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Page 1: Social Movement

Welcome To The Presentation

CLASSICAL SOCIAL MOVEMENT AND COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOR APPROACH

AND WILLIAM KORNHAUSER

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Name Roll

Jannatul Ferdous 91

Md. Mushfiq Ahmed 42

Md. Nazmul Hasan 47

Sharmin Jahan 107

Sharmin Nasrin Eva 150

Amirul Islam 127

Nusrat Mumtaz 39

Maria chowdhury 116

Presented By

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Social movements are a type of group action. They are large informal groupings of individual or organizations which focus on specific political or social issues. In other words, they carry out, resist or undo a social changes.

Social movements

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“Social movements as a series of contentious performances, displays and campaigns by which ordinary people make collective claims on others.”

-Charles Tilly“A social movement that only moves people is merely a revolt. A movement that changes both people and institutions is a revolution.” 

―Martin Luther King Jr,Why We Can't Wait

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The term "social movements" was introduced in 1848 by the German Sociologist Lorenz von Stein

“Social Movement" into scholarly discussions - actually depicting in this way political movements fighting for the social rights understood as welfare rights.

-Socialist and Communist Movements since Third French Revolution (1848)

History

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Economic and Political changes by Social Movements

Parliamentarization Market capitalization Proletarianization

Political movements evolved in late18th century French Revolution Polish Constitution of May 3, 1791

Labor movement and socialist movement in late 19th century formed communist and social democratic parties

History Continues

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Cultural Anthropologist David F. Aberle has identified four kinds of social movements: Alternative, Redemptive, Reformative, and Revolutionary social movements. Social movements can occur at the individual level or the group/societal level and they can advocate for either minor or radical changes.1. Alternative social movements are at the

individual level and advocate for minor change.2. Redemptive social movements are at the

individual level and advocate for radical changes.3. Reformative social movements occur at a

broader group or societal level and advocate for minor changes.

4. Revolutionary social movements occur at a broader group or societal level and advocate for radical changes.

Other ways to categorize social movements include classifying by scope, type of change, targets, methods, and range.

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Other categories have been used to distinguish between types of social movements. Scope: A movement can be either reform or radical. A reform movement advocates changing some norms or laws while a radical movement is dedicated to changing value systems in some fundamental way. A reform movement might be a trade union seeking to increase workers' rights while the American Civil Rights movement was a radical movement. Type of Change: A movement might seek change that is either innovative or conservative. An innovative movement wants to introduce or change norms and values while a conservative movement seeks to preserve existing norms and values. Targets: Group-focused movements focus on influencing groups or society in general; for example, attempting to change the political system from a monarchy to a democracy. An individual-focused movement seeks to affect individuals. Methods of Work: Peaceful movements utilize techniques such as nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience. Violent movements resort to violence when seeking social change. Range: Global movements, such as Communism in the early 20thcentury, have transnational objectives. Local movements are focused on local or regional objectives such as preserving an historic building or protecting a natural habitat.

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A difficulty for scholarship of movements is that for most of them, neither insiders to a movement nor outsiders apply consistent labels or even descriptive phrases. Unless there is a single leader who does that, or a formal system of membership agreements, activists will typically use diverse labels and descriptive phrases that require scholars to discern when they are referring to the same or similar ideas, declare similar goals, adopt similar programs of action, and use similar methods.

Identification of supporters

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There can be great differences in the way that is done, to recognize who is and who is not a member or an allied group:

Insiders: Often exaggerate the level of support by considering people supporters whose level of activity or support is weak, but also reject those that outsiders might consider supporters because they discredit the cause, or are even seen as adversaries.

Outsiders: Those not supporters who may tend to either underestimate or overestimate the level or support or activity of elements of a movement, by including or excluding those that insiders would exclude or include.

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The first stage of the social movement life cycle is known as the emergence, or, as described by Blumer, the “social ferment” stage (De la Porta & Diani, 2006). Within this stage, social movements are very preliminary and there is little to no organization. Instead this stage can be thought of as widespread discontent (Macionis, 2001; Hopper, 1950). Potential movement participants may be unhappy with some policy or some social condition, but they have not taken any action in order to redress their grievances, or if they have it is most likely individual action rather than collective action. A person may comment to friends and family that he or she is dissatisfied with conditions or may write a letter to the local newspaper or representative, but these actions are not strategic and not collective.

Stage 1: Emergence

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Further, there may be an increase in media coverage of negative conditions or unpopular policies which contributes to the general sense of discontent. This early stage can also be considered within a specific social movement organization (SMO). A social movement organization is an organization that is or has been associated with a social movement and which carries out the tasks that are necessary for any social movement to survive and be successful. An example of a social movement organization is the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), which was one of the many social movement organizations that organized during the American Civil Rights Movement. Within the emergence stage, then, an SMO and its members serve as agitators. Agitators raise consciousness around issues and help to develop the sense of discontent among the general population.

Emergence Continues

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At this next stage in the life cycle, social movements have overcome some obstacles which many never overcome. Often, social unrest or discontent passes without any organizing or widespread mobilization. For example, people in a community may complain to each other about a general injustice, but they do not come together to act on those complaints and the social movement does not progress to the next level. Stage two, known as coalescence, or the “popular stage,” is characterized by a more clearly defined sense of discontent. It is no longer just a general sense of unease, but now a sense of what the unease is about and who or what is responsible. Rex D. Hopper (1950), in examining revolutionary processes, states that at this stage “unrest is no longer covert, endemic, and esoteric; it becomes overt, epidemic, and exoteric.

Stage 2: Coalescence

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Discontent is no longer uncoordinated and individual; it tends to become focalized and collective” (p. 273). Further he states “this is the stage when individuals participating in the mass behavior of the preceding stage become aware of each other” (p. 273). At this point leadership emerges and strategies for success are worked out. Also, at this stage mass demonstrations may occur in order to display the social movement’s power and to make clear demands. Most importantly this is the stage at which the movement becomes more than just random upset individuals; at this point they are now organized and strategic in their outlook.

Coalescence Continues

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The third stage is known as bureaucratization. This stage, defined by Blumer as “formalization,” (De la Porta & Diani, 2006) is characterized by higher levels of organization and coalition based strategies. In this stage, social movements have had some success in that they have raised awareness to a degree that a coordinated strategy is necessary across all of the SMOs. Similarly, SMOs will come to rely on staff persons with specialized knowledge that can run the day-to-day operations of the organization and carry out movement goals. Social movements in this stage can no longer just rely on mass rallies or inspirational leaders to progress towards their goals and build constituencies; they must rely on trained staff to carry out the functions of organizations.

Stage 3: Bureaucratization

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In this phase their political power is greater than in the previous stages in that they may have more regular access to political elites. Many social movements fail to bureaucratize in this way and end up fizzling out because it is difficult for members to sustain the emotional excitement necessary and because continued mobilization becomes too demanding for participants. Formalization often means that paid staff can fill in when highly enthusiastic volunteers are not readily available (Macionis, 2001; Hopper, 1950).

Bureaucratization Contuines

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Finally, the last stage in the social movement life cycle is decline, or “institutionalization.” Decline does not necessarily mean failure for social movements though. Instead, Miller (1999) argues, there are four ways in which social movements can decline:

Repression Co-optation Success Failure

Others have added establishment with mainstream as another way in which they decline (Macionis, 2001).

Stage 4: Decline

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Sociologists have developed several theories related to social movements [Kendall, 2005]. Some of the better-known approaches are outlined below. Chronologically they include:◦ Collective behavior/collective action theories

(1950s)◦ Relative deprivation theory (1960s)◦ Marxist theory (1880s)◦ Value-added theory (1960s)◦ Resource mobilization (1970s)◦ Frame analysis theory (1980s) (closely related

to social constructionist theory)◦ New social movement theory (1980s)◦ Political process theory (1980s)

Social movement theories

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Deprivation theory argues that social movements have their foundations among people who feel deprived of some good(s) or resource(s). According to this approach, individuals who are lacking some good, service, or comfort are more likely to organize a social movement to improve (or defend) their conditions.

Deprivation theory

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Derived from Karl Marx, Marxism as an ideology and theory of social change has had an immense impact on the practice and the analysis of social movements. Marxism arose from an analysis of movements structured by conflicts between industrial workers and their capitalist employers in the 19th century. In the twentieth century a variety of neo-Marxist theories have been developed that have opened themselves to adding questions of race, gender, environment, and other issues to an analysis centered in (shifting) political economic conditions. Class-based movements, both revolutionary and labor-reformist, have always been stronger in Europe than in the US and so has Marxist theory 

Marxist theory

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Mass society theory argues that social movements are made up of individuals in large societies who feel insignificant or socially detached. Social movements, according to this theory, provide a sense of empowerment and belonging that the movement members would otherwise not have.Very little support has been found for this theory. Aho (1990), in his study of Idaho Christian Patriotism, did not find that members of that movement

Mass society theory

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Social strain theory, also known as value-added theory, proposes six factors that encourage social movement development:

Structural conduciveness - people come to believe their society has problems

Structural strain - people experience deprivation growth and

Spread of a solution - a solution to the problems people are experiencing is proposed and spreads

Precipitating factors - discontent usually requires a catalyst (often a specific event) to turn it into a social movement

Lack of social control - the entity that is to be changed must be at least somewhat open to the change; if the social movement is quickly and powerfully repressed, it may never materialize

Mobilization - this is the actual organizing and active component of the movement; people do what needs to be done

Social strain theory

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Resource mobilization theory emphasizes the importance of resources in social movement development and success. Resources are understood here to include: knowledge, money, media, labor, solidarity, legitimacy, and internal and external support from power elite. The theory argues that social movements develop when individuals with grievances are able to mobilize sufficient resources to take action. The emphasis on resources offers an explanation why some discontented/deprived individuals are able to organize while others are not.

Resource mobilization theory

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There will always be grounds for protest in modern, politically pluralistic societies because there is constant discontent (i.e., grievances or deprivation); this de-emphasizes the importance of these factors as it makes them ubiquitous

Actors are rational; they weigh the costs and benefits from movement participation

Members are recruited through networks; commitment is maintained by building a collective identity and continuing to nurture interpersonal relationships

Movement organization is contingent upon the aggregation of resources

Social movement organizations require resources and continuity of leadership

Some of the assumptions of the theory include

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Political process theory is similar to resource mobilization in many regards, but tends to emphasize a different component of Social structure that is important for social movement development: political opportunities Political process theory argues that there are three vital components for movement formation: insurgent consciousness, organizational strength, and political opportunities.

Political process theory

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Culture theory builds upon both the political process and resource-mobilization theories but extends them in two ways.

First, it emphasizes the importance of movement culture.

Second, it attempts to address the free-rider problem

Culture theory

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For more than ten years, social movement groups have been using the Internet to accomplish organizational goals. It has been argued that the Internet helps to increase the speed, reach and effectiveness of social movement-related communication as well as mobilization efforts, and as a result, it has been suggested that the Internet has had a positive impact on the social movements in general

Social movement and social networking

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According to smelter in a system made up of balanced sub-systems, collective behavior reveals tensions which homoeostatic rebalancing mechanisms cannot, temporarily, absorb. 

As James Coleman recalled (1990:479), the hypothesis that situations of frustration, rootlessness, deprivation and social crisis automatically produce revolts reduces revolt to an agglomeration of individual behaviours. This perspective ignores the importance of the dynamics by which feelings experienced at the (micro) level of the individual give rise to (macro) phenomena such as social movements or revolutions.

Collective behavior as the product of cultural change

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Other students of collective behaviour, such as Ralph H. Turner, Lewis M. Killian (Turner and Killian 1987) and Joseph Gusfied (1963), were in make reference to the tenets of the Chicago School, focusing their attention on situations or rapid change in social structures and prescriptions.

As an activity born outside pre-established social definitions, collective behaviour is located beyond cultural norms and ordered social relations. The study of collective behaviour thus concentrates on the transformation of institutional behaviour through the action of emergent normative definitions. These definitions **the traditional normative structure comes into conflict with a unusually evolving situation.

Collective behavior Contunies

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In early theories related to this issue Mayer Zald (Zald ** Ash 1966, McCarthy and Zald 1987a, 198 b) Anthoey ** (1973; 1978) and Charles Tilly (1978) defined collective movement as a rational, purposeful and organized action.

Collective mobilization as rational action:

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A rational view of collective action is also found in the perspective which we have defined as political process. The central focus of political process theories is the relationship between institutional political actions and protest. In challenging a given political order, social movements interact with actors who enjoy a consolidated position in such an order. The concept which has had the greatest success in defining the properties of the external environment, relevant to the development of social movements is that of political opportunity structure. Peter Eisinger (1973) used this concept in a comparison of the results of protest in different American cities, focusing on the degree of openness (or closeness) of the local political system.

Protest and political system

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The response of European social sciences to the rise of the movements of the 1960s and the 1970s was a entique of the Marxist** social conflict. Such models have encountered a number of problems in explaining recent developments. First, the social transformations which occurred after the end of the Second World War put the centrality of the capital labour conflict into question. The widening of access to higher education or the entry en masse of women into the labour market had created new structural possibilities for conflict, and increased the relevance of social stratification criteria - such as gender - which were not based on control of economic resources.

New movements for new conflicts

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Structure affects collective action not only by creating forms of dependence between social groups, and thus the potential for conflicting interests. Consolidated forms of the organization of social life (from economic to political action, from family life to association) also influence the make-up of collective actors. Collective action on the part of particular social groups is in fact easier when these groups are

(1) easily identifiable and differentiated in relation to other social groups

(2) endowed, thanks to social networks among their members with a high level of internal cohesion and with a specific identity. Collective action will depend therefore on the simultaneous presence of specific categorical traits and to networks which link the subjects sharing such taints.

Social Structure, Political Cleavages and Collective

Action

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The working class was a central actor in the conflicts of the industrial society not only because of its size or the relevance of its economic function, but also as a consequence of a wider range of structural factors. Vast numbers of workers found themselves in a situation where everyone had similar tasks to perform within large productive units, where labour mobility was limited, and within labour markets whose openness to the outside world was, in global terms, modest. These factors certainly facilitated identification of a specific social actor and reinforced internal cohesion.

Economic change, collective action and

movements

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Politics and the state have experienced equally relevant changes. State action is capable of producing collective actors in at least two ways; by fixing the territorial limits of political action; and by facilitating or blocking the development or the reproduction of certain social groups, depending on the priorities of public policy, and in particular on the destination of public spending. In relation to the first point, political action and the definition of the industrial society presupposed a specific concept of space and of territory which translated into the model of the nation state. Having the monopoly of legitimate violence in a certain area, the state fixed its borders and the natural limit of that complex of much wider relationships which conventionally are defined as society.

Political change, collective action and movements

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We may think of social action as driven largely by the fundamental principles with which the actor identifies. According to this perspective, values will influence the way in which the actor defines specific goals, and identifies behavioural strategies which are both efficient and morally acceptable. Moreover, they will provide the motivation necessary to sustain the costs of action. The more intense one’s socialization into a particular vision of the world, the stronger the impetus to act. The characteristics of a given system of values will shape the components of action.

Culture and Action: The Role of Values

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At least until the 1960s, many scholars saw collective action primarily as a consequence of a breakdown of the mechanisms of social integration (Kornhauser 1959). In accordance with this perspective, those most likely to join movements or religious sects were considered to be people who were integrated only at a low level in associations, and, more generally, in social links of various types; precisely for this reason, they were considered more likely to be attracted to ‘total’ experiences, largely segregated from the rest of society.

Social Networks and Individual Participation

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In an article on the evolution of SMOs Mayer Zald and Roberts Ash (1966) suggested that the iron law of oligarchy was only valid for certain kinds of organization and environment. In particular, the process of goal moderation can be obstructed by certain organizational characteristics (such as the prevalence of solidaristic type incentives which reduce pressure to accommodate to the external environment, the diffusion of organizational exclusivity increasing an organization’s power over its members or the presence of fundamentalist ideologies challenging the bases of authority itself and by certain conditions in the surrounding environment (such as the presence of radical preferences or sentiments in society).

Structure and Strategy: Movement Goals and Organizational Form:

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Considering the characteristics of the political system which may affect social movements, political institutions immediately appear relevant. Comparative research as considered the degree of centralization of the state apparatus, government control over market participation and the dependence of the judiciary on other arms of government (Kitschelt 1986: 61 -4), regine structure (Rucht 1994: 303-12); and territorial decentralization, the functional division of powers and direct democracy (Kriesi 1995).

Political Institutions and Social Movements

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Social movements do not limit their interventions to single policies. They frequently influence the way in which the political system as a whole functions; institutional and formal procedures, elite recruitment, the informal configuration of power (Kitschel 1966; Rucht 1992). Movements demand, and often obtain, decentralization of political power, consultation of interested citizens on particular decisions or appeals procedures against decisions of the public administration. They increasingly interact with the public administration, presenting themselves as institutions of democracy from below (Roth 1994). As a comparative study of the anti-nuclear movement in eight countries noted.

Social Movements and Democracy

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  William Kornhouser (1925-2004) is a professor of sociology Emeritus Berkeley.

A member of the Sociology Department of University of Colisornio, Berkoley for 4 years.

A political sociologist who was an expert on social movements.

William Kornhouser

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The politics mass society. Industrial conflict. Mental health of the industrial

worker. Problems of power in American

democracy. When labour votes.

Notable Books

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A social system in which elites are readily accessible to influence by non elites and non-elites are readily available for mobilization by elites.

What is mass society?

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Most influential book of William Kornhouser.

Explores the social conditions necessary for democracy and the vulnerabilities of large scale society to totalitarian systems.

Mass movements mobilize people who are alienated from the social system.

The Politics of Mass Society

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The theory of mass society has two intellectual sources.

The aristocratic criticism of mass society The democratic criticism of mass society

Two views of mass society

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The intellectual defense of elite values (against the rise of mass participation)

It elites are not easily accessible widespread movements are less likely than it elites are easily accessible

The aristocratic criticism of mass society

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Burckhardt (1995) and Gustave LeBon (1947) in the nineteenth century.

Ortega Y Bosset (1932) and Korl Mahnheim (1940) in the twentieth century

Major critics of aristocratic criticism

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The nineteenth century reaction to the revolutionary changes in European (especially French) society.

Democratic Criticism of Mass Society:Intellectual defense of democratic values (against the rise of elites best on total domination)If non elites are not easily mobilized, wide spread movements are less likely than it the they are mobilized

Example of aristocratic criticism of mass society

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Imil Lederer (1940) Hannan Arendt (1951)

Example of Democratic Criticism: Twentieth century reaction to the rise of

totalitarianism, especially in Russia and Germany

Major Critics of Democratic Criticism

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Mass society is a combination of two variables

Accessibility of elites Availability of non-elites

Conditions of Mass Society

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Non Elites in types of society

Low High

Accessibility of Elites

Low Communal

Society

High Totalitarian

Society

High Pluralist

Society

Mass Society

Accessibility of Elites and Availability

Availability of non Elites

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A form of collective behavior Exhibits four characteristics

◦ The focus of attention is remote from personal experience and daily life

◦The mode of response to remote objects is direct

◦Tends to be highly unstable◦When becomes organized around a

program and acquires a certain continuity in purpose and effort, it takes on the character of a mass movement

Mass Behavior

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Structure of mass society has three levels:

The weakness of intermediate relations

The isolation of primary relations The centralization of national relations

Structure of Mass Society

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Fixed Differentiated

Standards

Uniform

Standards

Monism

Fluid Standards Pluralism Populism

Cultural Standards in Mass Society

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Group-

Oriented

Self-Related

Traditional

Man

Self-Alienated

Totalitarian

Man

Self-Oriented Autonomous

Man

Mass Man

Psychological Properties in Mass Society

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Thank You