, as none of the methods of estimation discussed can
capture the very nature and character of the developing countries, including
Nigeria. The relative under developed nature of statistical gathering as well
as the very nature of the applied concept of capital flight makes the adoption
of any model developed for the industrial economies for the purpose of
measuring capital flight in the developing country like Nigeria, irrelevant.
34
In the light of the above, and given our earlier discussion on the
consequences of capital flight on the economy, which cannot be separated
from the impact of genuine capital movement, we shall adopt for this study
the capital outflow as the dependent variable. In an alternative model, we
shall adopt the error and omission statistics, as proxy for the dependent
variable. The use of the two alternative variables is more relevant to a
developing economies like Nigeria since illegality of the so-called “capital
flight” cannot be modeled.Ng’eno(1994)
As noted earlier, the only known empiricalsties on capital flight in
Nigeria is Ajayi(1992). However, the author did not test for unit roots in the
regression models before running the econometrics model with the variables
in levels. In order to avoid spurious regression, the author should have first
established the levels of the variables. In addition Ajayi (1992)empirical
work was based on estimated capital flight figure as the dependent variable.
The problem of attempting to determine the determinants of an estimated
dependent variable is very obvious as the result of the regression can best be
35
interpreted with caution. To adequately take care of the short comings of
Ajayi(1992), we intend to test for statistical properties of the variables used
in the equation as well as used firmed figure of capital outflow as a proxy for
capital flight the reason for this has been adumbrated earlier.
2.4 SHORTCOMINGS OF PAST ESTIMATES
It is observed that past studies on capital flight have taken into
account the effect of exchange rate fluctuations of the dollar value in
deriving residual measures of capital flight. Depending on whether these
currencies appreciate or depreciate against the dollar, this can introduce a
downward or upward bias in relevant countries where a substantial portion
of the debt is dominated in other currencies as in the francophone countries
of sub-Saharan African where much debt is dominated as frame. Secondly,
past studies of capital flight from sub-Saharan Africa except Chang and
Cumby (1991) and Ajayi (1992) cover a small number of countries. As a
result, they do not offer a basis for expansive cross-country analysis of the
magnitude, causes and consequence of capital flight. Those that cover a
36
large sample only refer to a fairly short time period which limits the ability
to examine the trends in capital flight over long time frame. For time series
analysis, it would be useful to have estimated capital flight for a good
number of years.
Thirdly, many past estimates, ignored analysis on falsification of trade
transaction. Exception is given to Chang and Cumby (1991) and Ajayi
(1992, 1997), Ndikumana and Boyce (1998). Instead they take trade
statistics unlike capital account statistics in official balance of payments
table at the fact value. In practice, the official BOP data on exports and
imports are of ten of poor quality due to trade misinvoicing i.e. exporter may
understate the value of the export revenue with the intention of retaining
abroad the difference between their actual export value and declared export
value. On the import side, there are incentives for both over-invoicing and
under-invoicing. Over invoicing allows importers to obtain extra foreign
exchange, which can be transferred abroad from the Central Bank on
favourable term, while under invoicing and outright smuggling allows
37
importers to evade custom duties and restriction. Thus, this weakness
suggest that caution should be taken in the interpretation of the regression
results due to problems inherent in determining the determinants of the
estimated capital flight.
2.5 FOREIGN LENDING AND CAPITAL OUTFLOWS
The estimations of Gajdeezka and Oks shows a very strong correlation
between capital outflows and foreign lending. However, they believe that
this high correlation does not necessarily reveal conclusive causality
linkages in either direction. They argued that the nature of the relationship
between net lending and capital flight has changed over time. They also
discussed the relationship between net lending and capital flight in the
context of risk assymetrics and scarce investment opportunities in
developing countries.
Their estimates revealed a close relationship between foreign lending
and capital flight. During the 1980-1987 period, the total value of capital
outflow from highly indebted countries (HICs) was $84billion and which
38
corresponded to roughly 40% of the total net long term resource inflows to
these countries in the group of high capital flight countries (Argentina,
Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Nigeria, Peru, Philippines and Venezuela), for
each dollar in net lending, approximately 60% was expatriated as capital
outflows. They argued that this is an important observation given that
foreign lending was a major source of exchange reserves financing and that
these reserves were a source of foreign exchange for capital flight. They
added that the correlation between foreign lending and capital our flows can
be explained in several ways. Prior to 1982, the most straight forward
explanation is that governments borrowed to replenish foreign exchange
reserves and thus enabled capital outflows. External lending and capital
showed when voluntary lending to developing debtor countries stopped in
1982.
However, they observe that the linkage between capital flight and
borrowing changed after the outbreak of payments difficulties in 1982, in
particular the large foreign debt meant that foreign creditors faced much
39
higher levels of risk than before. They explained that the disbursement of
additional loans were made condition in the implementation of policies
which by themselves required less external finding. Therefore, the resulting
contraction in lending by 1986 was accompanied by the conspicuous
reduction in capital flight. On this note, Gagdeezka and Oks suggested that
the decline in capital outflows until 1986 was achieved by better economic
policies negotiated in conjunction with lower borrowing requirements and
the imposition of capital controls.
2.6 DOMESTIC POLICY DISTORTIONS, DEBT
ACCUMULATION AND CAPITAL OUTFLOWS
Domestic policy distortions were an integral part of the growth and
stabilization policies pursued by most Latin American countries. Policy
distortions led to a loss of government’s credit-worthiness, exchange rate
over valuation and financial instability, which in turn generated incentives
for capital flight. These factors are examined below.
40
2.6.1 LOSS OF CREDIT-WORTHINESS
During the 1970s, governments of large Latin American countries for
example pursued expansive fiscal and monetary policies associated with
relatively fast rates of growth and received massive financial support from
foreign commercial banks. Foreing lending help avert the short-term
inflationary consequence of large domestic deficits but as foreign debt
accumulated, both the foreign and domestic credit worthiness of these
governments were impaired. As the internal perception of government’s
solvency deteriorated, thus raising inflationary risks and devaluation
expectations, even extremely high interest rates could not prevent capital
flight. The reason was that the risk involved in holding domestic debt grew
faster than their nominal interest rate and when corrected for risk factors
(including unexpected devaluation risk) foreign asset remained a better
choice capital flows in and out of a country arbitraged differentials between
these risk-adjusting domestic and foreign rates of return.
41
2.6.2 EXCHANGE RATE OVER-VALUATION
Exchange rate policy was often aimed at fighting inflation rather than
at preventing future balance of payments difficulties. For example in
Argentina, Chile and Uruguay, a pre-announced path of decreasing exchange
rate devaluations was deliberately enforced to contain inflation. These
policies, which were conducted without controls on capital movements were
facilitated by favourable terms of trade, initially low real foreign interest
rates and massive foreign lending. These anti-inflation policies led to
exchange rate over valuation and fed capital outflows as speculators brought
foreign assets when the real exchange rate became unsustainably
overvalued. In this way, central banks financial capital flight, thus re-
chanelling abroad a substantial portion of foreign lending to governments,
with controls on capital movements unlike in the open capital account
situation described above, currency over valuation is reflected in a premium,
the black market offers above the official exchange rate. This tends to raise
the unofficial surplus, an alternative source of capital flight, because the
42
black market premium creates an economic incentives for smuggling, export
under-invoicing, import-overvoicing and unofficial trade transactions related
to tourism. Capital flight through smuggling and under-voicing of exports is
also induced by export taxes or in the case of drugs by legal restrictions. On
the other hand, import tarriffs induce import under-invoicing (as importers
seek to avoid trade taxes) that tends to reverse capital flight.
2.6.3 FINANCIAL INSTABILITY
Although financial instability was partly a consequence of fiscal
deficits and exchange rate policies, in many countries it was also a by-
product of financial repression, that is interest rate fixed below inflation
rates, high legal reserve requirements of banks the other institution rigidities
imposed on financial systems. Financial repression encouraged capital flight
both by lowering returns on domestic investments and feeding overall
financial instability for example through its potential impact on financial
disintermediation when inflation rises.
43
In countries with more liberal financial systems for example with
market determined interest rates, large fiscal deficits and exchange rate over-
valuation resulted in high real domestic interest rates thus creating a
different type of financial instability as firms and governments became
highly indebted domestically. Domestic firms that took advantage of
relatively cheap foreign credit experienced financial instability after
corrective devaluations were implemented. Financial instability also
activates what can be regarded as a secondary source of capital flight – the
stock of assets held by residents abroad. Financial instability induced foreign
asset holder to reinvest abroad the returns on their assets such as interest,
dividends and capital gains. While policy distortions tends to have an
immediate effect on capital flight, reversing them may only have positive
results in the longrun. In the short-run, trade and fiscal reforms may promote
rather than reverse capital flight as they pose a threat to heavily protected
sectors, privileged tax loopholes and tax evasion. However, a substantial
44
reduction of fiscal imbalance could accelerate the beneficial effects of
removing other policy distortions.
Table 2.1: Capital flight estimates for highly indebted countries
(US&billions).
1980-1987 1983-1987 1986-1988
Total outflows -83.7 -30.9 -14.1
Hot money -77.9 -27.9 -13.5
Residual method -46.2 -21.6 -8.0
Banking Assets (Deposits) NA NA 5.64
Long term resource inflow 209.8 83.0 33.9
Memorandum item:
Total outflow/revenues -39.9% -37.2% -42.7
Notes: Negative sign denotes outflow
1. Total outflows: - Long term and short-term assets of the official,
deposit money banks and other sectors plus errors and omissions.
45
2. Hot money: Short term capital of other sectors and errors and
omissions.
3. Residual methods: Sum of current account, change in reserves,
foreign direct investment and net lending
4. Banking assets: Exchange rate adjusted changes in balance sheet
report deposits of the non-bank private sector.
5. long term resource inflow: sum of official transfers, net foreign direct
investment and net lending.
Sources: IMF balance of payments statistics, World Bank’s Debtor reporting
system, Bank for international settlements and estimates.
Table 2.2: Capital outflows from HICs (US $ billions)
1988-7 1986-8
A B C C
Argentina -1.7 0.6 1.1 2.1
Bolivia 0.6 0.6 1.5 0.3
Brazil -0.4 -5.5 2.3 -2.2
46
Chile 0.5 0.2 0.7 0.8
Columbia -1.8 -2.8 -3.8 -1.5
Cote d’Ivory -0.5 0.2 -1.3 -0.1
Coasta Rica 0.10 0.5 -0.1 0.2
Jamaica 0.0 -0.3 0.3 0.4
Ecuador -0.3 0.6 -1.0 -0.4
Mexico -10.7 -6.8 -17.9 -10.4
Morocco -0.4 -0.4 0.3 -0.9
Nigeria -5.1 -7.9 6.8 2.7
Peru -1.1 -0.9 0.3 1.6
Philippines -0.4 0.7 -2.3 1.2
Uruguary -0.1 -0.3 -0.1 -0.1
Venezuela -6.4 -5.7 -5.5 0.9
Uruguary 0.3 0.3 -2.2 -0.4
Total -30.9 -27.9 -21.6 -8.0
47
Notes: Negative sign denotes outflow
A = Total outflow
B = Hot money
C = Residual method
Source: See table 1
2.7 INTERNATIONAL TRADE FAKING AND CAPITAL FLIGHT
The term “trade faking” is used to describe the over-invoicing /under
invoicing in international trade i.e. of exports and imports. The analyses here
will be in three steps. In the first step an analysis is undertaken of the extent
of trade faking in Nigeria’s trade using UN trade data system. The focus of
attention here is Nigeria’s trade with Industrial Market Economies. In the
second step, we analyze using the SITC classification of the extent of trade
faking that exists in the fuel section of Nigeria’s export trade. Oil is nigeria’s
most important export. The last step deals with the industrial countries. The
48
data from industrial countries which is adjudged reliable is subsequently
used to arrive at the adjusted capital flight estimates.
It is necessary not only to discuss the rationale behind trade faking,
but also analyze the reasons for the existence of discrepancy in recorded data
on exports and imports. Most of the studies on trade faking started in the
early 1960s and 1970s of note are the studies by Bhagwate (1974, 1967),
Bhagwati, Krueger and Wibulswaschi (1974), Simkin (1970), Richter
(1970), Yeats (1978), Nayak (1977). Recent studies since the 1980s include
that of McDonald (1985), Dewulf (1981) and Yeats (1981, 1990).
It is true that the imports of one country is the export of another
country. Thus, it is expected that the ratio of the values of imports of a
country (say country A) that originate from another country (say country B)
over the values of exports from country B to country A which is called the
valuation ratio should be unity. There are a variety of reasons, however, why
trade statistics (i.e. exports and imports) may not match. One of the reasons
49
is the under-invoicing or over-invoicing of trade transaction as a means of
effecting capital flight.
The differential in the export-import statistics may however, not be
due to illicit or illegal activities connected with under invoicing or over
invoicing of trade statistics. There are a number of other factors that may be
responsible for the data discrepancy. These include shipping costs,
diversions en-route to final destinations, re-export of goods, differential lags
in reporting, potential discrepancies arising from the conversion from one
currency to another and then to a common currency usually the US dollar
and variations in exchange rate (De Wulf, 1981; and Yeats, 1990). Perhaps
one of the basic causes of trade data discrepancy in sub-Saharan African
countries is due to the routing process for trade transactions. This problem
occurs when goods are routed through several countries bordering the
exporter and/or importer country before the final destination is reached.
Thus, in these cases “the country of origin may inaccurately list a routing
country as the importer or the country of final destination may report the
50
routing country as the exporter. A range of discrepancies may thus appear
between the three (or more) parties for the transactions” (Yeats, 1990, p.
137).
Countries that maintain overvalued currencies and restrict access to
foreign countries are often the setting for invoice alterations. One of the
basic reasons for trade faking in developing countries is the fact that
exchange controls are common place. Consequently, foreign currencies can
be brought or sold at a premium in the black market for foreign exchange.
As a result of the premium on foreign exchange, the tendency exists to
under-invoice exports and over-invoice imports. That of course is not the
only reason, the existence of high import duties can also provide the
incentives among importers to under-invoice imports in contrast to the usual
case of over-invoicing of imports when a premium exists on foreign
exchange in the black market. If there is a subsidy on imports it will likely
cause over-invoicing of imports. A tariff on exports will lead to under-
51
invoicing while over-invoicing of exports exists when a subsidy exists on
exports.
Under-invoicing of imports can systematically arise in the following
two cases. The first case is one where the imported commodity carries a
tariff duty. The second situation is one in which the importation of the
commodity is strictly controlled. In the case of the tariff duty, it pays the
importer to understate the value of his imports when the amount of savings
he will make in tariff duties exceeds the extra price that he must pay to
procure foreign exchange in the black market. Thus, the importer benefits by
under-invoicing if: -
T – Bp > 0
Where, T = tariff rate and BP = black market exchange rate at premium
(Bhagwati,1964).
In the case of quantitative importer restrictions, under-invoicing is
profitable if two conditions are met. The first is that under-invoicing enables
a larger quantity to be imported under license and secondly the premium on
52
the imported commodity in the domestic market is greater than the foreign
exchange premium.
Over the last several years, there has been a thriving black market in
foreign exchange in Nigeria. In addition, the tariff policy has consistently
varied allowing at one time the importation of certain commodities at either
zero or positive rate to a situation of total ban at another time. Also during
the 1979-1984 civilian administration, the issuing of import licenses to
business men was in vogue. The existence of these situations inevitably
provided the fertile ground for the over-invoicing and /or under-invoicing of
exports and imports.
One of the mechanisms for preventing customs abuse is pre-shipment
inspection (PSI). PSI verifies the quantity, quality and price of imports
before shipment from the exporting country. As a complement to its foreign
exchange control, Nigeria implemented a PSI program in January 1979. This
was carried out by Societe General de Surveillance (SGS). On October 1,
1984, the previous contract with SGS was ended and three other companies
53
were hired. These were Intertek (goods from North and South America);
Bureau veritas (for goods from continental Europe and Africa) and Cotecna
(for goods from the United Kingdom, Asia and South Pacific). Quite a large
array of products apart from the imposition of value limitations are however
are, exempted from the PSI program. Thus, the program has not been
successful in eliminating trade faking.
2.8 POLITICAL AND MACRO ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS IN
NIGERIA
A study of capital flight is incomplete without a preliminary
examination of the structure of the Nigerian economy and its political
history. Ordinarily Nigeria was an agrarian society, with agriculture
accounting for at least 65% of the GDP. The contribution of the sector,
gradually declined due to the emergence of crude petroleum in 1970 when
Nigeria became a member of OPEC. Thereafter, oil became the mainstay of
the economy (Onwiodukit, 2001).
54
The oil boom of the early 1970s had a pervasive effect on the growth
and development of the economy. It suddenly became the dominant sector of
the economy accounting for more than 90% of exports and main source of
revenue. However, the oil revenue witnessed growth overtime and the
growth was absorbed mainly by public sector spending particularly on
transportation, social services, education etc. but considering their long run
financial implications and efficiency with which the projects where price
increases secured the resource needed to accommodate the supply in non-
traded goods but they depressed the non-oil traded goods sectors.
Nigeria borrowed significantly during this period to procure foreign
goods. In 1978, economic problems start to manifest but a second oil-boom
in 1979 brought about confidence that oil proceeds could be a sound basis
for planning and sustaining public sector consumption and investment. The
second oil-boom coincides with the civilian government (second republic).
The increase in oil revenue gave the government impetus to increase public
expenditure and real income declined. Then, the government was forced to
55
run deficit budget and finance this by borrowing. Also, the value of
exchange rate began to appreciate and this placed export at a disadvantage
position. The distorted exchange rate prevented the government from
allocating resources efficiently to purchase import.
Based on this, government established several measures and stringent
trade control in the economy, stabilization heat of 1982. Besides, public
investment was cut noticeably and petroleum products’ prices and tarrifs
were raised. In spite of these stringent measures, the economy reached a
crises point in 1983/84 when oil earning declined drastically. To fill the
domestic savings gap in order to execute development projects, government
continue to borrow heavily and the external debt was mounting, this put
unnecessary pressure on BOP position.
Nigeria’s indebtedness impeded her access to foreign capital and short
term trade arrears amounts to the point at which foreign banks held back on
confirming letters of credit. Due to her unwillingness to devalue naira,
donors refuse to roll over short term debt or fresh capital. This persisted until
56
the military seized power in 1983 (Adedipe, 04). The military government
strengthened the strict measure of 1982, then imposed wage freeze on public
sector employees, enforced the redundancy of a vast number of civil
servants and introduced users fee in education and health sectors. Yet, there
measures made little impact on budget deficit. As the deficit in budget was
manifested by capacity under utilization widespread closure of plants.
Decline in imports and exports was accompanied by a significant rise in
domestic price levels, inflation rate escalated, domestic savings and
investment fell drastically, private investment also fell coupled with the
reluctancy of the donors to release fresh debt, it became difficult to
accumulate capital (GCF) which is a major ingredient in developmental
process.
Meanwhile, government could not reach an agreement with the
Bretton Woods institution on several issues including devaluation of the
naira and import liberalization. Thus, a significant difference emerged
between Nigeria government and its creditors. Later, the Babangida
57
administration emerged in 1998 without proper accommodation of the multi-
lateral lending institutions, the prospect for more credit was bleak. This led
to the adoption of SAP. This programme brought some far-reaching reforms
on the Nigerian economy, such as devaluation of exchange rate,
liberalization of interests rates, imports and exports, commercialization and
privatization of several public enterprises and so on. Suddenly, there were
reverse in the old trend as GDP starts to witness growth, but inflation rates
worsens. Interest rates reforms did not yield the desired result due to
frequent policy changing. In the era of high inflation rate, the real rate of
interest became negative. From 1985,the interest rate, direct foreign
investment and foreign exchange had been liberalized of AFEM. The 1997
monetary and banking policies adopted in the fed budget as well as entire
financial system restructuring as well as the fiscal surplus achieved in the
last two years (1999) appear to seemingly approximate the precondition for
preventing capital flight. Thus, the need to sustain and improve the
seemingly enabling environment in order to consolidate growth reduce
58
external debt through restructuring programmes in agreeable to the Bretton
wood institutions that could illicit favourable disposition by our donor
nations in ensuring debt reduction for Nigeria cannot be overemphasized.
\
2.9 DEFINITIONS AND MEASUREMENT ISSUES
There are various definitions of capital flight. The use of the term
“capital flight” arouses strong emotions in some quarters. Some analysts
view capital flight as a symptom of a sick society while others view capital
flight as the cause of heavily indebted countries in ability to recover from
their present debt problems. Capital flight is regarded by others as a
“pejorative description of natural, economically rational response to the
portfolio choices that have confronted wealthy residents of some debtor
countries in recent years” Clessard and Williamson, 1987 p. 202). The
controversy surrounding the term is due partly to the lack of a precise and
universally accepted definition for it in economic theory and partly
becauseof the way the term is used between developed and developing
59
countries. It is usual amongst some economists to refer to capital outflow
from developed countries as foreign investments while the same activity
when undertaken by the residents of the developing countries is referred to
as capital flight. One of the distinctions that is often made, however, is that
exchange rate control regimes existing in many developing countries.
One of the reasons for this dichotomy is the belief that the investors
from developed countries are responding to better opportunities abroad. The
investors from the developing countries on the other hand are said to be
escaping the high risks which they perceive at home. This interpretation
makes it very obvious why a lot of economist are “ill-at-ease” with the
definition of capital flight. In general, it is believed that the investors from
all countries whether developed or developing will base their investments
decisions on the relative returns and risks of such investments at home and
abroad.
There are possibly a number of valid reasons why capital flows from
developing countries should be labeled as “capital flight”. The first is the
60
general presumption in economics that capital should flow towards capital-
scarce countries. There is scarcity of capital in developing countries. Any
flows in the opposite direction, that is, from developing to developed
countries as mentioned in the introduction are not only unusual but
abnormal. The second reason is related to a policy issue. What is important
is the extent to which those assets held abroad could be utilized at home to
reduce the level of external indebtedness and relieve the inherent liquidity
problems brought about by debt service obligations (Pastor 1990). In
distinguishing between capital flight and normal capital flows, two broad
approaches are taken in the literature. The first is an identification of specific
episodes (or countries) that are characterized by abnormally adverse
economic conditions for investment and consider all estimates of the
acquisition of external claims that are not reported to the domestic
authorities (Chang and Cumby, 1987); (Dodey, 1998). On the other hand,
capital flight can be considered as those capital outflows which are in excess
61
of “normal flows”. One problem with this definition lies in what constitutes
“normal” capital outflows in this content (Anthony and Hallett, 1990).
These various difficulties essentially lie at the heart of the varying
definitions and computation methodologies in which have been employed to
quantify the capital flight phenomenon (Anthony and Hallett, 1990). Thus,
the possibility of multiple definitional terms is one of the quandaries in this
area in a sense and yet perhaps one of the strong points. One cannot but
therefore agree with Chang and Gumby (1991) that there exists more than
one viable definition of capital flight and the appropriate choice will depend
on the policy question most pertinent capital flight and the so called
“normal” capital flows. Since illegal transactions are not reported, it is
therefore not only difficult, but almost impossible to measure it as a
component of capital flight. “capital flight is capital that flees” (IngoWalter,
1987; Kindleberger; 1987). Alternatively, capital flows in response to
economic or political crisis are capital flight (Husted and Melvin, 1990).
62
Normal capital flows on the other hand, refer to flows that correspond to
ordinary portfolio diversification of domestic residents.
According to Cuddington (1986), capital flight refers to short terms
private capital outflows. It involves “hot money” that responds to political or
financial crisis, heavier taxes, a prospective tightening of capital or a major
devaluation of domestic currency arising from high misalignment of the
currency. In the Morgan Guaranty Trust Company (1986 p. 13), an
expansive definition is adopted. Capital flight is “the reported and
unreported acquisition of foreign assets by the non-bank private sector and
elements of the public sector”.
In order to clarify our thoughts on capital flows presented in table 1 is
a taxonomy of factors explaining international capital flows. This table is
adopted from Lessard and Williamson (1987). The upper left quadrant of the
table identifies various factors based on differences in economic returns
across countries. In the upper right quadrant are those additional factors that
deal with the two-way flows “normal” portfolio diversification. Most of the
63
theoretical and empirical studies of capital flight place emphasis on the
lower left and right quadrants. The factors emphasized are those that create a
“wedge between economic and financial returns” regardless of whether they
operate a cross the board or asymmetrically among residents or non-
residents (Lessard and Williamson, 1987 p. 217).
Table 1: Taxonomy of Factors Explaining International Capital Flows
One-way flows Two-way flows
Economic risk and
returns
-Natural resources endowments
-Terms of Trade
-Technologies changes
-Demographic shifts
- General economic management
-Differences in absolute
riskness of economics
-Low correlation of risky
outcome across country
-Differences in investor
risk preferences
Financial risk and
returns, relative to
economic
-Taxes (deviation from world
levels)
-Differences in tones and
their incidence between
resident and non-residents
64
-inflation
-default on government
obligations
-Devaluation
-Financial repression
-Taxes on financial
intermediation
-Political instability, potential
confiscation
-Differences in nature and
incidence of country risk
-Asymmetric application
of guarantees
-Different interest ceiling
for residents and non-
residents
-different access to foreign
exchange denomination
claims
Adapted from: Lessard and Willams on (1987) p.216
From the above table and analysis therein, normal capital outflows are
the ones that take place in order to maximize economic returns and
opportunities between countries. Normal portfolio diversification takes place
65
on the basis of differentials in economic returns. Capital flight on the other
hand as seen from this analysis is that “subset of capital outflows that are
propelled by source country policies” (Lessard and Willamson (1987,
p.217).
2.9.1 THE MECHANISMS OF CAPITAL FLIGHT
The conduits for capital flight are not only many but varied, Ajayi
(1992). A very suitable description of some of the conduits and various
forms as they take place is described best by Glyll and Koenig (1984 pp.
109). It comes in first bottom suitcases or in electronic funds transfers from
private banking services that caters to high net worth individuals”. Thus,
there are a number of channels through which capital flight can take place in
Nigeria and these are briefly discussed as follows.
Firstly, it can take place through precious metals and collectibles
including works of arts, local currency is converted into gold, silver or other
precious metals, stones, jewelry and similar assets that cannot only be
moved abroad but also retain their value. The sales of value of these items
66
are usually high in foreign currency. Secondly, transfer of money in form of
capital flight can take place through cash or monetary instruments. These are
usually in the form of either foreign or domestic currency. In the early 1970s
studies about Nigeria currency were being carried out of the country and
being exchanged in big centers like London and New York, Ajayi (1992).
Another method of transferring money abroad is through black market
itself. This is a thriving source of transferring funds abroad. Through this
method, the amount of money transferred is difficult to estimate. Fourth
method is through the bank’s transfer from a local affiliate of foreign owned
banks to a designated recipient abroad. This amount of money can be
exchanged at the market rate where no constraints or restrictions are in
place. Transfer can still possible in the face of exchange controls but
possibly at a less favourable rate. The fifth vehicle through which money can
be transferred abroad from domestic country is false invoicing of trade
undertaken. Substantial amount of money can arise from the systematic
faking of imports and exports. For capital flight to occur in this case
67
exporters will engage in underinvoicing while importers overinvoicing, in
the process foreign exchange gain is derived by both and this is outside the
control of the foreign exchange authorities.
2.9.2 CAUSES OF CAPITAL FLIGHT
The causes of capital flight are many. These various causes can be
grouped under relative risks, exchange rate misalignment, financial sector
constraints and/or repressions, fiscal deficits and external incentives (Khan,
1989) and disbursement of new loans to LDCs (Cuddingtom, 1987). These
are no doubt economic causes of capital flight. There are, however, other
non-economic causes which though important are often ignored. These
include the corruption of political leaders and extraordinary access to
government funds. Some of these factors are now discussed.
2.9.2.1 RISKS
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In decision making process, the wealth holder looks at the various
risks confronting him. There are certain inherent characteristics of
developing countries which make risks attached to investments larger than
those of developed countries. An increase in risk in a rational expectation
setting would tend to increase the outflow of private capital from the
domestic economy into foreign countries where investment are less risky.
Thus, domestic investors will prefer to transfer funds and hold foreign
assets.
2.9.2.2 EXCHANGE RATE MISALIGNMENT
The importance of this variable has amply been demonstrated in
several empirical analysis including the studies by Dornbusch (1985),
Cuddington (1986), Lessard and Williamson (1987) and pastor (1989, 1990).
The real exchange rate plays a significant role in the direction and
magnitude of capital flight from highly-indebted developing countries.
Under normal circumstances, if a currency appreciation is expected,
domestic wealth owners would shift out of domestic assets into foreign
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assets. In general, it is difficult to measure precisely exchange rate
expectations. It is safe, however, to assume that if a currency is overvalued,
economic agents would expect the currency to be devalued in the future.
Holding firm to this expectation would cause residents to avoid the potential
capital loss by converting into foreign claims.
2.9.2.3 FINANCIAL SECTOR CONSTRAINTS
This can also lead to capital flight. It is well known that narrowness of
the capital and money market is a feature of developing economies.
Financial markets in these countries provide only a limited variety of
financial instrument in which wealth can be held. There is also in many
developing countries the lack of full or credible deposit insurance on assets
that are held in the domestic banking sector. This deficiency is, however,
being increasingly remedied by many developing countries.
Additionally, there are extensive controls on interest rates and on
other aspects of financial market behaviour in developing countries.
Government policies in the financial sector have resulted in normal interest
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rates that are far below the rates on comparable foreign financial
instruments. In most cases, the real rates of return on domestic financial
assets are negative.
2.9.3 EFFECTS OF CAPITAL FLIGHT
As observed from various studies in capital flight, it deserves serious
attention for many reasons. Oloyede (2002 pp163) classified the effects into
both short term and long term.
i) The short term effects: A sudden increase in the outflow of capital
can have destabilizing effects on domestic reserve position.
ii) Long term effects:
a. A reduction in available resource to financial domestic
investment, leading to a decline in the rate of capital formation
and adversely affecting the countries growth rate.
b. Reduction in government ability to tax all the income of its
residents
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c. Increase in the need to borrow from abroad thereby increasing
the foreign debt burden.
Other effects of capital flight are: It might have pronounced regressive
effects on the distribution of wealth. The individuals who engage in capital
flight generally are members of the sub-continents economic and political
elites who take advantage of their privileged position to acquire and
siphoned funds abroad. Both the acquisition and transfer of funds often
involves legally questionable practices including the falsification of trade
documents (Trade misinvoicing).
Also capital flight causes a diversion of scare resources away from
domestic investment and other productive activities. In recent decades,
African economies have achieved significantly low investment levels than
other developed countries (international financial corp, 1998; Ndikuma,
2000). These low level of domestic investments are attributable in part to the
apparent scarcity of domestic saving, weak and shallow financial systems
and high country risks due to the unstable macro-economic ad political
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conditions. Thus, capital flight is both the cause and symptom of this weak
investment performance.
Furthermore, the outflow of capital can cause a shortage of liquidity in
the economy and thereby create a short fall in the amount of funds that are
needed for the importation of equipment which are needed for development.
Accorind to Lessard and Williamson (1987 pp52) capital flight leads to a net
loss in the total resources which are available to an economy for the purpose
of investments and growth. Therefore, the pace of growth and development
in the economy is retarded from what it would have otherwise been.
2.10 CAPITAL FLIGHT: THE NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE. HOW
NIGERIA LOSES N960bn ANNUALLY TO CAPITAL FLIGHT
IN THE OIL SECTOR
Nigeria’s economy loses about N960bn ($8billion) annually to non-
implementation of local content by oil companies operating in the country,
thus leading to lost opportunities for able-bodied Nigerians.
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Oil experts at the just concluded local content workshop in Abuja
disclosed that with an estimate annual spending of about N1.2trillion
($10billion) going into the Nigerian oil and gas industry annually, only
about 20percent or N240billion ($2billion) of that amount is domiciled in
Nigeria. About $8billion of this amount goes out of the economy in things
that could ordinarily be done locally. And with proven oil reserved of about
35billion barrels and 187trilliion standard cubic feet of gas (Sc fg) Nigeria is
termed in some quarters as “a gas province with a drop of oil”. It is
therefore, no surprise that Nigeria has the biggest investment in natural
liquefied Gas (NLG) in the world. But, that has made little impact on the
country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is because most of the
engineering, technical, supplies, insurance, shipping and other skilled aspect
of the business is either done abroad or carried out in-country by expatriates
and their firms.
Apart from creating thousands of jobs through direct and indirect
engagements of Nigerians, if Nigeria acquires the capacity to carry out these
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jobs, a value chain in economic activities would lead to more properity. It is
with this in mind that the federal government initiated the Nigerian content
initiative. The target of government is to meet 45percent of the local content
of the production of oil and gas by 2006 and 70percent by 2010 by which
time, apart from employment, the same proportion of investment an sundry
economic activities will be domesticated.
To show its resolve, the presidency, six years ago directed the
Nigerian national petroleum corporation (NNPC) to put in place a
comprehensive and workable Nigerian content realization strategy in the
industry. The NNPC created a Nigerian content division (NCD), but its
effectiveness is still a matter of controversy in the industry.
Insurance an shipping companies are at a loss that almost all the
insurance businesses and oil liftings are carried out by foreign firms with
little or no inputs from Nigerians. Also, the national assembly is on the last
stage of passing the Nigerian content bill, if the utterances of some members
of the assembly is anything to go by. The bill, when passed will lead to the
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establishment of the Nigerian content development agency to be run by the
Nigerian content management board that will oversee the running and affairs
of the Nigerian content “policy”. But, that is for the future. Meanwhile, as
the NNPC and other related arms of government are busy applauding
themselves and ascribing high scores over their contribution to the
realization of the Nigerian content dream, some indigenous experts have
ridiculed their claims. For example, the petroleum technology association of
Nigeria (PETAN), an association of Nigerian indigenous technical oil field
service companies in the upstream and downstream sectors of the oil
industry, has come short of laughing off such claims. Contrary to claims by
government that Nigeria has now attained 45percent Nigerian content,
PETAN, said even by 2010, Nigeria would not attain 30percent of local
content if things stand the way they are today.
PETAN which employs about 20,000 Nigerians also said the crisis in
the Niger Delta would persist unless government mandates oil firms to
broaden indigenous participation in oil jobs, establish decent educational
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facilities, build infrastructure and improve on the wellbeing of host
communities. Chairman of PETAN, Mr. Shawley Coker, said multinational
oil companies were trying to stiffen the conditions for getting oil contracts
and employments opportunities to the extent that the present local content in
the industry is just about 15percent and not the figure flaunted by
government officials. On contracts, he said since the issue of Nigerian
content came to therefore, multinational oil firms had come up with
frustrating terms before engaging Nigerian servicing companies.
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CHAPTER THREE
3.0 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The primary objective of this research work as stated in chapter one of
this study, is to investigate the effect of capital flight on Nigeria economic
development using an error correction mechanism (ECM) technique. In
order to effectively realize the objective of the study, relevant factors or
variable will be used to measure the time series characteristics of the
variables in the model where Gross Domestic Product (GDP) denote the
dependent variable while index capital flight (ICF), Gross capital formation