Saemaul Undong

The National Council of Saemaul Undong Movement in Korea

Ⅰ. Modernization through Saemaul Undong

1. Saemaul Undong’s Ideals 6

2. Saemaul Undong’s Guiding Spirit 7

3. Goals of Saemaul Undong 8

Ⅱ. Evolution of Saemaul Undong

1. Historical Background and Social Environment 9

2. Stages in the Development of Saemaul Undong 13

Ⅲ. Saemaul Undong’s Main Objectives

1. Saemaul Undong in Rural Areas 21

2. Saemaul Undong in Urban Areas 25

3. Corporation, Factory, and Library Saemaul Undong 28

Table of Contents

Ⅳ. Saemaul Leaders and Saemaul Education: Roles and Functions

1. Saemaul Leaders 31

2. Implementation Process and Results of Saemaul Education 32

Ⅴ. Saemaul Undong: Systems and Methods of Implementation

1. Systems of Implementation 37

2. Methods of Implementation 47

Ⅵ. Achievements of Saemaul Undong and the Factors behind its Success

1. Achievements 50

2. Factors behind Saemaul Undong’s Success 55

3. Reflection on Saemaul Undong 63

Ⅶ. Implementing Saemaul Undong in the 21st Century

1. Challenging the Future 65

2. Directions of the New Saemaul Undong in the 21st Century 67

3. Strategies to Revitalize the New Saemaul Undong 73

We Koreans have always perceived modern-ization as a macro-trend in world history andhave naturally striven to modernize our nation. Inthe early 1970s, modernization efforts implement-ed by the incumbent administration includedSaemaul Undong, or the Rural ReconstructionCampaign. This government program, however,elicited criticisms from some Koreans who arguedthat the government at that time appeared to bewilling to sacrifice social values, including free-dom, for the sake of maintaining high efficiencyand rapid economic growth. As the movementwas initiated and implemented by the govern-ment, Saemaul Undong was criticized as beingnothing more than a tool to prolong the rule, andimprove the legitimacy of the regime.

Saemaul Undong’s primary objective was torespond to the basic daily needs of the Koreanpeople. The ideal and spirit of Saemaul Undong,which steered the campaign, were explicitly statedin the following statements of then President ParkChung-Hee: “Saemaul Undong embodies ourefforts to improve and modernize our villages byourselves in the spirit of self-help and indepen-dence. The government has launched the nationalcampaign in the firm belief that it would turnevery village in Korea into a prosperous and com-fortable place to live in.”

1. Saemaul Undong’s Ideals

Saemaul Undong primarily seeks to facilitatecommunity development and modernization.This ideal is not confined to efforts to improveindividual lifestyles and living conditions, butencompasses the whole community. The ultimategoal of the campaign is to develop villages wherepeople can enjoy both physical and spiritualwealth.

The term “Saemaul”was coined by combin-ing Sae, which means ‘progressive renewal basedon past experiences,’and Maul, which refers to‘regional and social communities.’Thus, SaemaulUndong represents a continuous effort towardscommunity renewal and modernization for a bet-ter future.

The development of Saemaul Undong ischaracterized as follows:

Saemaul Undong emphasizes growth bymanifesting and enacting the people’s desire to befree from the shackles of poverty and to join theranks of well-to-do societies. Such an emphasiswas natural at a time when all developing coun-tries were supposed to follow, and were actuallyfollowing, the western model of modernization.Against this backdrop, Saemaul Undong surfacedas the primary driving force of the nation’s mod-ernization.

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I. Modernization through Saemaul Undong

Saemaul Undong stresses societal welfareand signifies the nation’s commitment to egalitari-an economic development. As a developing coun-try, Korea was no stranger to regional, industrialand social disparities that accompany the blindpursuit of economic growth. The raison-d’etre ofSaemaul Undong is a balanced pursuit of overalleconomic growth and an egalitarian distributionprocess.

Saemaul Undong tries to harmonize two con-flicting values. While accepting the need for mod-ernization, Saemaul Undong also values traditionsthat have endured the test of time. Interpreting Saeas referring to the pursuit of change and Maul assignifying traditional communities, it can beinferred that Saemaul Undong stands for the con-tinuation of old values. Common wisdom oftencriticizes such an approach as unrealistic andambiguous, but in fact it creates a balance betweenthe two extremes, and opens up the possibility ofcombining them.

Saemaul Undong employs a holistic approach.It never exclusively stresses the enhancement ofagricultural productivity in developing remote agri-cultural sectors, though this is a top priority.Instead, it also develops physical and social infra-structure such as roads and education. SaemaulUndong believes that economic growth in ruralcommunities should be compatible with efforts topreserve conventional cultural traditions and ahealthy natural environment.

2. Saemaul Undong’s GuidingSpirit

Saemaul Undong is guided by three centralsocial values in Korean society: the spirit of dili-gence, self-help, and cooperation:

History has illustrated, in East and West, pastand present, that a nation’s fate hinges upon the

mentality of its people. Although different civiliza-tions have developed different mentalities, the willto independently pursue one’s future is universalto all cultures.

Diligence is the result of activating this willand entails the realization of efforts to make themost of what is available. Diligence leads to sincer-ity, a value that does not allow for falseness,hypocrisy, vanity, or indulgence in luxury. A soci-ety whose members sincerely work hard isenabled to develop a sound community proppedup by trust and social justice, and without corrup-tion or irregularities.

On the individual level, the will to indepen-dently define one’s fate based on personal efforts ismanifested in the spirit of self-help, figurativelyillustrated in the time-honored proverb “Heavenhelps those who help themselves.”The first steptowards self-help is to understand oneself andone’s place in the society, live up to one’s role, andfulfill ones responsibilities. Such self-understand-ing means that one neither depends upon othersnor transfers one’s responsibilities to others, andinstead, tackles any adversities on one’s own, tak-ing full responsibility for decisions.

It should be noted that diligence and self-helpare necessary but insufficient conditions in life.Cooperation is necessary to maximize the resultsof diligence and self-help, and to maximize thesocial validity of such efforts. Genuine coopera-tion, or pursuit of community growth based onmutual trust, results only when the members of asociety share a common sense of destiny. The suc-cessful realization of cooperation not only givesrise to a tradition of mutual help but also assistsindividual members of the society to improve theirlives by promoting competition and the desire toparticipate.

These three values of Saemaul Undong, eachan independent criterion for judging anindividual’s life worth, exert much more influenceand have more value when combined and harmo-nized.

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One who can help oneself and is diligent canfunction actively and autonomously through cre-ative thinking and independent judgment. Clearunderstanding of one’s social role and its entailingduties and responsibilities enhances one’s autono-my. One who is diligent and cooperative can sym-pathize with others and appreciate the true mean-ing of sacrifice, and can therefore do one’s part inpursuing overall prosperity by serving others andrespecting law and order. One who is diligent,cooperative and can help oneself can help con-struct a mature and moral society characterized bynational harmony and social integration. Thesethree working principles for social justice - self-help, diligence, and cooperation - help our societymove closer to a rational system based on honesty,honor, and justice.

3. Goals of Saemaul Undong

Saemaul Undong strives to guarantee integri-ty on both individual and social levels, andbelieves that integrity can begin only when mini-mum physical demands are met. Based on thisbelief, the campaign puts improvement of physi-cal living conditions at the top of its list of objec-tives.

As human beings are destined to live togeth-er, society formation and individual integrity can-not be separated from the realization of the integri-ty of the whole society. Simply putting individualstogether does not create a modern and prosperoussociety. New social demands constantly emerge,requiring harmonized collective approaches. Thisis the rationale behind Saemaul Undong’s empha-sis on common virtues or goals. This focus helpsmembers of society develop a collective identityand sharpen their sense of mutual relative signifi-cance. As a result, the community itself can serveas a cultivating ground for an indigenous culturepursuing environmental preservation.

Within this framework, the basic goals ofSaemaul Undong are: (1) to develop a modern,comfortable and convenient social community;(2) to establish companies that workers can beproud of and where sustained growth isachieved in a cooperative and trusting workingenvironment; (3) to develop and maintain asound and healthy society whose members areable to enjoy pleasant and intimate relationships;and (4) to build a continuously improving nationthat everyone will be proud of. Such a society issustained by a mature citizenry, substantial eco-nomic development, and a culture strengthenedby order and morality.

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1. Historical Background andSocial Environment

A. Political BackgroundThe 25 years between 1945, when Korea

regained her independence from the ImperialJapanese Rule, and the end of the 1960s weremarked by unprecedented turbulence and chaos.This period was highlighted by major eventsincluding the resumption of independence, theconsequent division of Korea, the temporary occu-pation by the US military forces, the establishmentof the Korean government, the Korean War (1950-53), the dictatorship of first President Rhee Seung-Man, the April 19th Student Revolution (1960), thelaunching of the Chang Myon government (1960),the May 16th Military Coup, and assumption ofpower by coup leader General Park Chung-Hee(1961).

With the wounds incurred by the nation’sforced division and the fratricidal Korean War stillunhealed, politics in South Korea remainedmarred by confrontation and chaos, alternatingbetween dictatorship and almost irresponsiblefreedom. The limited experience of party-basedpolitics, lack of political leadership, lack of mod-ern citizenship, lack of trust in democracy, andunsound socio-political system, among otherproblems, combined to lead to unhealthy gover-nance, non-productive political activities, andwidespread corruption, irregularities and bureau-cracy.

The Military Coup in 1961 marked a histori-cal turning point for Korea in almost every aspect.A new group surfaced on the political front, and anew governing system changed the administra-tive framework. A drive to eradicate old societalpatterns and attitudes and establish a new orderand code of ethics was launched and gained firm

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II. Evolution of Saemaul Undong

ground. The revolution of the system offered anopportunity to bring about changes in the mindsetof the general public.

Despite these positive developments, howev-er, the Third Republic that emerged from the Coupdid not enjoy enthusiastic political support fromthe Korean people. Saemaul Undong, which wasinitiated in the early 1970s, was closely embeddedin its historical context and had far-reaching socio-political implications. One cannot understand themultiple facets of the campaign without associat-ing one facet with all the others, as these aspectsproduce spiraling effects while interacting withone another.

The political origin of Saemaul Undong isrooted in an attempt by the administration to con-verge and funnel public energy into productivefields. There existed a formidable need to providethe general public with hopes and dreams so thatthey could move beyond disparity, frustration,under-motivation, and irresponsibility. There wasalso a need to draw out courage and further wis-dom from the pessimistic public in order for themto help themselves and cooperate on a daily basis.It was suggested that awakening the citizens toface reality and unite is conducive to enhancingnational competitiveness and stabilizing thenational foundation. The necessary tasks - includ-

ing stabilizing the national government, promot-ing new leadership, identifying sources of nation-al competitiveness, enhancing national productiv-ity, offering inspiring visions, and stimulatingefforts for self-helpnecessitated a national driveanchored to a new idea or philosophy that couldearn the general public’s support and mobilizetheir participation. The political needs as well asthe demands of the time combined to give rise toSaemaul Undong.

Saemaul Undong’s precursors can be foundin the 4-H Movement or Community Develop-ment (CD) Campaign in the 1950s and the 1960s.These movements, however, were limited to cer-tain areas and targeted mainly rural societies.Saemaul Undong, on the other hand, deepenedefforts along this line, and implemented diverseprojects and events for the general public in allcorners of Korea. The burgeoning stage of Saem-aul Undong can be summarized as an effort tocreate national energy to raise national competi-tiveness. Specifically, the campaign sought toimprove the general public’s awareness and stan-dards of living by offering new and progressivemotivations.

B. Economic Background

Extreme poverty and chaos also character-ized the period between resumed independenceand the end of the 1960s. The per capita GNP,which stood at a meager US$ 50 at the time of theindependence, recorded a tediously slow increase,amounting to $65 in the 1950s and $85 in 1960.The majority of citizens were unable to supportthemselves because the persistent effects of bothJapanese plundering during the occupation andthe Korean War drove them to the brink of starva-tion. A substantial portion of the populace livedon flour granted by US grain aid programs, sincethe land was devastated and frequent attacks byalternating floods and droughts meant bad har-vests year after year. These economic difficulties

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left deep and direct marks on the Korean peopleand the society as a whole, giving rise to unsoundsocial practices and distorted attitudes. Theprospect of democracy blooming in Korea seemedjust about as likely as “a flower blooming in awaste basket.”Social order was threatened bywidespread corruption and irregularities, orga-nized crime, legal offences, and other illegal activi-ties.

Acutely aware of these problems, the generalpublic welcomed the ideas of economic develop-ment and the establishment of order, two of the poli-cy goals proclaimed by the military government.

The Five-Year Economic Development Plan series,first implemented in 1962, featured export-driveneconomic growth and development of heavyindustries. Its effect began to be felt slowly in 1967,during the second Plan, and consequently, percapita GNP jumped to US$ 257 by 1970. Socialorder also began to stabilize, albeit only throughregulations and external forces.

On the other hand, city-building and manu-facturing-oriented policies began to take their tollby creating wide disparities in living conditionsbetween urban and rural communities, andbetween those employed in manufacturing and

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agricultural sectors. People from agricultural com-munities increasingly moved to urban areas,resulting in a disproportionally large urban popu-lace. This tendency was most visible in the metro-politan area surrounding Seoul, the nation’s capi-tal.

The most direct and essential cause forSaemaul Undong involves economic concerns.The strong commitment of late President ParkChung-Hee, then head of state, to eradicate pover-ty was met by the general public’s yearning for alife free from poverty. This in turn lent energy tothe launching of Saemaul Undong, the primarygoal of which was to increase income. SaemaulUndong was accepted as a breakthrough based onconfidence and optimism in the campaign toescape from despair and frustration.

Due to the successful Five-Year EconomicPlans, which was started in 1962, the nation’seconomy expanded and the average per capitaGNP rose. The economic gap between urban andagricultural areas, however, widened further asagricultural areas remained neglected. Chancesof overcoming such regional disparities becameincreasingly slim as experts judged that it wouldtake a long time for metropolitan and industrialprosperity to spread to rural areas and rural resi-dents. Until then, rural areas would become evenmore remote, creating serious obstacles to com-pleting national development. People feared that

the ever-growing disparity between urban andrural sectors would trigger mass migration, cre-ating over-crowded cities and deserted rural vil-lages. The economic gap among the differentregions would also lead citizens to lose theircommunity awareness, blocking not only theenhancement of social harmony but also the con-struction of an effective system of national secu-rity. In order to prevent such problems frombecoming realities, the growing need for eco-nomic development of rural communities wasrecognized. Against this backdrop, SaemaulUndong was launched as a nationwide modern-ization campaign.

C. Social Background

The coarse living environments representedby inferior housing, undeveloped roads, and poordrinking water supply and sewage systems, fellshort of meeting the basic requirements for a com-fortable life. Better living conditions were vital tocurbing the exodus from rural areas as well asenhancing the living conditions of those stayingon. Since such a project required enormoushuman, financial, and other resources, the govern-ment could not fund it independently. Fortuna-tely, a consensus emerged between the govern-ment and rural residents that improving livingconditions was in the interest of both public andprivate sectors, and that the needed funds shouldbe shouldered jointly by the government andaffected residents. Saemaul Undong was imple-mented based on this consensus.

Another social factor that prompted theimplementation of Saemaul Undong was theneed for new mindsets and attitudes among thegeneral public. The lives of most Koreans in the1960s were dictated by irrationality, low produc-tivity, and disorder. Few people prepared them-selves for the future, out of pessimism or uncer-tainty regarding the future. Many were accus-tomed to living in despair, frustration and idle-

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ness. It was only natural to try to awaken thegeneral public to face its unhealthy attitudes andlifestyles, and help people develop mindsets andattitudes that could contribute to the building ofa healthy, strong, and stable society. Such a revo-lution in attitudes could not be achieved withoutdedication and effort from each and every citi-zen. Thus Saemaul Undong was born as anationwide drive, responding to the need for arevolutionary change in citizens’attitudes andmindsets. This very need, an essential factor inthe campaign’s implementation, became SaemaulUndong’s basic goal as well.

2. Stages in the Developmentof Saemaul Undong

A. Stages of Saemaul Undong’sImplementation

Saemaul Undong evolved continuously foralmost one generation after its official launch bylate President Park Chung-Hee on April 22, 1970.The campaign underwent a number of changes inthe course of its development. These changes,both positive and negative, contributed to makingSaemaul Undong a source of the Korean people’spride and self-confidence.

With the passage of time, Saemaul Undonghas gone through different stages emphasizingdifferent developmental criteria. The main repre-sentative criteria included ideals, supportingphilosophies and goals; main agents of implemen-tation and their functions and roles; overall orga-nization, functions and human power; prioritizedactivities and projects, and their funding; andstrategies and tactics employed and effectsachieved. The sub-criteria of these five categoriesvaried, reflecting the demands of the time. It istherefore possible to classify the overall develop-ment of the initiative into several stages based on

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the scope and content of such changes in thedevelopmental criteria. Admittedly, however,evaluation results vary depending on which crite-ria are used and how they are weighted. Thisnecessitates a single powerful model to examinethe various aspects of the movement. One possi-ble response to this challenge is to classify thedevelopmental stages based on the relationshipsbetween the different developmental criteriaemployed and their varying significance. The fol-lowing division of the initiative into five develop-mental stages is based on such an approach. Thefirst stage, the foundation and groundwork stage(1970-1973), strove to create a foundation for theprogram. In the second, the proliferation stage(1974-1976), the organization and activities gradu-ally grew. The third stage was the energetic imple-mentation stage (1977-1979), during which theeffects of the program were felt most. The fourthstage is designated as the overhauling stage (1980-1989) when the movement redefined its organiza-tional structure and activities as a private-sectormovement. The final autonomous growth stage(1990-1998) was characterized by strengthenedself-reliance and autonomy (See Table 1).

B. Development, by Stage

(1) Stage 1: Foundation and Groundwork(1970-1973)

The launching of Saemaul Undong on April22, 1970 signaled the beginning of the nationwide“Constructing Better Villages”campaign. The

government issued working guidelines for “TenProjects for Constructing Better Villages”as a pilotprogram. To improve living conditions, 335 bagsof cement were allotted to each of over 33,000 vil-lages. One man and one woman were elected tolead each village in planning and implementingprojects needed by the village.

Projects to improve living environmentsreceived the greatest emphasis, followed by pro-jects to increase household income, and projects toreform attitudes. Projects to improve living condi-tions were focused on expanding road networksinside the village, opening common outdoor laun-dry facilities, and replacing traditional roofs,fences, kitchen facilities and toilets with moredurable or modern ones. Projects designed toincrease household income concentrated mainlyon raising agricultural income by implementingagricultural roads expansion, agricultural landamelioration, seed improvement, and labor shar-ing among farmers. Attitude-reform projects weregeared towards improving undesirable mentalityand attitudes. Specifically, emphasis was placedon removing decadent social trends, promoting adiligent and frugal lifestyle, and forming a cooper-ative environment. Separate organizations andsupport systems were established on both centraland local government levels to actively and effec-tively assist Saemaul Undong, and coordinate andencourage the implementation of related projects.The Training Institute for Saemaul Leaders wasopened to promote qualified and able manpower.

Saemaul Undong began to spread rapidlyacross the country as people became enthusiastic

<Table 1> Stages of Saemaul Undong

Stage Characteristics Period

Stage 1Stage 2Stage 3Stage 4Stage 5

Foundation and GroundworkProliferation

Energetic ImplementationOverhaul

Autonomous Growth

1970 ~ 19731974 ~ 19761977 ~ 19791980 ~ 19891990 ~ 1998

about the campaign’s tangible results. Rural livingconditions changed radically, almost beyondrecognition, and poverty in agricultural communi-ties became less grinding. Some signs of attitudi-nal changes on the part of the citizens alsoemerged. Most of all, per capita GNP rose sharplyfrom US$ 257 in 1970 to US$ 375 in 1973.

The first four years of Saemaul Undong havesome noticeable characteristics: rapid establishmentwith almost simultaneous laying of the ground-work for the campaign and promulgating it; pow-erful government involvement and initiation; andprioritizing of projects to improve immediate livingconditions. The first phase of Saemaul Undongachieved greater success than expected owing tothe government’s strong commitment, citizens’active participation, and the social necessity forsuch a program.

(2) Stage II: Proliferation (1974-1976)The three years from 1974 bore witness to the

establishment of Saemaul Undong as a nationalcampaign. Saemaul Undong began expanding to

include corporations and factories, and the scopeand target of projects gradually enlarged.Accordingly, more organizations and greater man-power were engaged in the governmental, regional,and corporation units of the campaign, and morefinancial assistance and loans were provided.

Saemaul Education was strongly reinforcedto help campaign leaders develop their capabili-ties. Related educational opportunities wereopened up to public employees, opinion leadersand general citizens, in order to proliferate a cor-rect understanding of the campaign and promoteattitudinal changes. In short, the effect of SaemaulUndong in strengthening public order, and ratio-nalizing and modernizing the living modes of thegeneral public, is almost beyond description.Various public events, including NationalSaemaul Leaders’Conventions, were also instru-mental in encouraging the leaders and promotingthe campaign.

Priority of projects during Stage II wasassessed in the following order: income-raisingprojects, attitude reform projects, and living envi-

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ronment improvement projects. Strategiesemployed to increase income included straighten-ing raised footpaths between rice fields, streamlin-ing small rivers, pursuing combined farming,operating common workplaces, and identifyingextra income sources other than farming, etc. As aresult, per capita GNP more than doubled duringthe 1974-1976 period, standing at US$ 765 by theend of 1976.

Much effort went into rationalizing publicthinking and attitudes through public educationand public relations activities. Projects to improveliving conditions, which received the greatestattention in Stage I, also received continued atten-tion in the second stage: efforts to replace roofs,improve house structures, install basic water sup-ply facilities, and construct village centers.Traditional thatched-roof houses almost vanished,kitchens and toilets were modernized, and overall

sanitation improved considerably. It should benoted that agricultural household income washigher than urban household income in 1976.

Stage II of Saemaul Undong featured spatialand functional expansion. The positive experi-ences of Stage I fueled the expansion of the driveto encompass cities and various vocational organi-zations, bringing some aspect of the campaign tocitizens living in every corner of the country.

Impressed by the achievements in the agriculturalsector, urban citizens began to pay greater atten-tion to the campaign. An increasing number of cit-izens participated in a drive to help their nativetowns, and Saemaul Undong was launched inurban areas as well.

The combined pursuit of increased income andchanged attitudes was another characteristic ofStage II. This combination aimed at achieving a syn-ergistic effect by seeking physical wealth and men-tal health concurrently. Another characteristic ofStage II was its successful establishment as a nation-al drive. It began to penetrate the daily lives of thegeneral public by gaining their understanding andsympathy, and the campaign’s success story beganto reach other countries.

(3) Stage III: Energetic Implementation(1977-1979)The three years of the third stage of Saemaul

Undong were marked by efforts to enhance theachievements of the campaign. Using villages as itsbasic unit of implementation had placed limitationson the program. Realizing this, the campaignbegan to focus more on improving economic gainsby expanding the basic unit of implementationand scope of projects. It also sought to link theurban and rural areas more closely so that it couldcover larger areas and create a closely linked com-munity encompassing both.

Saemaul Undong reflected regional characte-ristics in its devising and implementing of plans.Emphasis was placed on raising income andexpanding cultural and welfare-related facilitiesfor rural areas. Raising livestock and growing spe-cial purpose plants were encouraged, and indus-trial parks that combined agriculture and manu-facturing were constructed, along with Saemaulfactories, in an attempt to augment householdincome with non-agricultural sources of income.Village arrangements were also improved andrefined, and convenient types of housing wereintroduced to improve living conditions in rural

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sectors. The government guided the suppliers ofconstruction materials to produce goods withstandardized dimensions, and this greatly con-tributed to the improvement of housing facilities.

On the other hand, material conservation,productivity enhancement, and healthier laborrelations were considered as the top priorities inurban areas. Paving alleys, sweeping roads andalleys in front of one’s house, and respecting pub-lic order were among the projects implemented inurban areas. Saemaul Undong was also expandedto include corporations and factories, where itfocused on raising productivity, conserving mate-rials, and building positive labor-managementrelations, among other objectives. As a result, pro-ductivity and incomes grew markedly. per capitaGNP doubled again during the 1976-79 period toUS$ 1,394. Most of all, living conditions wereimproved while regional disparities were less-ened.

Stage III can be generally characterized as thequantitative expansion and establishment of the

movement’s identity. In the earlier stages, individ-ual villages were the campaign’s basic implemen-tation unit. This changed as villages developedlinks with one another, thus expanding the basicproject unit to cover a region. This guaranteedenhanced efficiency and economic gains by allow-ing several villages to develop and pool theirrespective natural resources. Consequently, projectvolumes gradually enlarged, achieving greatereconomies of scale. More village citizens were ableto use more and better facilities over a largerregion, and this in turn raised such facilities’uti-lization rates. This trend accelerated as peopledeveloped the capability to manage larger pro-jects, thanks to increased income and accumulatedfunds raised jointly by linked villages. DifferentSaemaul Undong entities, namely, rural andurban communities, and corporations and facto-ries, identified and conducted projects and activi-ties tailored to their respective organizationalfunctions and demands. These combined to raisethe practical effectiveness of the campaign.

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(4) Stage IV: Overhaul (1980-1989)The demise of President Park Chung-Hee

threw the whole country into political and socialchaos. The subsequent Fifth and Sixth Republicsrepresented a period of unprecedented turbulenceand adverse history for Saemaul Undong. Led bythe government in the 1970s, it was taken over bythe private sector in the early 1980s. The KoreaSaemaul Undong Center was registered as a legalcorporation on December 1, 1980. On December13, 1980, Saemaul Undong Organization FosteringAct (Act No. 2369) took effect, a policy aimed atassisting and fostering Saemaul Undong organiza-tions voluntarily formed by the private sector. Thegoal of the act was to guarantee the continuedimplementation and promotion of the drive, andhelp it contribute to the development of the nationand the society. With this act, the non-governmen-tal Saemaul Undong organization emerged as anational entity that reached every corner of thenation.

Saemaul Undong’s member associationsinclude Saemaul Undong Headquarters, which isthe umbrella organization for the Central Councilof Saemaul Leaders, the Central Council ofSaemaul Women’s Clubs, the Central Council ofSaemaul Undong at Corporations, FactoryHeadquarters of Saemaul Undong, and theCentral Council of Vocational Saemaul UndongEntities, among many others. Regional offices arelocated in major shi (cities) and do (provinces), andbranch offices operate in shi, kun (rural counties),and ku (urban district). Saemaul leaders directlower administrative units: up, myon, dong, andmaul. Saemaul Undong Headquarters was laterreborn as the Korea Saemaul Undong Center, andthe Saemaul Youth Association, Saemaul SportsAssociation, and School Saemaul Undong becamenew members.

Unilateral mismanagement and insolventoperations by some self-righteous central leadersdeprived the organization of public support, andeven led the body to be widely criticized. A

national scandal involving fund mismanagementsparked heated public denunciation, which inturn lowered the morale of Saemaul Leaders, andleft lingering negative impacts on the campaign asa whole.

The campaign, however, survived this adver-sity and continued to implement projects such aspaving roads, giving education on combinedfarming, improving distribution, operatingSaemaul Credit Union, and developing parksthroughout the country. During the 1988 SummerOlympiad held in Seoul, the campaign was a keyto the success of the global event, organizing alarge-scale Olympics Saemaul Undong with theworking themes of order, kindness, and cleanli-ness. Per capita GNP more than tripled from 1979to 1989, reaching US$ 4,934.

In short, Saemaul Undong in Stage IV fea-tured efforts to get the campaign back on the righttrack. It was changed from a government-initiatedto a private sector organization, enhancing thedivision of roles between the governmental andnon-governmental sectors. Although some dys-function and slackened performance wereobserved in the process, the drive spared no effortto move beyond such negative side-effects andresume its intended role. Backed up by theseattempts, the campaign entered the new decadewith renewed commitment and a positive atti-tude.

June 1999

(5) Stage V: Autonomous Growth (1990-1998)Saemaul Undong began to seek new changes

as it entered the last decade of the 21st century. Itidentified the following tasks as imposed by thetimes: ■ effectively responding to the heightening

waves of liberalization on the internationalfront and localization on the domesticfront;

■ reversing the nation’s economic downt-urn, which was beginning to be felt; and,

■ rectifying the degenerating public orderthat was showing increasing disorder andnon-ethical practices.

The launch of the World Trade Organization,resumption of the local autonomous governmentsystem, and the onset of the foreign exchange cri-sis in 1997, all imposed formidable challenges anddifficulties on Koreans. Squarely meeting thesenational difficulties, Saemaul Undong launchedan active drive.

Specifically, the organization continued tooverhaul and downsize in order to strengthen itsfoundation of autonomy and self-reliance, andenhance its capabilities. It tried to achieve concreteresults by being more responsive to the practical

needs of its field offices rather than those of thedesk-bound central organization. Part of this effortincluded tailoring projects and activities to reflectregional characteristics. Much attention wasdevoted to encouraging citizens to put their loveof their neighbors into practice and serve for oth-ers, promoting the sense of shared destiny, andrestoring moral ethics in the community. Priorityprojects in this stage included cultivating betterliving environments in individual communities,transmitting and advancing traditional culture,revitalizing the economy, promoting direct tradebetween urban and rural citizens, enhancing theatmosphere of hard work, campaigning for soundand healthy life styles, restoring moral ethics, andgalvanizing volunteer services. Education stood atthe core of the campaign. Through various casualevents and gatherings, as well as formal educationand training opportunities, education for publicservants, high-ranking officers of firms, studentsand general citizens was provided to transformtheir attitudes into those of Saemaul Leaders.

Per capita GNP, which amounted to US$4,934 in 1989, finally surpassed the ten-thousand-dollar mark in 1996. This landmark achievement,however, proved short-lived. The foreign curren-

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cy crisis that emerged toward the end of 1997handed a severe blow to the nation’s economy.The situation remains, but Saemaul Undong hasaccepted this difficulty as a challenge of the times,one that requires immediate attention and utiliza-tion of its accumulated capabilities.

Saemaul Undong in Stage V is characterizedby several initiatives. First, it attempted to developautonomous and independent capabilities to pur-sue its goals by reinforcing its basis of autonomyand self-support. Second, it sought to enhance itscompetitiveness as an organization on the globalstage by coping with the global liberalization anddomestic localization trends. Third, it tried toreform the attitudes of citizens and bring about asound and healthy social atmosphere, one con-

ducive to overcoming the economic crisis.

C. Summary of Saemaul Undong’sEvolution Born in 1970, the 29-year-old Saemaul

Undong has gone through five stages character-ized by different ideals, guiding spirits, goals, pro-jects, organizations, and activities. Admittedly, itsometimes faced harsh criticisms from the generalpublic and suffered from a lack of public support.However, the overall evaluation of the movementremains positive, since the public can appreciateSaemaul Undong’s undeniable role and influenceon the nation’s modernization and growth (SeeTable 2).

<Table 2> Development of Saemaul Undong

∙966 in 1977

∙1,394 in 1979

∙257 in 1970

∙375 in 1973

∙402 in 1974

∙765 in 1976

∙1,507 in 1980

∙4,934 in 1989

∙5,503 in 1990

∙10,548 in 1996

Priority ProjectsStage Characteristics GNP per capita (in US dollars)

1.Foundation andGroundwork(1970~73)

2. Proliferation(1974~76)

3. EnergeticImplementation(1977~79)

4. Overhaul(1980~89)

5. AutonomousGrowth(1990~98)

∙Improving living environments: Expanding roads insidevillages, constructing common laundry facilities,improving roofs, kitchens, and fences∙Increasing income: Expanding agricultural roads,

improving farmland and seeds, division of labor∙Attitude reform: Fostering diligence and frugality, and a

cooperative atmosphere

∙Increasing income: Straightening rice field ridges, con-solidating creeks , encouraging combined farming,operating common working places, identifying non-agri-cultural income sources∙Attitude reform: Attitude changes through Saemaul edu-

cation and public relations activities∙mproving living conditions: Improving housing and water

supply systems, operating village centers

∙Rural areas: Encouraging the construction of moremodern housing, encouraging growth of special-pur-pose plants, running industrial facilities to combine agri-culture and manufacturing∙Urban areas: Paving alleys, cleaning, establishing order∙Corporations and factories: Enhancing productivity, con-

serving materials, promoting sound labor-managementrelations

∙Social atmosphere: Kindness, order, selflessness,cooperation∙Economic development: Combined farming, distribution

improvement, credit union activities∙Environmental activities: Cleanliness, developing parks

throughout the country, building better access roads

∙Sound atmosphere: Developing traditional culture,emphasizing hard work, sound lifestyles, recovery ofmoral ethics∙Economic stability: Economic recovery, urban-rural

direct trade, diligence and frugality∙Living environment: Cultivating better community envi-

ronments, emphasizing autonomous living

∙Launching and igniting the campaign

∙Government-initiated activities

∙Top priority on improving living environment

∙Expanding program scope and functions

∙Increasing income and changing attitudes

∙Earning national understanding and consensus

∙Larger units of implementation by developing linkagesamong villages in the same region

∙Economies of scale

∙Appearance of distinct unit characteristics

∙Reborn as a private sector-organization

∙Enhancing the role division between government andprivate sectors

∙Escape from inactivity and contraction

∙Reinforcing the basis of autonomy and self-reliance

∙Meeting the need for liberalization and localization

∙Efforts to overcome economic crisis

1. Saemaul Undong in RuralAreas

When Saemaul Undong was established in1970, the government was unable to providefinancial support towards improving the standardof living in rural territories. However, rural vil-lages were eager to use whatever governmentalassistance was available to modernize their out-

dated production facilities and living conditions,making the most of what they had and cooperat-ing with one another.

Saemaul Undong was the product of thethen-president’s dedication to the development ofthe rural sectors, combined with the agriculturalpopulation’s desire for a better future, and waslaunched with the momentum taken from thisencounter.

Confirming his belief that a community suc-

19

III. Saemaul Undong’s Main Objectives

ceeds because of excellent leadership, indepen-dence and self-reliance among citizens, formerPresident Park reiterated that diligence, self-sup-port and cooperation were the principles behindSaemaul Undong. Saemaul Undong was rapidlyadopted across the country, beginning in ruralsectors by exploiting the combination of govern-mental support, active guidance from publicemployees, and the awareness and will of theagricultural populace. The program spurredenthusiasm and energy across the country, withrural villages as its basic implementation units. Injust a few years, rural villages managed to exhibitan entirely new profile. The rural population

developed self-confidence, as seen in slogans suchas “We Too Can Do,”or “A Better Future AwaitsUs.”Saemaul Undong had successfully planted itsseed in rural areas.

The conventional formula for regional com-munity development had been “education of resi-dents→ adoption of implementation skills by res-idents → development of regional commun-ity.”The new development model of SaemaulUndong, however, was to conduct projects that“meet residents’visible needs→ encourage self-confidence among residents, → and achieve vil-lage development.”

As the campaign to cultivate better villages

20

presented impressive results, the government sawthe need for a more systematic approach to thedrive. To guarantee effective rural advancement,the government set the general course for relatedprojects and limited its assistance by providing theminimum basic materials needed for the projects.

The focus of the initial stage was on improv-ing rural living environments, which was certainto produce tangible results. Projects includedexpanding and paving local roads inside villages,opening common laundry facilities, and improv-ing roofs, kitchens, and fences. Positive recogni-tion justified the emphasis on this field, provingthat it was most urgent for rural residents tobridge the gap between their income level andthat of their urban counterparts. As governmentalassistance in providing essential supplies for therelated projects was inadequate, rural residentshad to tackle the problems arising from limitedresources with diligence, self-reliance, and cooper-ation. Village councils composed of both villageleaders and residents decided how to best usematerials allotted for village development. Thisexperience contributed to the growth of opinion-sharing and grass-roots democracy that reachedthe smallest administrative unit of Korea, themaul. The government was able to maximize itslimited resources by giving priority to villageswith excellent Saemaul Undong records. A specialbureau in charge of organizing and assisting thecampaign and coordinating related projects wasappended to the central government, and theSaemaul Leaders Training Institute was opened toadvance the qualifications and capabilities of thetrainees.

As Saemaul Undong spread nationwide andrecorded an increasing number of major achieve-ments, the campaign earned the recognition of theKorean people as a national tool for bringingabout national prosperity. During this period,Saemaul projects came to encompass collectiveobjectives that included opening village centers,installing basic water supply systems, and

improving housing. Projects to increase incomewere also implemented, including the encourage-ment of combined farming, operation of jointworkplaces, and identification of non-agriculturalincome sources. Saemaul Undong changed coursefrom a campaign to improve rural living environ-ments with government-supplied resources to adrive to increase agricultural income. The govern-ment provided a significant boost to the programby mandating all government organizations toprovide loans for income-increase projects.Saemaul Training Camps taught high-rankingpublic servants and opinion leaders about therationale of the movement, and moved them withsuccess stories from agricultural leaders. Theexperiences in the camps were decisive in expand-ing assistance to the drive.

Towards the end of the 1970s, the rapidurbanization of Korea gave rise to an urgent needfor balanced development between urban andrural areas. Responding to this need, SaemaulUndong moved beyond its rural focus and

21

22

sought to identify strategies to pursue the cam-paign on a broader basis. It began to pay moreattention to the balanced development of bothurban and rural areas. Priority was placed onimproving the layout of rural villages and con-structing more comfortable housing facilitiescalled mun-hwa-ju-t’aek. Different project areaswere promoted to pursue different income-earn-ing projects, reflecting respective regional charac-teristics. The government also expanded opportu-nities to earn non-agricultural income, for exam-ple, by constructing Saemaul factories and form-ing agriculture-manufacturing industrial facili-ties.

Projects to improve rural living conditionswere carried out with a focus on widening andpaving entry roads to rural villages, and income-increasing projects that encouraged combinedfarming and improved related distribution sys-tems. In the 1990s, the full-fledged localautonomous governmental system led the cam-paign to identify and implement projects tailored

to regional characteristics. The organization and theimplementation system were streamlined, and pro-jects that developed urban-rural trade links, culti-vated communities, developed rural traditional cul-tures, and revitalized the overall economy, wereemphasized.

Overall, Saemaul Undong brought aboutrevolutionary changes in the agricultural base ofKorea by expanding agricultural roads, restruc-turing arable lands, building bridges, and devel-oping agricultural water supply systems. It alsocontributed to the continued increase in farminghousehold income by raising agricultural incomeand expanding nonagricultural income sources.Improved housing and kitchen facilities in agri-cultural and fishing communities helped con-struct a more pleasant living environment.Wider entry roads, streamlined local roads,newly opened farming convenience facilities,and the increased opportunities to use publicfacilities allowed rural residents to enjoy moreconvenient lives (See Tables 3 and 4).

Project name Unit Objective Performance Growth rate (in %)

Expanding village roads

Constructing new agricultural roads

Installing small bridges

Constructing village centers

Building warehouses

Housing improvements

Improving village layout

Constructing sewage systems

Supplying electricity to rural and fishing commu-

nities

Operating Saemaul factories

Km

Km

Unit

Unit

Unit

Unit

Village

Km

Unit

26,266

49,167

76,749

35,608

34,665

544,000

8,654

950

43,558

61,797

79,516

37,012

22,143

225,000

2,747

15,559

717

166

126

104

104

64

42

179

75

Household 2,834,000 2,777,500 98

(1971~1980)

<Table 3> Major Saemaul Projects

It is generally agreed that the most significantresult of Saemaul Undong in the rural sector wasthe attitudinal changes by the rural populace,developing self-trust, as reflected in the slogans“We can do,”or “Everything is possible.”Rural

residents came to embrace new traditions of dili-gence, self-help, and cooperation through theirenthusiastic participation in the process of devel-oping their own communities, and they simulta-neously developed a community awareness withwhich to overcome common difficulties amidstunfavorable conditions.

Future rural Saemaul Undong projectsshould focus on enhancing the overall competi-tiveness of the rural sector in the new world orderof the Uruguay Round and the World TradeOrganization, and in an adverse domestic situa-tion represented by the International MonetaryFund (IMF) bail-out. The critical task in this com-petitiveness-enhancing drive should be to createor identify jobs that kindle pride, a sense ofachievement, and hope. Emphasis should beplaced on advancing agriculture as an industry,developing organic links to connect the farming,commerce, and manufacturing aspects of ruralcommunities, enhancing cultural opportunities,and improving the welfare system for the agricul-tural populace.

Needless to say, the energy of SaemaulUndong lies in the maul, or villages, as the actualfield of life and work. The program must nowaggressively pursue the New Saemaul Undong,

not only to construct a better country, but also laythe groundwork for a reunified nation.

2. Saemaul Undong in UrbanAreas

The urban Saemaul Undong refers to thedrive to develop cleaner and more comfortableurban areas by eradicating irrational practices andestablishing a sound social atmosphere.

Many factors contributed to the rise of theurban Saemaul Undong initiative. First, the oil cri-sis and subsequent sluggish economic perfor-mance in 1973 led to the increasing importance ofconserving energy and raw materials. Urban citi-zens began to note and acknowledge the signifi-cance of the rural Saemaul Undong. An increasingnumber of opinion leaders who represented vari-ous segments of the society and had participatedin Saemaul Education recognized the need tospread the Saemaul spirit. In addition, the atmos-phere for attitude reform ripened as a means tocontain unhealthy urban problems. As industrial-ization advanced, the urban populace grew interms of both size and economic influence, emerg-ing as a powerful group that assumed major func-tions in the nation’s development. All of theabove-mentioned factors combined to promotethe significance of the urban Saemaul Undongprogram to the level of its rural counterpart.

The urban Saemaul Undong, first launched in

23

<Table 4> Farming Household Income, by Year(in Korean won)

Year

70 255.800 194,000 75.9% 61.800 24.1%

480,700 390,300 81.2 90,400 18.8

1,156,300 921,200 79.7 235,100 20.3

2,227,500 1,531,300 68.7 696,200 31.3

73

76

79

Household incomeAgricultural income

Amount Ratio (%) Amount Ratio (%)

Non-agricultural income

1973, continued to expand its territory until theend of the 1970s. Since the 1980s, it has changed innature from a government-led drive to a privatesector-initiated program. Projects to improve theurban living environment began in 1973 in certainurban areas and corporations. In 1974, one houron the first day of each month was designated asSaemaul time, during which households, schools,corporations and organizations cleaned up theirneighborhoods. This clean-up event later becameestablished as a leading urban Saemaul project.

In 1975, Saemaul Undong implementationsystem was overhauled to distribute different

functions in separate and independent corpora-tions specializing in the respective functions.Leading figures of the respective bodies who hadreceived Saemaul education led this streamliningprocess. While respecting the unique functions ofeach branch, the independent corporationSaemaul Undong organizations collaborated andlaunched, in 35 cities across the country, non-gov-ernmental associations to implement urbanSaemaul Undong Movement, i.e., SaemaulExecution Committees.

Representative urban Saemaul Undong pro-jects in the 1970s comprised the “three-pronged

24

campaign”and ten core projects. The ‘three-pronged campaign’referred to mental, behav-ioral, and environmental initiatives. The mentalcampaign centered around practicing Saemaulvalues on a daily basis, including promoting bet-ter ties with neighbors or those from differentwalks of society, inheriting and advancing tradi-tional ethics propped up by filial piety, loyalty,and reverence for senior citizens, and strengthen-ing community awareness.

The behavioral campaign emphasized publicorder on the street, positive interactions, publicmanners, punctuality, prohibiting drunken mis-conduct, and deterring physical assaults on thestreet. The environmental order campaignstressed cleanliness of the area around an individ-ual’s home or business, controlling the street envi-ronment, including street vendors, improvingimmediate living environments, and developing‘greener’cities and streams.

The ten core projects were aimed at promot-ing active participation by urban residents. Suchefforts included Saemaul clean-up, marketSaemaul Undong, making cities greener, fosteringSaemaul credit unions, reducing petty streetcrime, creating a safe atmosphere emphasizinglaw and order, running unofficial small-scale vil-lage councils called Pansanghoe, reducing con-sumption, creating a supportive environment forSaemaul Undong, and other projects reflectingregional characteristics.

A look at the contents of the projects revealsthe change in the nature of the campaign from agovernment-initiated drive to one run by the pri-vate sector. The projects chosen were directlyrelated to the lives of urban citizens, and couldeasily fulfill common needs of urban residents. Toraise enthusiasm and morale, efforts were made toidentify urban Saemaul Leaders, remove deca-dence, allow social leaders to set the standards,and strengthen the function of the SaemaulExecution Committees.

In the early 1980s, the urban Saemaul

Undong, then reborn as a non-governmental cam-paign, re-charted its direction by setting a self-imposed goal of advancing and preparingcitizens’mindsets for an advanced industrial soci-ety. Representative projects in this period includ-ed the three civil campaigns and the guest-wel-coming campaign.

The three civil campaigns referred to thedaily practices of consumption reduction, respect-ing the law, assisting and protecting the disadvan-taged, and mutual cooperation. Activities includ-ed in this category were: collecting recyclablewaste; trading used goods; simplifying diverseceremonies; reducing the national budget; identi-fying and circulating ideas for consumptionreduction; expanding facilities conductive tomaintaining public order; outlawing littering;overhauling markets and shopping malls; control-ling street environments; increasing penalties forpetty offences; energizing small-scale unofficialvillage councils called Pansanghoe; and expandingsports and hobby clubs.

The guest-welcoming campaign was carriedout in preparation for the 1986 Asian Games andthe 1988 Seoul Summer Olympiad, emphasizingthe daily practices of order, kindness, and cleanli-ness. As a result, traffic and transactional orderswere established, stores offered a wider variety ofservices, and foreigners were greeted with muchmore hospitality and kindness than ever before.Efforts were also made to improve living environ-ments by focusing on a positive street environ-ment, including controlling street vendors, anddevising plans for the harmonized use of colors incities. All these efforts combined to contributegreatly to the success of both events.

In the 1990s, the urban Saemaul Undong pro-gram shifted its focus to public order, a cleanerand more pleasant environment, social services,and citizens’reconciliation and harmony. Projectswere implemented to promote the followingobjectives: abiding by traffic regulations, systemat-ic management of signboards, bills and posters,

25

voluntary services to reduce theft and vandalism,garbage collection, purifying streams, beautifyingstreets, guiding teenagers, helping the socially dis-advantaged, participating in regional festivities,and extending opportunities for life-time educa-tion.

3. Corporation, Factory, andLibrary Saemaul Undong

A. Corporation Saemaul Undong

Corporation Saemaul Undong entities beganto emerge as one of the important aspects ofSaemaul Undong with the launching of SaemaulUndong Seoul Council in August 1975, as a non-governmental entity. The body’s incorporation inSeptember 1979 offered an opportunity forSaemaul Undong to energize its functions.

The early corporation Saemaul Undong, wellaware of its nature as a non-governmental cam-paign, focused on constructing a sound, produc-tive workplace, and overhauling its corporationenvironment and social service activities. Theaforementioned three-pronged campaign wasimplemented simultaneously. In the early 1980s,corporation Saemaul Undong tried to re-defineitself as a tool for realizing three goals: nationaldevelopment, corporate advancement, and indi-vidual growth.

Such shifts in the campaign’s goals reflectedvarious factors. More and more attention wasgiven to the successful government-driven Five-Year Socio-Economic Plans and the rationalizationof corporate management by revamping individ-ual corporations and raising their competitive-ness. Citizens were also encouraged to take ontheir proper role in a society moving toward ademocratic, welfare-oriented state.

Following the launch of Corporation SaemaulUndong, heads of corporations were the first toreceive Saemaul Education in the Corporate

Saemaul Training Institutes, followed by top man-agement officials and employees. Most corpora-tions and vocational associations held a weekly orbi-monthly morning meeting to conduct eventssuch as hoisting the national flag, singing thenational anthem, doing stretching exercises, andpublicizing events observed in commemoration ofSaemaul Week. These activities were designed topromote urban workers’mental fortitude andpatriotism, and ultimately, their sense of responsi-bility for the nation’s development.

The mental order campaign dealt mainlywith Saemaul Education and helping and protect-

26

ing the disadvantaged. Specifically, efforts toassist and protect the disadvantaged entailedhelping during the busy farming season, collect-ing recyclable waste, and comforting institutional-ized children and elderly citizens. The behavioralorder campaign involved establishing publicorder on the street, car-pooling, and standing inqueues and waiting for one’s turn. The environ-mental order campaign made significant contribu-tions to building a better urban environment byencouraging changes in corporate environmentsand participation in city- or province-level cam-paigns to plant and grow trees.

The corporation Saemaul Undong initiativealso directed its energy toward fostering a sense ofunity within the corporation to create a soundworking environment. The movement furtherencouraged projects that ranged from eradicatingsocial distrust and containing abuse of work-relat-ed authority, to ensuring fair personnel manage-ment and improving the penalty and reward sys-tem. The campaign sought to foster mutualrespect and trust between labor and management.

The launching of the Corporation SaemaulUndong initiative brought about significantchanges in labor-management relations. Theatmosphere became more mature, propped up bySaemaul values. Both labor and management tookmore flexible positions in their dialogue, expand-ing their agenda to include systematic improve-ments and more futuristic orientation. The laborsector was granted greater opportunities to beinvolved in management.

The corporation drive to assist and protectthe poor and the disadvantaged was noteworthyin the diversity and scale of its projects. Attentionwas given to helping colleagues who were experi-encing unfavorable conditions, and various exter-nal activities were implemented such as lendinghelping hands and supplying farm machineryduring the busy farming season, and visiting sol-diers, orphanages, and senior citizens’homes,among many.

B. Factory Saemaul Undong

The Factory Saemaul Undong directed itsenergy to restoring the trust and affection of con-sumers and the general public as a whole. To thisend, emphasis was placed on consolidating thefoundation for industrial peace and coexistence bybridging the gap in value systems between laborand management, and establishing sound corpo-rate ethics.

Separate Saemaul Undong ExecutionCommittees were organized in major offices andfactories, and independent departments or sec-tions in charge of Saemaul Undong were operatedto conduct the planning, implementation, evalua-tion and improvement of related projects.

One minor defect was observed in relation tothe Factory Saemaul Undong. Recognizing thesignificance of quality control (QC) and monitor-ing QC in tandem with Saemaul projects, Saemauldepartments or sections renamed themselves as

27

28

Saemaul-QC departments or sections, resulting inconfusion as to their primary task.

Currently, the drive continues to be imple-mented by encouraging the use of pleasant words,respecting others’opinions, and complementingothers’merits and achievements, to name a fewexamples. Efforts are being undertaken for sys-tematic improvements in corporations, includingeradicating distrust, ending authoritative manage-ment, and containing abuse of job-related authori-ty. The increasing need to transform a workplaceto resemble a home encourages management totreat employees as family members. Joint birthdayparties and wedding ceremonies are beingarranged in addition to Saemaul Education, andfamily members are given the opportunity to visitthe factories. Financial assistance is given toemployees and their parents for sightseeing trips,and various outings or athletic activities are heldfor employees and their families. All these activi-ties prove helpful in promoting the sense of unityand harmony among employees.

C. Saemaul Mini-Library Undong

The Saemaul Mini-Library campaign beganwith the launching of the Association toProliferate Mini Village Libraries in 1961. TheKorean Ministry of Education endorsed the driveto spread mini village libraries by designating it in1962 as a policy project for the life-time education-al needs of agricultural and fishing villages. Since1975, when Saemaul Undong embarked on theproject in earnest, the movement has become an

integral part of Saemaul programs.The Saemaul Mini-Library campaign is a cul-

tural drive unique to Korea. It aims to promotevocation-related skills, cultural refinements, andeven the social significance of the reading adultpopulation by providing new information andcultural and emotional enrichment. Projects to thisend include maximizing access to books and cul-tural events, organizing small-scale libraries andreading clubs, operating mobile libraries, andholding reading contests (See Table 5).

<Table 5> Current Status of Saemaul Mini-Libraries

Places

2,811 90,461 5,256 39 2,420 72 1,128

Saemaul Mini-Libraries Reading Colleges Mobile Libraries

Members Books(thousand) Places Members Units Books

(thousand)

(as of December, 1998)

1. Saemaul Leaders

The enthusiasm and creativity of SaemaulLeaders played a primary role in determining thesuccess of the campaign. These leaders consistedof regional representatives who were chosen fortheir decisiveness and leadership ability when thecampaign was launched. The Saemaul Leaderswere expected to complement or even surpass theperformance and contribution of existing regionalleaders. It should be noted that Saemaul Leaderswere not appointed by the Korean Ministry ofHome Affairs; rather, they were elected by resi-dents of the corresponding regional community.Hence, in the course of conducting their responsi-bilities, those elected were forced to depend great-ly on the authority of the government officials.

At the initial stage of the campaign, each vil-lage had a ri-jang, or head of a ri, an administra-tive unit smaller than a rural county, as a paid

appointee. In order to differentiate SaemaulLeaders from these government appointees and toemphasize the fact that they represented the citi-zenry, they were not paid for their services. Youngcandidates in their thirties were preferred andcompulsory elections for new leaders were heldafter several years. Such guidelines were intendedto secure energetic and more liberal candidates,and to preclude habitual and automatic handlingof matters. Separate leadership positions weregiven to female Saemaul members who tookcharge of organizing female members and theirtasks. They also helped male leaders earn the sup-port of the communities for the campaign.

Rural Saemaul Undong was implementedwith villages as its unit, led by a Saemaul leaderand a female leader. In this regard, it can beinferred that the success of rural Saemaul Undonghas hinged on the competence of the SaemaulLeaders in the individual villages. Since the

29

Ⅳ. Saemaul Leaders and Saemaul Education: Roles andFunctions

Saemaul Leaders played a crucial role in the suc-cess of Saemaul Undong, their education andtraining was of equal importance.

Leaders completed one or two-week educa-tion programs conducted in independent traininginstitutes. The programs were designed to culti-vate devotion to Saemaul Undong, and to empha-size the significance of self-sacrifice and of settinga positive example as leaders for others to follow.Rather than teaching technical matters, the pro-gram spent more time inspiring employees withenthusiasm about the campaign and fosteringtrust in the campaign’s mission. One noteworthycharacteristic of the program was the opportunityit provided for ordinary citizens to work withsome of society’s leading figures in the efforts toachieve Saemaul Undong’s objectives. This oppor-tunity proved to be a source of pride and extramotivation for ordinary participants in the pro-gram. This was manifested in the finding that over40% of the young rural population who opted tostay in their local communities participated inSaemaul activities, despite the strong trend of relo-cation among young farmers to urban areas.

The project to recruit prospective farmers andfishermen, which coincided with the launching ofthe Fifth Republic (1980-1987), achieved satisfacto-ry results. Realizing the potential of this labor sec-tor, measures were devised to enhance the compe-tency of this manpower in leading the ruralSaemaul Undong. Related systems were imple-mented to maximize the opportunities for theyoung rural populace to respond to the farmersand fishermen recruitment project. At that time,the policy focus on the heavy industry benefitedindustrial high schools more than agriculturalhigh schools. Agricultural high schools that werenot closed were absorbed by integrated highschools. In order to cope with such problems, itbecame necessary for the government to strength-en its policy support to agricultural high schoolsand to students who planned to stay in rural com-munities after graduation. High school students

who wanted to engage in farming receivedSaemaul education during their high school years,and promoted their capabilities as potentialSaemaul Leaders through field training duringvacations and during certain periods designatedfor training conducted by other exemplarySaemaul Leaders.

In the urban areas, elected Saemaul Leadersworked witht’ong as the campaign’s key unit.However, they were not able to function as active-ly as did the rural leaders in leading the residentsand aggressively implementing the campaign.Although this situation somewhat reflected thecharacteristics of urban life, the qualifications andcompetence of the urban leaders were also lessthan satisfactory.

The essence of Corporation and FactorySaemaul Undong is to develop better ties betweencorporate owners and employees. Such tiesencourage owners to maximize worker welfareand consequently inspire workers to do their bestand cooperate in efforts to cut down costs andraise productivity. Currently, corporation and fac-tory Saemaul Leaders are elected among executiveofficers, managers or heads of small productionunits of firms, and those elected are given oppor-tunities to broaden their understanding of thecampaign while developing their leadership com-petence through a variety of Saemaul educationalprograms.

2. Implementation Process andResults of SaemaulEducation

A training institute for farmers was openedin January 1972 in the Agricultural CooperativeCollege run by the National Agricultural Co-oper-ative Federation and began to educate farmers.Education for Saemaul Leaders started in July ofthe same year, and in 1973, the institute moved tothe Farmers’Center in Suwon-shi, Kyonggi-do.

30

The institute adopted a new name, TrainingInstitute for Saemaul Leaders, set the standardsfor other institutes in Saemaul Undong, andplayed a pivotal role in establishing Saemaul edu-cation as a unique form of social education. Theinstitute moved in 1983 to an exclusive buildingconstructed with government subsidy in(Songnam-shi, Kyonggi-do). The following year, itbecame Saemaul Undong Headquarters’TrainingInstitute.

The Institute selected three goals: recruitingand training top-quality Saemaul Undong leaders,encouraging these leaders to engage in self-helpprograms, and contributing to the establishmentof a beneficial system through diligence, self-helpand cooperation. To realize these goals, the insti-tute finalized the following four guidelines: ■ education at a communal camp where

trainees lived and worked alongside theirtrainers;

■ education of trainees on the Saemaul phi-losophy focusing on putting spiritual ideasinto practice;

■ interactive education by sharing successstories during small-group discussions,

and offering continued guidance andassistance after the trainee’s graduationfrom the program.

After the Training Institute for SaemaulLeaders opened in 1973, the Ministry of HomeAffairs named the following educational organi-zations as Saemaul training institutes: ■ all public employee education institutes

run by different central government orga-nizations,

■ farmers’education institutes, and ■ various training institutes, either public or

private. These institutes reached a record of 85 loca-

tions in 1980. Currently, the Central TrainingInstitute in (Songnam-shi (city), Kyonggi-do)(province), and the Southern Training Institute in(Changsong-gun, Chollanam-do), both run by theNational Council of Saemaul Undong Movement,serve as exclusive centers of Saemaul Education.

The Saemaul Undong Headquarters haveoperated a total of 11 Saemaul training instituteslisted as follows:

(1) Seoul Factory Saemaul Training Institutelaunched in 1974 by the Seoul IndustrialPark for Export Industries

(2) Pusan Factory Saemaul Training Instituteopened in 1977 by the Pusan Chamber ofCommerce and Industry

(3) (Anyang) Saemaul Training Institute forthe Central Council of Private-SectorSaemaul Undong Organizations, formerFarmers’Educational Institute opened in1968 by the Korea Association to StudyRural Cultures

(4) Seoul Educational Institute for SaemaulCredit Union Associations, formerly kno-wn as the Educational Training Institutefor Village Credit Unions, which wasopened in 1963 by the Korea NationalReconstruction Headquarters

(5) (Canaan) Farmers’School No. 1 in (Kwang-ju-shi, Kyonggi-do), which started as a

31

small farm and became a home for agri-cultural leaders during the 1960s

(6) (Canaan) Farmers’School No.2 in Won-song-gun, Kangwon-do

(7) Farmers’Welfare Training Institute inTaejon-shi, Ch’ungch’ongnam-do, whichbegan educating agricultural leaders inthe region in 1968

(8) Taegu Saemaul Training Institute, whichstarted as Saemaul Farmers’School in1973

(9) Korea Industrial Academy in Kanghwa-gun, Kyonggi-do

(10) Seoul Korea Credit Training Institute,and

(11) Industrial Promotion Training Institutein Yang-p’yong-gun, Kyonggi-do andCh’angwon-shi, Kyongsangnam-do

These Saemaul training institutes have postedan impressive educational performance record,having contributed to the education of the entireKorean population. It is widely accepted that the

trainee program provides extra momentum toSaemaul Undong by having citizens participate,directly or indirectly, in the campaign, and by serv-ing as an instrument to promote nationwide par-ticipation in the campaign. Numerous leaders arereported to have been touched and inspired bytheir Saemaul education, and have guided theirrespective regions to successful growth and devel-opment by leading or actively participating inSaemaul projects.

The next section looks at the positive factorsthat contributed to the success of Saemaul educa-tion.

A. Intra-Group Cooperation andInter-Group Competition Divided into many small groups, trainees

engaged in small-group discussions, outdoortraining, and night self-denial exercises, perform-ing the tasks given to each team. They experi-enced strong emotions as a result of undergoing

32

33

such tasks. These powerful experiences helped thetrainees realize the significance and power ofcooperation to accomplish tasks that would havebeen impossible to do otherwise. The discussion-and teamwork-focused small group activitieswere also successful in enhancing a sense ofresponsibility in each participant.

B. Field Trips and Inspection ofAdvanced Technology CentersField trips, and the first-hand opportunity to

watch and learn advanced technologies in particu-lar, were more successful in factory Saemaul train-ing programs than in Saemaul Leaders’trainingprograms. One of the factors contributing to theprogram’s success was its approach permittingchanges in trainees’attitudes through the increaseof first-hand experience, rather than from relianceon instruction.

C. Trainers’Kindness, Commitmentand Excellence of Leadership

Trainers and other employees at the traininginstitutes sacrificed a part of their family livesby staying at the camps together with thetrainees. They did not receive better treatmentthan the trainees themselves, and since theyset the standard with their exemplary atti-tudes, the trainees respected them and fol-lowed their example. These exemplary train-ers and other employees have contributed sig-nificantly to the resultant appreciation ofSaemaul education.

D. Participation by Trainees

The training program has operated on thebasis of a participant-centered training process.Recitation of the principles underlying the train-

34

ing, and learning and practicing skills throughindustry-training cooperation have produced tan-gible results. The practice of sharing between largegroups and small groups during discussions, thepresentation of relevant information by trainees,and sharing of success stories have combined toachieve considerable results in terms of mutualeducation. This methodology, an integral part ofsocial education, has also proven its effectivenessin Saemaul training programs.

E. Moving and Interesting Lectures

The enthusiastic, serious yet interesting lec-tures offered in the Saemaul training programhave frequently moved participants, and haveprompted changes in attitude and opinion. Theselectures convey messages easily understandableto everyone, and focus specifically on practicalapplications compatible with the Korean situation.

F. Entertainment Programs toMotivate Trainees

Appropriate entertainment interspersedbetween lectures prevent the trainees from becom-ing bored. By singing together and playing rhyth-mic games prior to the beginning of each lecture, aswell as conducting simple exercises during breaktimes, the trainees are encouraged to maintainfocus on the task at hand. Talent competitions and

recreational events, held on the evening before thelast day of training, are also memorable experiencesthat contribute to the efficiency of the training pro-gram.

From the factors enumerated above, it is clearthat the success of the training program can beattributed primarily to its genuine characteristics.The program also combines practical instructionand communal living, an approach that enablesthe trainees to learn the value of order and goodmanners.

Saemaul Education comprises of four stages:offering stimulus self-inspection resolution madeimplementing the resolution. This approach isintended to bring about attitudinal changes by ask-ing the trainees to recall and reflect on their pastlives realistically. Based on such reflections, traineescan then decide how to conduct their lives in thefuture, resolving to enact such decisions and turnthem into reality. The Saemaul Training Institutesprovides education with the following goals: ■Developing human resources to lead the

regional community in the course ofimplem- enting the campaign;

■ promoting a desirable value systemamong citizens; and,

■ helping regional communities, individualmembers, and the nation as a whole togrow by establishing sound work ethics asa means to realize a wholesome culture(See Table 6).

<Table 6> Education Offered at Saemaul Training Institutes (1972-1998)

Total 607,511

Total

205,123

Education for regionalvolunteers

137,166

Education for attitudinalchanges in daily lives

72,164

Education foryoung adults

71,613

Education for corporate admin-istrative reform

14,873

Education for thegeneral citizens

1,402

Education for for-eigners

105,170

Education forlocal residents

Central 469,850 177,083 95,142 51,116 44,005 9,450 1,402 91,652

Southern 137,661 28,040 42,024 21,048 27,608 5,423 - 13,518

Education through communal camp lives Non-camping edu-cation

Program

Institute

1. System of Implementation

A. In the 1970s

(1) The Government Sector

As noted earlier, although Saemaul Undongbegan as a government-initiated drive, more ener-

gy and impetus gradually emerged from the pri-vate sector. The movement’s central implementa-tion system also underwent reorganizationthrough decentralization. In the beginning, sincethe Ministry of Home Affairs controlled the cam-paign, most of the movement’s major functionsand organizations were centered in the ministry.Other government organizations took charge of

35

V. Saemaul Undong : Systems and Methods ofImplementation

the functions and systems related to the taskswithin their own jurisdictions.

The first organization tasked to manage thenational campaign was formed in January 16, 1973in accordance with Presidential Decree No. 6458,which governed the restructuring of governmentorganizations. A new unit to administer SaemaulUndong was established, and officers responsiblefor the planning and implementation of SaemaulUndong were posted in the Local Affairs Bureauof the Ministry of Home Affairs. Following in thefootsteps of the central government, the cities,provinces, counties, and urban districts openedrelated sections within their organizations. Onepublic servant was appointed as leader for eachcommunity. The Comprehensive PlanningCouncil for Saemaul Undong was also formed atboth central and local government levels in linewith efforts to enhance consultation and coordina-tion among related bodies. The Saemaul Medalwas included in the government award system in1973, and Saemaul Leaders were issued indepen-dent certificates. National Saemaul Leaders’Conventions were also held to promote pride andmorale among Saemaul Leaders.

The campaign enjoyed a banner year inDecember 1974, and managed the most extensiveorganization network in its 30-year history.Divisions responsible for Saemaul plans, SaemaulUndong’s implementation, urban area deve-lop-ment, and Saemaul Undong education rose to thechallenges presented by their responsibilities.Saemaul Undong officers were also appointed inthe Local Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of HomeAffairs.

Capitalizing on the momentum offered bythis growth, Saemaul Undong expanded thescope of its operations. In February 1978, theMinistry of Home Affairs went through a full-fledged restructuring and, accordingly, the newly-formed Local Administration Bureau took overSaemaul Undong-related tasks from the LocalAffairs Bureau. In September 1979, the Division

for Housing Improvement for Farming andFishing Villages in the Local AdministrationBureau was renamed “Division for SaemaulHousing.”Restructuring in the central govern-ment prompted different smaller administrationunits, such as cities, provinces, rural counties andurban districts, to establish new organizations ormodify existing units.

Other Saemaul Undong-related organiza-tions were also run as part of other ministries. TheMinistry of Agriculture and Fisheries opened adivision addressing the issue of Saemaul incomeafter its organizational revamping in 1973. TheMinistry of Commerce and Industry administereda division in charge of developing processed agri-cultural food under its Bureau of Small- andMedium-Sized Businesses. Another unit wasresponsible for providing agricultural and fishingcommunities with access to telephone servicesunder the ministry’s Bureau of Power Develo-pment. The Ministry of Culture and Educationappointed officers tasked with collaborating withthe chief School Commissioner to implementSaemaul education programs. The Ministry ofPublic Health and Society similarly opened a divi-sion responsible for regional welfare under itsBureau of Social Affairs, and the NationalAgricultural Cooperative Federation managed adepartment in charge of Saemaul projects. In 1972,the Training Institute for Productive Farmers, pre-viously under the umbrella of the NationalAgricultural Cooperative Federation, was rebornas the Training Institute for Saemaul Leaders.

On the regional front, in February 1973, largecities and provinces opened divisions of leadingSaemaul Undong, while smaller cities, rural coun-ties, and urban districts set up Saemaul divisionswithin their organizations. In January 1975, therural counties abolished their Saemaul units anddelegated the responsibilities to the vice countyexecutive. However, in July 1979, the Saemauloffices that had been closed were reopened.Throughout the 1970s, efforts were made to ener-

36

37

gize the administrative organization of SaemaulUndong. The personnel management systemfocused on assigning exemplary public employeesto the Saemaul divisions of large cities andprovinces, and those of the smaller cities and ruralcounties. Those in the Saemaul units receivedextra points when their performance were evalu-ated, securing advantages in promotion.

Saemaul Undong Promotional Councils wereorganized in 1972 on various hierarchical levelsranging from the central government to smalleradministrative units in line with efforts to pro-mote consultation and coordina- tion among rele-vant organizations. The Central Council washeaded by the Minister of Home Affairs and com-posed of deputy ministers of related departments.The number of member organizations originallystood at 15, and later grew to include 22 organiza-

tions. Directors of bureaus of related ministrieswere also organized in the Working-LevelCouncil. The Central Council fulfilled SaemaulUndong-related functions such as coordinatingannual plans as well as long- and intermediate-term plans, analyzing and evaluating the move-ment’s performance, and assisting and coordinat-ing resolution of the difficulties the movementfaced. These same councils were operated acrossdifferent levels of the government hierarchy, andwere overseen by mayors in large cities, governorsin provinces, mayors in smaller cities, countyexecutives in rural counties, and heads of up andmyon (administrative units smaller than ruralcounties) in those units. In ri and dong, adminis-trative units smaller than myon, village develop-ment councils were organized and led by heads ofthose units (See Table 7).

<Table 7> The Governmental Saemaul Undong Organization

Central Government

Working-Level Council

Large Cites /Province Council

Division for Saemaul Planning

Division for Saemaul Housing

Division for Saemaul-Related

Guidance

Smaller Cites /Rural County Council

Village DevelopmentCouncil

Smaller Cites & Rural Counties

Saemaul Pivision

Saemaul Officers

Up / myon Council

division for Saemaul-Related Guidance

Local AdministrationBureau

Central ComprehensivePlanning Council

for Saemaul UndongMinistry of Home Affairs National Agricultural

Cooperative Federation

Training Institutefor Saemaul Leader

Central Government

Working-Level Council

Large Cites & Provinces

Large Cites /Province Council

Division for Saemaul Planning

Division for Saemaul Housing

Division for Saemaul-Related

Guidance

Smaller Cites /Rural County Council

Village DevelopmentCommittee

Smaller Cites & Rural Counties

Saemaul Pivision

Saemaul Officers

Up / myon Council

Division for Saemaul-Related Guidance

Local AdministrationBureau

Central ComprehensivePlanning Council

for Saemaul UndongMinistry of Home Affairs National Agricultural

Cooperative Federation

Training Institutefor Saemaul Leaders

(1979)

38

(2) The Private SectorSince Saemaul Undong was carried out

under the government leadership in the 1970s,independent private-sector organizations weredifficult to identify, with the exception of theVillage Development Committees in ri and dong.These quasi-civil organizations were composed ofaround 15 members each, including those repre-senting official and non-official village structuressuch as mutual assistance organizations to pre-serve village forests, to revitalize agriculture, andto encourage residents to practice their love oftheir village. Saemaul Leaders in villages set upseparate bodies under the head of the villagedevelopment committee. The major demogra-phic sectors including youth and women wererepresented in these separate bodies along withagents for village security, auditing, credit union,and village libarary (See Table 8).

The main purposes of Village DevelopmentCommittees were to coordinate the activities ofvarious functional resident organizations whilediscussing and deciding on Saemaul projects, andeffectively implementing administrative policies.Some of the functions of the Committee were toselect suitable Saemaul projects and to deviserelated working plans; to carry out developmentprojects with the cooperation of local residents; tostore and manage resources allotted by the gov-ernment; and to maintain completed projects, toname a few. The specifics for each project or activ-ity carried out by the Committee began with dis-cussions and deliberation on the implementationof Saemaul Undong. This practice resulted inmany types of village protection and improve-ment projects including anti-theft measures, anti-espionage plans, fire prevention and fire-fighting;product promotion projects including production

(1979)

Village Development Council in ri/dong

President

Departmentof

Youths

Departmentof

Women

AuditingBoard

VillageDevelopmentCredit Union

Departmentfor Promoting

Loveof the Village

ForestPreservation

AgriculturalRevitalization

AgriculturalCooperatives

FarmingImprovement

SaemaulYouths

Women’sEnrichment

Class

VillageLibrary

Other Organs

Residents in ri/dong

<Table 8> Organizational Charts for Village Development Committee in ri and dong

39

increase, agricultural improvement, and reclama-tion and irrigation; public welfare-related effortssuch as cleanups, sanitation improvement includ-ing infection containment, family planning, andimprovement of living conditions; socio-culturalprojects which encouraged burden-sharing andmutual assistance, respect for the elderly, guid-ance for young people, and sports, reading, andvillage gatherings; and finally, the sharing of expe-riences concerning the administration of ri anddong.

The ri and dong Village DevelopmentCommittees devised project plans, realized andimplemented them, and then reported the plans’results. Project plans had to be implemented instages. First, it was necessary to follow theGuidelines for Establishing Project Plans providedby the cities or rural counties. Next, they had to beapproved at local meetings and then finallyapproved by mayors or county executives.Weekly and monthly progress reports about theprojects were given to the heads of up and myon.These reports were also evaluated by theCommittee, and at the end of each project year,annual progress reports were submitted and eval-uated during local meetings of residents.

B. In the 1980s

(1) The Government Sector

The responsibility for the government-initiat-ed Saemaul Undong was assumed by the privatesector in the 1980s. Accordingly, the governmentalSaemaul Undong organizations began to shrink,whereas the private organizations expanded theirscope. Efforts to downsize affected both centralgovernment organizations, including the Ministryof Home Affairs, and local governments.

The Ministry of Home Affairs , a formerhome to Saemaul Undong, restructured itsSaemaul organizations within the LocalAdministration Bureau in Novemver, 1981. These

organizations included the Saemaul Planningdivision, the Saemaul Guidance division, and thegroup consisting of Saemaul officials. Followingthe launching of the Local Development Bureau inJanuary 1984, a streamlining measure abolishedthe group of Saemaul officials. After December1988, with the birth of the Sixth Republic, theterm ‘Saemaul’was seldom heard. A govern-mental restructuring gave rise to the new Citizens’Movement Assistance Division in January 1989,part of the Local Administration Bureau of theMinistry of Home Affairs. The central governmen-tal organizations no longer used the 16-year-oldterm, ‘Saemaul’in their projects, a trend that thelocal government organizations also imitated.

The tasks of the Citizens MovementAssistance Division launched in january 1989included establishing comprehensive plans fornational campaigns and coordinating and assist-ing those plans, assisting nature preservation cam-paigns, and facilitating social purification cam-paigns in tandem with Saemaul Undong.

(2) The Private Sector

The enactment of the Law Fostering SaemaulUndong Organizations in December 1980 gavebirth to Saemaul Undong Headquarters which, inturn, paved the way for a new era of leadership bythe private sector. The new body has governedSaemaul Undong ever since, incorporating fourmember associations under its umbrella: theCentral Council of Saemaul Leaders, the CentralCouncil of Saemaul Women’s Clubs, the CentralCouncil of Saemaul Undong in Corporations, andthe Headquarters of Factory Saemaul Undong.The Federation of Saemaul Mini-Libraries and theFederation of Saemaul Youth were launched inOctober, while the Saemaul Morning Sports Clubwas launched in December 1981, increasing thenumber of member-associations to seven. A pro-posal to set up regional offices in large cities andprovinces as non-governmental Saemaul Undongorganizations was approved in October of the

same year. By September 1982, a total of 13 region-al offices had been established. In October 1983,another proposal to open branch offices in smallercities, rural counties, and urban districts waspassed. Saemaul Training Institutes were alsoopened in the Headquarters and in Songnam-shi,Kyonggi-do in line with efforts to expand thescope and enhance the competence of SaemaulLeaders.

The member-associations grew to compriseeight organizations when the Federation ofSaemaul Credit Unions joined in February 1984.In March, the opening of the regional office repre-senting five provinces in North Korea raised thenumber of regional offices to 14, and the 231branch offices and chapter offices in smaller cities,rural counties, and urban districts began to func-tion in their new capacities. This completed the

task of constructing an extensive nationwide andprivate sector-led Saemaul Undong organization,comprising various member associations, regionalstructures, and training institutes under theumbrella guidance and monitoring of SaemaulUndong Headquarters.

The branch offices grew further with theaddition of 10 new offices in 1985. The traininginstitutes were also expanded with the opening ofthe Changsong Training Institute in Chollanam-do in April of the same year. In 1986, whenKwangju was promoted to metropolitan status,the Kwangju branch office was classified as aregional office. This raised the number of regionaloffices to 15 once again, while the number ofbranch offices was reduced to 240.

In 1987, another training institute opened onYongjong Island near Inch’on, bringing the num-

40

ber of institutes to four. The new institute, howev-er, closed in February 1988.

In April 1988, the member- associations suf-fered a setback with the breakup of the SaemaulMorning Sports Club. However, eight new branchoffices were opened, raising the total to 248. InApril 1989, Saemaul Undong Headquarters wasrenamed the National Council of SaemaulUndong Movement, in an attempt to emphasizeits nature as a private sector-led organization fur-ther. With the Saemaul Youth Federation exclud-ed, it reduced the number of member-associationsto six. The promotion of Taejon as a metropolitancity increased the number of regional offices to 16while the number of branch offices totaled 269with the closing of six locations and the opening

of 27 new locations. The training system was alsorestructured, and the institute at the Headquarterswas closed, leaving just two institutes.

As a consequence, the structure of the privatesector-led Saemaul Undong was reconfigured tocomprise the following:■ six member-associations (namely, the

Central Council of Saemaul Leaders, theCentral Council of Saemaul Women’sClubs, the Central Council of SaemaulUndong at Corporations, Headquarters ofFactory Saemaul Undong, Federation ofSaemaul Mini-Libraries, and Federation ofSaemaul Credit Unions;

■ 269 branch offices in smaller cities, ruralcounties and urban districts; and,

■ two training institutes in Songnam,Kyonggi-do, and Changsong, Chollanam-do.

The second-to-the-last decade of the 20th cen-tury witnessed the most radical changes inSaemaul Undong organizations, which can becharacterized in several ways. The most obviousshift in Saemaul Undong implementation systemduring this period can be seen in the changes inthe leadership and the subsequent rise and fall ofthe movement as a whole. With the launching ofSaemaul Undong Headquarters, the responsibilityand authority for implementing Saemaul Undongstrategies were passed to the hands of the privatesector. The second characteristic involves effortstowards diversification. The organization extend-ed its scope to cover various facets of society,reflecting its ever-expanding functions. As aresult, a total of eight different member-associa-tions encompassing Saemaul Leaders, femalemembers, factories and corporations evolved. Thecompletion of a nationwide network coveringboth the central and local levels exemplifies thethird characteristic. The fourth characteristic isseen in the restructuring of Saemaul Undongtraining institutes. Because of Saemaul Undong’sgoal to achieve optimum efficiency, two out of the

41

initial four training institutes at the Headquarters,Songnam, Changsong, and Yongjong Island wereclosed. The last characteristic involves the changesin the number of secretariat employees, which hadshown a steady increase since 1980, stabilized at1,448 persons in early 1988, and slowly dimin-ished to fewer than 885 by April 1989. Summingup, Saemaul Undong experienced revolutionarychanges involving both expansion and shrinkagein the wake of changes in leadership during the1980s.

C. In the 1990s

(1) The Government Sector

Since the government restructuring inFebruary 1991, only one office in one of the min-istries, the Citizens’Movement Assistance divi-sion under the Local Administration Bureau of theMinistry of Home Affairs, has been responsiblefor Saemaul Undong-related functions. Becausethe body had to manage Saemaul Undong inaddition to its many other responsibilities includ-ing devising comprehensive plans for public cam-paigns and coordinating assistance, SaemaulUndong’s significance diminished accordingly. InApril 1994, the Citizens’Movement AssistanceDivision was renamed the Social PromotionDivision. Its functions included devising compre-hensive plans for social promotion as well as coor-dinating assistance for these plans, and assistingin public relations campaigns to promote healthylifestyles and conserve nature. This necessitateddemoting the status of Saemaul Undong to justone of the many social campaigns. Further gov-ernment restructuring in December 1994 re-defined the tasks of the Social Promotion Divisionto consist of devising comprehensive plans for,and coordinating assistance to, social promotion,assisting nature preservation campaigns, assistingthe management of Saemaul Credit Unions, andimproving, and assisting the management of, the

system governing volunteer services. The launch-ing of the “People’s Government”in 1998 broughtabout another round of massive governmentalrestructuring. The Ministry of Home Affairs andthe Ministry of Government Administration weremerged in February, and the new Ministry ofGovernment Administration and Home Affairstook over their old functions. The new ministryrevamped its structure, installing the LocalAutonomy Administration Division, the LocalAutonomy System Division, the Local AutonomyOperation Division, the Residents AffairsDivision, the Non-Governmental OrganizationCooperation Division, and the Local AutonomyInformation Division. Among these differentunits, the Non-Governmental Organiza-tionCooperation Division was given responsibility forSaemaul Undong. As illustrated above, the gov-ernment sector has increasingly distanced itselffrom Saemaul Undong since 1990, in terms of bothassistance and guidance, while considering themovement part of the private sector’s many cam-paigns.

(2) The Private SectorIn the 1990-1998 period, the structure of the

private sector’s Saemaul Undong implementationsystem remained mostly unchanged from its 1989structure, with the National Council of SaemaulUndong Movement serving as its organizationalhub. The temporary cessation in the provision offinancial assistance from the government prompt-ed the private sector to double its efforts towardself-reliance, and more emphasis was placed onlocal Saemaul units than on the central organiza-tion. The political neutrality of the executive offi-cers of the organization was emphasized, and thesecretariat continued to pursue downsizing.

The promotion of Ulsan as a metropolitancity in July 1997 pushed the number of regionaloffices up to 17. The number of branch offices,which stood at 269 in 1990, grew to 271 by March1991, to 276 by January 1992, and to 278 by the

42

first half of 1993. In 1994, the number diminishedto 245 as a result of the integration of small citiesand rural counties into larger administrativeregions, a process which closed down 33 branchoffices. In March 1995, the number grew onceagain to 255, but in May of the same year, thenumber dropped to 249, following the govern-ment’s incorporation of six small cities and fiverural counties into five cities. In January 1996, 17branch offices in general administrative districtswere closed, while those in local autonomousadministrative organizations were maintained.Consequently, the number of branch offices wasreduced to 232. In July 1997, the Ulsan branchoffice was closed with the city’s promotion tometropolitan city status. Five new branch officeswere instead opened in five local autonomousdistricts, raising the total of branch offices to 236.In April 1998, the cities of Yosu and Yoch’on, aswell as Yoch’on-gun (country), all in Chollanam-do, were merged as the city of Yosu, and this inturn lowered the number of branch offices to234.

Since 1989, only two Saemaul TrainingInstitutes have been maintained. In 1990, theSongnam Saemaul Training Institute wasrenamed the Central Saemaul Undong TrainingInstitute and the Changsong Saemaul TrainingInstitute became the Southern Saemaul UndongTraining Institute.

The organizations and personnel of the secre-tariat continued to downsize due to the shrinkageand even complete halt in governmental bud-getary support. In the ten years since 1988, asmany as 1,061 employees have left their jobs,while 387 have remained on the organization’spayroll. Revision of the organization’s foundingarticles in February 1996 cleared the way towardtransforming regional offices in large cities orprovinces and branch offices in smaller cities,rural counties, and urban districts into legal corpo-rations. In February 1998, regulations pertainingto the election of executive officers were rewrittenso that the political neutrality of Saemaul Undongorganizations could be guaranteed.

As of November 1998, Saemaul Undong

43

implementing organization in the private sectorwas led mainly by the National Council ofSaemaul Undong Movement and six memberassociations. Seventeen regional offices in largecities and provinces, and 234 branch offices insmaller cities, rural counties, and urban districts

combined to support the organization. TheCentral and Southern Training Institutes serve asa mecca for Saemaul education. Excellent employ-ees have been posted in the secretariat, and a totalof 2.32 million Saemaul Leaders are presently atwork in different fields (See Tables 9 and 10).

44

<Table 10> Current Status of Saemaul Leaders and Members(1998)

2,327,489

227,101

2,100,388

251

251

∙

TotalCategoryRegional leaders and membersPresidents of

regional and

branch offices

2,053,011

184,959

1,868,052

242,549

89,351

153,198

1,810,462

95,608

1,714,854

11,618

11,618

∙

21,920

21,920

∙

237,850

5,514

232,336

2,839

2,839

∙

Corporate

leaders

Leaders

Members

Factory

leaders

Mini-library

leaders and

members

Credit

union

leaders

Total

(1998)

<Table 9> Saemaul Organizations in the Private Sector

National Council of Saemaul

Undong Movement

Regional Offices in 17 Large

Cities / Provinces

Branch Offices in 234 Smaller

Cities / Rural Counties

- Central Council of Saemaul

Leaders

- Central Council of Saemaul

Women’s Clubs

- Central Council of Corportion

Saemaul Undong

- Headguarters of Factory

Saemaul Undong

- Federation of Saemaul Mini-

Libraries

- Federation of Saemaul Credit

Unions

2 Training Institurtes

∙ Central

∙ Southern

Member Associations

MenTotal Women

The implementation system of SaemaulUndong in the 1990s underwent few changes,except for those reflecting the re-defined adminis-trative districts. The discontinuation of the gov-ernment’s budgetary assistance, however, broughtto the fore the significance of independence andautonomy of the private sector-led campaign. Theissue of how to enhance the efficiency of the secre-tariat has emerged as a new challenge.

2. Methods of Implementation

A. Selection of Saemaul Projects

Since Saemaul Undong encompasses a widearray of projects, the methods of implementationthat the campaign entails vary in accordance withthe changing times. Implementation of SaemaulUndong projects, however, proceeds in the fol-lowing order: selection of necessary projects,

implementation of the projects, and finally, evalu-ation of the results of the project implemented.

In the 1970s, the government (particularly thecentral government) handled the selection ofSaemaul projects. The private sector took over theselection process in the 1980s, a shift that reflectedits growing role in the implementation of SaemaulUndong. Decentralization was another character-istic of the 1980s, with increased emphasis placedon local and field settings. As a result of thechanges along this line, only national projectswere selected by the central Saemaul Undongorganization. Projects involving large cities andprovinces were chosen by the implementing orga-nizations on the city and provincial levels. Projectsfor smaller cities, rural counties, and urban dis-tricts were selected by corresponding SaemaulUndong organizations, while projects for the up,myon, and dong levels were similarly deliberatedupon by the organizations at the same levels.Decisions on specifications of projects were left to

the ri or dong organizations. At the early stage of

Saemaul Undong, theVillage Development Com-mittee in a ri or dong wasresponsible for SaemaulUndong projects becausemost of the projects werecarried out with ri, dong, ormaul (village) as their imple-mentation unit. Gradually,however, the same functionwent to higher implement-ing organizations as the areato be covered by a singleproject was increasinglyenlarged: first to SaemaulUndong implementing orga-nizations in up, myon, anddong, and then to those insmaller cities, rural counties,and urban districts.

45

As Saemaul Undong primarily seeks toimprove living standards, increase income, andachieve attitudinal reforms, projects subject to theselection process naturally address these goals.Each year, higher-level organizations finalize pri-ority projects for the year and notify the villages orregions of the said projects. Based on this setup,each village or region chooses projects or activitiesthat it deems necessary for the overall benefit ofthe village or region.

Several criteria are employed in the selectionprocess and these include: ■ the project should be needed by the resi-

dents and the regional community; ■ the project should complement the regio-

nal conditions and spur the region’s gro-wth potential;

■ the project should serve all residents in theproject area, instead of serving a limitednumber of residents in limited areas, bypromoting the convenience and interest ofall residents;

■ the project’s effects should be extensive,long-term, and large enough to outweighthe material and manpower invested inthe project; and the project should beviable in terms of money, human resour-ces, and time.

B. Implementation of SaemaulProjectsSaemaul projects are implemented in accor-

dance with project plans. The actual agent imple-menting a project also varies, depending on thesize, the nature, and the scope of the project. If thenature of a project makes it necessary, local gov-ernments or other functional organizations helpthe Saemaul organization in implementing theparticular project, or in some cases, other relevantorganizations may give assistance.

In the 1970s, Saemaul Undong was carriedout with the village as its implementation unit.

The procedure of implementing a project in a ri ordong begins with the village council. The villageresidents discuss and finalize the details of theirproject and report the results to either city orcounty authorities, and then the VillageDevelopment Committees in the ri or the dongcarry out the details of the plan. Prior to the actualimplementation, the committee makes variouspreparations: raising as much of the necessaryfunds as the residents can afford; applying for andreceiving external assistance in the forms of rawmaterials, money, and technology; and with theassistance of civil engineers or construction-relat-ed technicians of city or rural administration bod-ies, completing the plans for structures to beremodeled or built. Implementation of projectscommences in earnest as soon as preparations arecomplete. The Division of Community Pride,Division of Youth, and Division of Women leadthe residents, particularly organization members,in carrying out the projects. This pattern illustratesthat the whole process of implementation isdemocratic, cooperative, and efficient.

Another important factor in the process ofimplementing Saemaul projects is the contributionof the public servants. A public employee who is adivision chief or is in a higher position in theMinistry of Home Affairs is held accountable forthe progress of the campaign in one large city orone province. His counterparts in the smallercities or rural counties, and his counterparts in theup, myon, or dong are likewise held accountablefor their corresponding areas of responsibility.These public servants are asked to visit, at leastonce a month, to check, and guide the progress ofthe national initiative in their jurisdiction. In theup, myon, and dong, a public servant oversees thevillage and visits the project site at least twice aweek. On the first day of every month, SaemaulDay, responsible public servants pay a visit to vil-lages under their supervision, an effort that is notonly conducive to promoting related projects, butis also beneficial to related organizations. Through

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this regular contact, a com-prehensive analysis can beobtained and provide abasis for planning futureprojects.

C. Evaluation ofSaemaul Projects

The last stage in imple-menting Saemaul projects isevaluation. Evaluation iscritical to the overall successof the whole process forseveral reasons. It pointsout the positive aspects ofprojects as well as the prob-lems that emerged duringthe process, it analyzesachievements, and, aboveall, it reflects that analysis insubsequent plans. Evalua-0tion of projects is conduct-ed in three different stages:pre-project evaluation,interim evaluation, and post-project evaluation.

Pre-project evaluation refers to efforts toreview the suitability and validity of projects priorto their implementation. This is helpful in settingdifferent priorities for different projects. The inter-im evaluation assesses the progress of the projectat the time of evaluation, and focuses on correctingerrors or weak areas in the process and redirectingthe project course. This is done by analyzing theinput / output, or expenditures / benefits data.

When the Village Development Committeesin the ri or dong were central to Saemaul Undong,the chairmen of these organizations held a weeklyor monthly committee meeting, and reported theresults of such meetings to the leaders of up ormyon. The leaders of up and myon presided over

the up or myon Development Promotional Coun-cil meetings convened for bi-weekly or monthlyevaluations of the implementation of the projectsbased on the reports from ri and dong, reportingthe results to their superiors in cities or rural coun-ties. Mayors of smaller cities and rural countyadministrators held respective Saemaul Councilsevery month to evaluate progress, and reportedthe results to their superiors in large cities orprovinces. By each year’s end, the Ri and DongDevelopment Committees reported the progressmade during the year in a general residents’meeting, and received feedback. The results of theevaluation were also important since they servedas a basis for choosing individuals, villages, andregions for awards.

1. Achievements

The Daily Chosun, one of Korea’s top news-papers, together with the Korea Gallup Poll, con-ducted an opinion poll on “the major achieve-ments of the Korean people in the past half-centu-ry of modern history.”It was conducted on theoccasion of the 50th Anniversary of the establish-ment of the modern Korean government, and theresults were published in the July 16, 1998 issue ofthe newspaper. Results revealed that those sur-veyed chose Saemaul Undong as the proudestachievement in the nation’s 50-year-old modernhistory. The Korean people’s recognition of themovement was also echoed in the positive evalua-tion of the late President Park Chung-Hee, whoinitiated this national thrust to develop regionalcommunities under the banner of modernizingthe motherland. Runner-ups to Saemaul Undongin the same poll were the successful hosting of theSeoul Summer Olympiad, the construction of theSeoul-Pusan Expressway, the Civil DemocraticMovement in Kwangju-shi, Chollanam-do, andthe April 19th Student Revolution.

This recognition proves that SaemaulUndong movement, which originally focused onimproving Korea’s outdated agricultural systemand aiding residents of remote communities, hasaffected the entire nation, and left an indelible andfar-reaching mark on Korean society as a whole.The effect of the movement, much greater thanwas ever imagined, has led to the following real-izations: ■Rural modernization is not a matter of

raising the economic viability of the agri-culture; rather, it is directly connected tothe modern attitudes and mindsets of theagricultural populace;

■Raising agricultural productivity, the goalof rural modernization, is closely linked tothe development of industries in the urbanareas.

These deftly illustrate the reason why the

ideals and rationale of Saemaul Undong, original-ly an agricultural sector-bound initiative, easilymoved beyond the rural boundaries, and success-fully spread into the manufacturing industry inurban areas as Saemaul Undong at corporations,factory Saemaul Undong, and urban SaemaulUndong.

A. Saemaul Undong and EconomicDevelopment

The foremost achievement of SaemaulUndong concerns its role in modernizing Korea’srural sector, which until recently had remainedremote for almost 5,000 years. For the first time inthe nation’s time-honored history, the income ofagricultural households surpassed that of urbanhouseholds. In 1971, the first year of SaemaulUndong, the average urban family earned 452,000Korean won while its rural counterpart earned356,000 Korean won. Within three years thischanged in favor of rural households: in 1974,average rural household income was 674,000Korean won whereas the corresponding figure forthe urban household stood at 644,000 Koreanwon. The year 1974 was also memorable in thatthe yearly yield of rice, Korea’s staple crop,reached unprecedented levels.

The rural sector was not the only onesimpacted by the achievements of SaemaulUndong; its effects were felt throughout thenation. Admittedly, the first half of Korea’s 100-year modern history was burdened with unfortu-nate experiences such as the forced demise of thelast Korean dynasty, the unwanted occupation bythe imperial Japanese, the division of the nation,and a fratricidal war. Against this regrettable his-torical background, Saemaul Undong’s successcame as an historical event. Its achievement wasall the more meaningful as the movement was thedriving force behind the development of the ruralcommunity, the sector that was hit hardest duringthose unfortunate years.

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VI. Achievements of Saemaul Undong and the Factorsbehind Its Success

Saemaul Undong’s success bears global sig-nificance as well. A well-regarded theory arguesthat it is common for the rural sector of a nationthat has gained independence and is regainingnational identity, to become dependent on theurban sector in the process of development. Infact, there was a time when Korea benefited fromthe excess agricultural produce of the US, whichserved as a lifeline right after the Korean War. Theproducts, largely targeting Korea’s urban areasand densely-populated regions, ironically con-tributed to lowering agricultural productivity inthe rural areas. Although the development of bothurban and rural sectors should be closely linkedand pursued concurrently, Korea’s rural sectorremained out of the national spotlight, overshad-owed by urban development. The resultingpoverty of the agricultural community was con-sidered to be linked to structural tendencies in atraditional society. Saemaul Undong eradicated

this stereotypical view of the ‘helpless’rural vil-lage.

Saemaul Undong’s economic significance isclearly manifested in the growing village econo-my. The rural Saemaul Undong, which constitut-ed an integral approach toward agriculturaldevelopment, led the efforts to increase agricultur-al household income from various sources. Thisachievement contributed considerably to thegrowth of rural economy, and that growth led toincreased income for agricultural households. Forinstance in 1978, the average household of a vil-lage recognized for its excellent Saemaul Undongefforts earned 330,000 Korean won more than didother villages, with a total of 2.08 million Koreanwon.

Raising the agricultural productivity of a vil-lage is closely connected to improving the village’sagricultural production structure; in other words,farming which employs machinery should be pro-

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moted and agricultural management should beimproved if to record higher agricultural produc-tivity. As for farming machinery, there were 1.4units of power tillers, 1.1 units of power disinfec-tant sprayers, 1.6 units of power threshers, and 1.6units of water pumps per 100 farming families in1970. These figures rose dramatically in 1978 to11.3, 10.9, 8.6, and 8.8 units, respectively. In thepast, the focus of farming was on growing staplecrops; however, emphasis has been shifted infavor of more profitable types of farming, includ-ing vegetables, fruits, special plants and livestock.

B. Saemaul Undong and SocialDevelopmentWhile Saemaul Undong was instrumental in

developing the Korean society as a whole, it par-ticularly raised the standard of life in the rural sec-tor. The greatest inroads made were in improvingeducational and cultural opportunities.

On the educational front, during the 1969-1979 period, 12-13% of heads of rural householdshad received middle school education or higher,or were middle-school dropouts. The corres-ponding figure rose by a factor of more than 2.5 in1979, standing at 30%. Some might attribute thisimprovement to the decreasing population ofelderly Koreans with little modern education.However, it is still impressive enough to be called‘historic’considering the tendency for the youngrural population with relatively higher education-al attainment to leave the farms, seeking theirmeans of livelihood in the urban areas. The ratioof those in the urban areas who actually receivedinstitutionalized schooling compared to the entireeligible population (age six through 24) was 56.4%in 1970, which slightly increased to 57.5% in 1975.The corresponding figure for the rural areas dra-matically rose to 71.5% in 1975 from 59.0% in 1970.This increase attests to the potential of the ruralsector for social and economic growth.

As far as modernized lifestyles are con-

cerned, the increased agricultural householdincome and the extended supply of electricityacross the country increased the number of house-holds with household conveniences includinghome appliances. Interestingly, the ratio of house-holds with recorders was higher in villages hon-ored for excellent Saemaul Undong performanceswhereas the ratio of households with audio setswas higher in average villages. This highlights dif-ferent consumption patterns; residents of honoredvillages tend to emphasize rational consumptionwhile those of average villages focus more on con-spicuous consumption. Another indication of theproductive and investment-oriented consumptionby honored villages is that they have a acquired ahigher ratio of agricultural machinery. In otherwords, the residents of honored villages showmore practical, and economically productive con-sumption patterns and practice “delayed gratifica-tion.”

Social development involves both quantita-tive and qualitative improvement of living stan-dards, with the latter kind of improvement merit-ing a more detailed discussion. Two principlesthat are crucial to the qualitative improvement ofliving standards are the promotion of democraticcitizenship and the elevation of the social status ofwomen.

Saemaul Undong has contributed to the pro-motion of democracy in Korea. Rural residents

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began to show interest in common problems andto seek solutions for those problems on their own.The Saemaul Leaders represented a new breed ofleaders who were sincere and industrious,unselfishly serving others and their communities,and leading efforts to construct Saemaul Centers.These buildings provided a venue for villagemeetings and discussions, consequently allowingdemocracy to take root in the everyday life ofKoreans.

One of the most radical social changesbrought about by Saemaul Undong was theimproved social status of its female members.Since the initial stage of Saemaul Undongfocused on improving rural living conditionsand enhancing facilities such as public wells,communal laundry facilities, and toilets, womenvillagers aggressively participated in theprocess. The campaign to raise operational fundfor Saemaul projects, which was shoulderedmostly by women members, led to the establish-ment of village credit unions. As more ruralhousewives aggressively sought outside

employment, the sources of rural householdincome expanded. As a consequence, the tradi-tionally inferior social and economic status ofwomen drastically improved and was continu-ously advanced by the momentum provided bySaemaul Undong.

C. Saemaul Undong and AttitudinalChangesKoreans increasingly realized the potential

gains from the collective efforts of citizens.Accordingly, a collective confidence-buildingeffort, characterized as a “Can-Do”spirit, was pro-moted across the country.

Empirical research on changes experiencedduring the 1970-1975 period clearly show theeffects of Saemaul Undong on attitudes. In 1970,52.0% of the residents polled thought positivelyabout self-help and self-reliance. However, by1975, as many as 82.0% of those surveyed showeda stronger desire to work hard and to moveahead. The degrees of self-help and cooperation

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measured in the same research rose in five yearsto 76.2% from 47.4%. In contrast, the tendency torefuse to help themselves as well as to help othersfell from 8.2% of those polled in 1970 to a meager2.3% of those surveyed in 1975. Reliability andcooperation also improved among village resi-dents, as 75% of those surveyed in the same yearthought that villagers trusted one another andtried to help by sharing their ideas with others inneed, a sharp increase from 54.2% in 1970.Although some legacies of the past including dis-trust of public officials still remain, the levels ofcaring for others and mutual trust rose from 70.7%in 1970 to 80.2% in 1975. One of the most remark-able changes villagers achieved through SaemaulUndong can be seen in the more progressive andscientific attitudes among Koreans. Only 48.9% ofthose surveyed in 1970 answered that peoplearound them as well as themselves willinglyaccept new ways of thinking, new technology andmethods. The corresponding figure rose to 80.5%in 1975. A greater number of people also support-ed efforts to overcome irrational and nonscientific

conventions, including super-stitions, as the share of per-sons whose lives were stillguided by these conventionswent down from 9.4% to7.3%. Although Koreans havea long tradition of helpingtheir neighbors, SaemaulUndong fueled the expansionof this tradition. Those polledfelt that more people (77.8%in 1975 from 63.1% in 1970)had become politer andkinder as a result of SaemaulUndong. The research resultsconfirmed that generosityand kindness were moreprevalent among rural vil-lagers than among urban citi-zens, particularly among

urban merchants and public officials. Another feature of the changes in Korean atti-

tudes was that more emphasis was placed onpractical benefits, rather than on unnecessary for-malities. The ratio of those who supported simpli-fication of ancestral rites rose to 76.2% from 52.2%.For example, 80.5% of those polled in 1975favored less expensive wedding ceremonies, com-pared to 56.2% in 1970. Thanks to the regionalcommunity development campaign, many of thecustoms and conventions that have becomeimpractical nowadays, including fortune-tellingand holding shaman rituals to expel bad luck,have disappeared.

At the same time, access was expanded tovarious information sources such as newspapers,radio, television, and agricultural books introduc-ing new technologies. This gradually improvedthe residents’attitudes in favor of more rationalgoal-oriented behavior, as opposed to behaviorruled by emotions. In sum, more residentsthought that they could cultivate a better futurebased on their own capabilities.

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2. Factors behind SaemaulUndong’s Success

A. The Government’s Self-ImposedUrgent Task: Overcoming Poverty

Each government is responsible for thegrowth of its society. Saemaul Undong is a repre-sentative regional development campaign carriedout with full commitment from the governmentunder the banner aim of moderniza-tion of thewhole nation.

One decisive factor in dictating the directionand the intensity of government involvement isthe government’s recognition of social conditions.The Korean government was at the forefront ofimplementing Saemaul Undong and aimed atoffering a developmental breakthrough to remoterural communities. The development and theimplementation of the national campaign there-fore reflect the social and historical conditions ofthe time.

The origin of Saemaul Undong can be tracedto the overall domestic situation in Korea in the1960s. Looking back, the 1960s was a decade pro-

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pelled by a worldwide drive toward developmentand modernization. The developing countries,which had recently emerged from colonial ruleafter the end of World War II, found themselvesspending much more time than expected in stabi-lizing their domestic politics. It was only in the1960s that these countries began to fully pursueeconomic growth, and the term ‘the decade ofdevelopment’was coined in this context.

Korea was no exception. Almost concurrentlywith other developing countries, it began to directevery possible effort toward economic develop-ment. The late President Park in particular, afterrising to power through a military coup, ledefforts to develop and improve the national econ-omy. His enthusiasm toward economic develop-ment was the manifestation of his wish to securelegitimacy for his government, which had gainedpower through unpopular means.

The Korean model of economic developmenthas since been dubbed “state capitalism,”or“Corporate Korea.”At the core of the model wasthe government, serving as the giant corporation,which orchestrated private corporations in thecourse of developing the national economy. In asense, the Korean model was a compromisebetween capitalism supported by individual cor-porations and communism in which all produc-tion in the society was controlled by a central gov-ernment.

The foundation of Korea’s “state capitalism”lay in a strategy pursuing overall development atthe expense of balance among different regions.More emphasis was placed on manufacturingthan on agriculture, on exports and imports thanon domestic demands, on large firms with com-parative advantages in efficiency than on smalland medium-sized businesses, and on large cities(as preferable locations for large corporations)than on smaller cities or rural sectors. Against thisbackground, Korea’s economic policies broughtabout a rapid economic growth that cannot bematched by any country in contemporary history.

But just as the achievements of these econom-ic policies were impressive, their adverse conse-quences also became increasingly apparent. Thedisparity among different segments of societywidened dramatically: the gap between agricul-ture and manufacturing, the disparity in the stan-dard of living between cities and rural communi-ties, the differences in the relative significance ofdifferent regions in the society, and the gap felt bydifferent groups of people in different professions.

Among these differences, the most seriousproblem was the regional disparity between twogeographically adjacent regions of southernKorea, which surfaced during the 1971 presiden-tial election. Prior to the election, the rural com-munities had supported the ruling party; but ruralresidents turned their backs on the government.One significant factor behind this was that devel-opment policies had ignored the needs of the ruralcommunities.

B. Mobilization of the General PublicAimed at Achieving BalancedDevelopment The Korean government undertook neces-

sary countermeasures to cope with these adverseconsequences of economic development. Subseq-uently, Saemaul Undong emerged as a cure forthe ills that had emerged. However, the nation’scoffers could not afford to fund the modernizationof over 35,000 rural villages. The only availableresource was untapped human resources in therural areas, but because there was little motivationto improve the quality of life, those resourcesremained idle.

History has taught us that the people them-selves represent both the driving force and thebeneficiary of a nation’s development. Responsib-ility for motivating the general public falls in thehands of the political leaders. With PresidentPark’s personal experience of the structural pover-ty of the rural sector, he could effectively persuade

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the rural populace of the need to break the chainsof poverty, and could motivate them accordingly.

Historically speaking, rural poverty in Koreahas persisted for 5,000 years. As Korea was basi-cally an agrarian society, the rural community’seconomic hardship translated into that of thenation as a whole. Coping with poverty and itsconsequences has been one of the most criticaltasks facing the Korean nation as a whole.

Naturally, overcoming poverty carries clearand dramatic political reporcussions.

A look at representative projects around theworld allows us to better understand the point inquestion. The government of the Netherlands pur-sued a policy to reclaim land from the ocean, andnow reclaimed land accounts for a full third ofland in the country. In Israel, the new and moderngovernment strongly supported the constructionof new cities which it deemed crucial to nationaldefense. The programs pursued by these two gov-erments are similar to the Saemaul Undong in thatthey aim at achieving clear and dramatic politicaleffects.

C. Strong Political Involvement inthe Nation’s Policy Project

The success of massive national policy pro-jects presupposes the commitment of the nation’spolitical sphere. Saemaul Undong began smooth-ly, achieving marked success thanks to the strongcommitment of then President Park. His enthusi-asm for the national movement was summarizedin a quote from one of his public addresses: “Letus reconstruct our rural surroundings and bestowupon our descendants better communities, so thatthey can declare with pride that their ancestorswere farmers who worked at the forefront ofSaemaul Undong in the 1970s.”

The head of the state during the ThirdRepublic of Korea pursued economic develop-ment and was guided by the principle of centralplanning. In order to verify and encourage the

nation’s economic growth, Park presided over themonthly meetings held at the Economic PlanningBoard and was briefed on the monthly economictrends. From June 1971, soon after SaemaulUndong was launched, farmers with excellentagricultural achievements began presenting theirown success stories in the meetings.

This custom continued for about 10 years with-out a single interruption until the death of PresidentPark. A system to honor successful SaemaulUndong campaigners was put in place to lift themorale of those involved. Taking into account thefact that the administration was governed under astrong presidential system, government organiza-tions built an organic cooperative system to supportthe prime concern of the president.

D. Saemaul Undong’s Visible Effectsin Promoting the General Public’sParticipationGlobal experience has taught us that produc-

ing tangible results for a government policy driveat the earliest possible stage is key to the successfulimplementation and expansion of the drive. This isclearly illustrated in the case of Saemaul Undong.

One of the formidable impediments to ruraldevelopment in Korea was the lack of infrastruc-ture. Keenly aware of this, the government allot-ted in the first year of Saemaul Undong, about 335bags of cement to each of over 35,000 villages. Thecement was given on the condition that it wouldbe used exclusively for communal village projectsto improve living conditions, such as broadeningentry roads leading to villages, constructingbridges and sewage systems, and general renova-tion projects. On the other hand, raising agricul-tural producti-vity in the rural sector would havetaken a longer period of time before producingresults.

The fact that visible results easily changeman’s attitude has been confirmed once again inthe course of Korea’s economic development. As

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the results of economic growth were witnessedacross the country, the social status of business-men, the main group player in economic devel-opment was raised, and they even emerged associal leaders. This is striking, in light of theKorean tradition placing businessmen at the bot-tom of the social hierarchy. Traditionally, nobili-ty and scholars were placed above farmers, farm-ers above manufacturers or craftsmen, andcraftsmen above merchants. This concretechange experienced in Koreans’way of life effec-tively motivated the rural populace to achieveeconomic development.

E. Emergence of New Attitudes

As “heaven helps only those who help them-selves,”the prerequisite for achieving improve-ments in the social and material development ofindividuals is for people to be increasingly orient-ed towards innovation and development. In thislight, change on the part of those involved waskey to the success of Saemaul Undong.

Not all of those involved necessarily adoptinnovative attitudes and behaviors from the onsetof the campaign. A successful campaign requiresinnovators who proclaim innovation and thosewho follow in their footsteps, translating theirteachings into reality. In this light, SaemaulUndong’s success was brought about partly by theemergence of exemplary leaders and numerousothers who sympathized with such leaders.

(1) Historical ConditionsIt should not be overlooked that the emer-

gence of powerful leaders and the increasingnumber of sympathizers would not have beenpossible without the timely maturation of neces-sary conditions. First of all, Korean farmers tradi-tionally valued pride and self-esteem. As illustrat-ed in Korea’s traditional social hierarchy structure,which placed farmers in the second-highest posi-tion, agriculture was not only once the core of all

industries, but farmers were a critical powergroup second only to the noble class. As the poormembers of the noble class made a living throughfarming, these farmers and the members of thenoble class maintained active contact. Children ofwell-to-do farmers went to a traditional localacademy called So-dang, which was run by anoble class member of the area. Whereas farmerswere regarded as slaves in other countries, includ-ing Russia and Japan, Korean farmers had great

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dignity and integrity, and they took pride in theirstatus as land workers. This explains why the for-eigners who first set foot on the Korean peninsulatoward the end of Korea’s last dynasty (1910)dubbed the Korean farmers “beautiful swans.”1)

The turning point in the public’s perceptionof farming and farmers occurred amid poor gov-ernance at the end of Korea’s last dynasty and thesubsequent exploitation by Imperial Japan, whichhad occupied the Korean peninsula at the begin-ning of the 20th century. This had a serious impacton farmers, and an increasing number of the ruralpopulace abandoned their land. However, landreform and the mandatory educational systemthat followed renewed national independence,and heralded a new era for the rural communities.At the end of the 19th century, the literacy rate inthe rural sector stood at 30-45% for men and 2-10% for women. The corresponding figure formen had risen to 50% by 1945, and rose further to83.4% by 1970.

As a result of the rise in rural literacy rates,modes of thinking and economic opportunities inthe rural sector did not deviate much from thenational average. The land reform conducted dur-ing the 1945-55 period contributed much to bring-ing about homogeneity in the rural sector. Most ofthe rural households cultivated an average of 1jongbo, or 99 acres, and a few households cultivat-ed areas of three jongbo or larger. It should benoted that the homogeneity of the rural sector wasone of the conditions leading to the nearly unani-mous participation by rural residents in theSaemaul projects.

Rural homogeneity as the springboard ofrural development ironically emphasized the per-vasive poverty which threatened the very exis-tence of the rural community. This adversityreached its peak with the devastation resulting

from the Korean War. Fortunately, however, theextremely harsh ordeal as exemplified by the Waralso brought with it the prospects for recoveryand turnaround.

These positive prospects, combined with thecollective attitude of the people who were anxiousto tap into those prospects, proved significant toKorea’s rural communities and the Korean societyas a whole. The economic recoveries orchestratedby the Germans and the Japanese after WWIIillustrated the possibility of turning extreme hard-ship, characterized by massive destruction andnational decline, into a foundation for rapid eco-nomic development. The Korean version of eco-nomic growth can be understood in the same con-text. In the early 1960s, the military government,which had risen to power through a coup and hadlater become the Third Republic of Korea, initiateda campaign called the National ReconstructionMovement to revitalize the rural sector, utilizingthe strength of the rural population. In doing so,the government emphasized self-reliance andeducated the rural populace through circulatingmottoes promoting diligence, self-reliance, andself-help. However, this campaign failed to live upto expectations as it focused solely on enlighteningthe agricultural population, instead of renderingpractical assistance and action to encourage peo-ple’s participation. Accordingly, national cam-paigns including Saemaul Undong had to waituntil the early 1970s, when the governmentemerged with funds to provide minimal assis-tance to farmers.

(2) The Shift to Development-OrientedAttitudesSince the early 1960s, the manufacturing

industry had grown and spread in the urban areaswith guidance and help from the government,while the rural sector had watched on the side-lines. Just as imbalances or even discrepancies indifferent rates of psychological development natu-rally occur, differences in level and degree of eco-

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1) The metaphor of “swans”was based on thewhite clothing typically worn by Koreans atthat time.

nomic and social development among sectors orregions also entail. If these differences deepenover time, those who have been left behind wouldtend to become frustrated and stunted in theirgrowth and development.

Saemaul Undong began at a time when thegeneral public’s expectations for development hadreached a peak. Considering that not all the expec-tations that a national drive elicits from the peoplein different regions automatically fuel nationaldevelopment, the success of Saemaul Undong inthis regard is unique. The movement’s successshould be attributed to the unique quality of col-lective feelings among Koreans, characterized byhan, which is roughly equivalent to suppressedanger and sorrow, and by shinmyong, whichimplies excitement and enthusiasm.

The han of Korean people is not identical withthe resentment common to the Japanese, whotend to seek revenge on anyone who slights them.Although the Imperial Japanese intentionallyunderestimated han as somewhat pejorative, hanreflects the strong and earnest desire of Koreans to

accept and strive to overcome the difficulties thatcome in their way. Such a sentiment is manifestedin various forms: the tearful commitment ofunschooled parents to give their children everypossible opportunity to be educated, or the deter-mination of a rural youth who leaves his poverty-stricken hometown in order to succeed in life inthe big city. As illustrated in these cases, Koreanhan is a positive value encompassing unlimitedpotential for growth.

Whereas han offers the potential for growth,shinmyong serves to accelerate the process of real-izing that potential. The Korean proverb “Onehardly realizes that he is exceeding his own limitswhen he is cheered on by others”effectively illus-trates the power of shinmyong. In SaemaulUndong, the enthusiasm or excitement was con-verted into self-confidence summarized by the“Can Do”spirit, and into efforts toward self-ful-fillment. These two sentiments were at the root ofKorea’s impressive economic growth and the dra-matic development in rural areas in particular.They were also responsible for transforming the

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increasingly widening discrepancy between ruraland urban sectors into an impetus for those in therural sector to seek modernization and growth.

At the early stage of Saemaul Undong, vil-lages were classified into three categories, depend-ing on levels of village’s development. Those thathad not yet been able to move beyond relativelyprimitive living conditions and outdated modes ofproduction were termed “basic-level villages.”The ratio of those in this category compared to allother rural villages stood at 53% at the end of1972, but fell to only 1% by the end of 1976. Itbecame apparent that the majority had been trans-formed into either self-reliant or self-helping vil-lages. “Self-reliant”villages are communities where

residents have shown promising attitudes andthought patterns, indicating that they can worktoward a self-help village, but the improvements

in basic living conditions have not yet been com-pleted. Self-help villages are those that have pre-pared themselves for potential income increaseand technology development by improving theirliving conditions. The rapid phase-out of ‘basic-level villages’clearly illustrates the fact that suchvillages utilized the element of competitionamong villages as a stimulus to move up and sur-pass their level, instead of developing a sense ofrelative deprivation.

(3) Expanded Reproduction of the SaemaulSpirit: Saemaul EducationThe role of enlightened leadership in the

development of a society, whether in East or West,present or past, demands no justification. Asmany regional development theories point out,the substantial stumbling block to the develop-ment of a remote area is not the lack of investmentbut a lack of revolutionary leadership. The extentof the success of Saemaul Undong, which wasaimed at enabling the complete transformation ofpoverty-stricken rural communities into forcesgeared towards national economic development,naturally hinged on the Saemaul Leaders.

The need for Saemaul education, which pri-marily seeks to develop potential SaemaulLeaders, emerged after the evaluation of the cam-paign’s first year performance was completed. Ananalysis of the varied usage of the allotted cementby village revealed that a village managed by acompetent leader was able to effectively distributethe limited materials whereas a village that lackedsuch leadership ended up wasting precious mate-rials. The task of securing competent leaders hadbecome increasingly difficult in the agriculturalsector amid sweeping urbanization. Among theconsequences of this trend was the decision ofmany able rural youths to relocate to urban areas.Prior to Saemaul Undong, exemplary farmers nat-urally served as unofficial leaders of rural commu-nities. The problem was that these leaders werenot adequate for the “critical mass”needed for a

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rural revolution. This led to the recognition thatraising dedicated leaders armed with a thoroughsense of their mission should come first beforeoffering governmental assistance. SaemaulUndong began as a response to this observation.

Saemaul education focuses on cultivating theminds of the trainees, on the assumption thatprogress-oriented, aggressive attitudes are thecore qualities of Saemaul Leaders. Therefore, moreeducational emphasis is placed on inducingchanges in attitudes and thought, than on teach-ing new information or technologies.

In the participation-based mutual educationprogram, the trainees are educated through com-munal life at camps and share their ideas via per-sonal conversations and public discussions. Thepurpose of this program is to lead the trainees torealize that the others serve as mirrors throughwhich they can see themselves. In the program forfacilitating attitudinal changes in daily life, thetrainees learn how to yield to others and to coop-

erate with others in their daily lives through prac-ticing in everyday situations. The second-handexperience program teaches the trainees about thesuccesses of excellent Saemaul Leaders by sharingsuccess stories. This program effectively encour-ages the aspirations and the morale of the traineesby inviting them to share a sense of unity withthose who have presented their success stories. Tosummarize, the trainees learn from the Saemauleducation programs the significance of the role ofleaders as models, and the importance of coopera-tion in a society where individuals cannot solve allof their problems by themselves.

As a natural consequence, the motivation andoptimism of Saemaul Leaders were reported to bemuch higher than average rural residents. In apoll that asked, “What do you think living condi-tions will be like in ten years?”56% of theSaemaul Leaders answered that “the living condi-tions will have improved considerably.”Only40% of the average residents chose the same

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answer.The original target group of Saemaul educa-

tion was productive, exemplary farmers. TheCentral Saemaul Undong Training Instituteplayed a pivotal role in extending this targetgroup to include Saemaul Leaders, men andwomen alike, public servants, well-known lead-ers, youth, various vocational organizations,Koreans living abroad, and even foreigners.

As was mentioned earlier, the governmentplayed a pivotal role in the process of establishingand developing Saemaul Undong, and PresidentPark’s direct and indirect influence was critical inthe process. He strove to modernize publicemployees first, believing that this should be aspring board in realizing a modernized nation. Ina related effort, President Park made on-site visitsearly each year to important administrative orga-nizations starting from central government orga-nizations first and then to smaller organizations inprovinces, cities, and rural counties.

During this series of visits, President Parkhad the head of each organization brief him onimportant or pending administrative tasks.

Because of this, his governing style wasdubbed as “ briefing-based administration.”

This served as an important tool in effectivelymanaging the administration. This conventiontriggered the emergence of a rational administra-tion focused on development.

3. Reflections on SaemaulUndong

The good intentions that prompt the develop-ment of a policy do not always justify the policyitself as virtually nothing comes without a price inthis mundane world.

As Saemaul Undong was run under thestrong leadership of Park’s dictatorial central gov-ernment, the decision-making process was farfrom being democratic, and failed to reflect the

diverse characteristics and interests of differentregions and the various occupational fields. At theearly stage of the campaign’s implementation,central and local government organizations allot-ted materials first, and then the residents of thecommunity involved were required to make useof the materials in their projects and report theresults. As a consequence, those in the villagesunconsciously developed attitudes of dependenceand passiveness.

Saemaul Undong projects focused on achi-eving quantitative or concrete results, and placedgreater emphasis on the results rather than on theprocess or quality of the implementation. More-over, the project scope was often rather narrow,which resulted in a failure to tailor projects to thespecific needs and characteristics of differentimplementation units. While Saemaul Undongwas actively gaining ground in the rural sectorbased on the sector’s homogeneity, it failed toleave much impact in regions outside the ruralcommunities. The achievement of urban, corpora-tion, and factory Saemaul Undong was less thansatisfactory in the regions where heterogeneityoutweighed homogeneity.

The fundamental weakness of SaemaulUndong was that from the beginning, it lackedstrong and well-ordered legitimacy. Since thedrive developed a theory to validate itself while itwas implemented, the initial stage of SaemaulUndong was inevitably characterized by a seriesof trials and unavoidable errors. More important-ly, it failed to earn trust from younger citizens dueto the prevalent distrust and misunderstandingthat political agenda were behind the campaign.

This misunderstanding exacerbated in the1980s, and made it even more difficult to fullycarry out the campaign. Following the politicalinstability after the death of President Park, everynewly-elected president attempted to cast himselfin a light different from past administrations.Thus a combination of all these factors weakenedenthusiasm for the campaign.

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1. Challenging the Future

A. Advantages and Disadvantagesof GlobalizationIt is clear that Saemaul Undong played a piv-

otal role in modernizing the nation. Consideringthat we are approaching a new century and a newmillenium, it is necessary to devise a new blue-print for the movement so that it can continue tocontribute to the national development process. Indoing so, focus should be placed on identifyingwhat the movement can achieve, and in what spe-cific areas. If we are to draw up a quality blue-print, we should understand the nature of antici-pated radical changes, both internal and external,and prepare for the future based on such anunderstanding.

The most powerful trend today, which hasswept Korea and the rest of the world alike, is onethat reaches far beyond national modernization.This involves a transition into a much smallerworld through globalization, which in turn consti-tutes a formidable and unprecedented challengeto humankind. By nature, globalization presentsus with the prospect of very unpredictable lives.The foreign currency crisis in Korea is one suchexample: it delivered a severe blow to Koreans,who had taken economic growth for granted, andit has shaken the very foundation of the nation.

With the dawn of a new millenium upon us,it has become apparent that the future may not beall that rosy. There is no guarantee that the currentfinancial crisis will not repeat itself, and as a result,the task of national reunification has become evenharder. Koreans feel that they are desperatelygroping in the dark, not knowing where they willfind themselves. All of these conditions resultfrom the global trend of world politics that ismoving beyond ideological confrontation into theera featuring enthusiastic globalization, which hasalready impacted the Korean economy unfavor-ably.

Ironically, however, globalization used toserve Korea well by creating favorable trade con-ditions that enabled the country to enjoy fame asone of the world’s leading export countries. Thisvery same trend has become the culprit in the cur-rent foreign currency crisis. The vicious cycle of“rich get richer and poor get poorer”has exerted apowerful influence, reversing the social progressthat was managed so far. Almost every region inKorea, except for a few metropolitan cities, was hithard by the financial crisis. The massive layoffsfollowing the economic restructuring have precip-itated conflicts among different social groups. Theunemployment issue in particular is deemed asthe most serious threat to the stability of the citi-zens’lives. The urgency of the unemploymentproblem becomes all the more obvious if weunderstand that it is not a temporary phenome-non. Industrial modernization, characterized byautomation, has diminished the demand for pro-duction workers, while globalization has reduced

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VII. Implementing Saemaul Undong in the 21st Century

the demand for white-collar workers with theadvent of the information revolution.

Against this backdrop, we are entering a newphase in which the middle class is likely to losemost of its influence as an important social group.Moreover, national borders will become useless inprotecting national interests with the emergenceof a borderless economy.

B. Localization as aCountermeasure againstUnfavorable Globalization TrendsGlobalization is not only a challenge, but a

mandate which Korea must continue to strive for.The nation’s identity and potential for furthergrowth would be threatened if Koreans were toexist solely within the thrust of a centrifugal forcefiguratively reflecting the nation’s present status.If we Koreans are to ensure the nation’s survival,prosperity and well-being, we must be able todevelop a counter-force that will offset theadverse effects of globalization. Localization is theoptimal alternative being proposed to bolster thenation’s chances of survival.

Successful localization efforts will providemore opportunities for Koreans to cast off oldhabits developed in the course of the moderniza-tion process. Throughout the 120-year-long mod-ernization process, including the five decadessince the nation regained her independence, theKorean people and the Korean community havelived in a state of subjugation that has exerted themost powerful influence on their fate. The com-mon thread that binds together the seeminglydiverse events that have transpired in the nation’smodern history is that Koreans were forced to actor not to act. If we are to chart a desirable coursefor our history into the 21st century, we shouldbegin by realizing the significance of autonomy,volunteerism, and activism. In this light, localiza-tion can definitely contribute to promoting thisrealization and to safely riding the heightening

waves of globalization.

C. Revitalization of the SaemaulSpiritWe Koreans live in a time of grim reality and

an unclear future, and the choices available to usare limited; we must make righteous and justdecisions rather than taking shortcuts, and valuemeasures propped up by principles. SaemaulUndong has been evaluated as the most signifi-cant achievement of the Korean people in ourmodern history. Furthermore, the working princi-ples of Saemaul Undong, namely, diligence, self-help, and cooperation, are deemed eternal valuesthat have been promoted throughout the historyof humankind. Admittedly, there is a tendency tominimize the tenets of diligence, self-help, andcooperation as simply mottos of SaemaulUndong, not as necessary principles for develop-ment. However, just as the human body not prop-erly supported by the mind is an empty shell,mental and ethical fortifications serve as the cor-nerstones of development. Hence, we should con-sider that lax social discipline is one cause of thecurrent financial difficulties. Conversely, themeans with which to overcome the current diffi-culties must be found in the revitalization andexpansion of the Saemaul spirit.

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2. Directions of the NewSaemaul Undong in the 21stCentury

A. A National Movement TowardsCommon Prosperity

Saemaul Undong was summarized in thepast as a “Prosperity for Ourselves Movement.”The changes that took place from the mid-1980s,including the quantitative expansion of thenational economy, and the accelerated migrationof the farming and fishing populace to urbanareas, however, shifted the base of SaemaulUndong to urban areas. The regional and inter-social group conflicts, which emerged as a resultof economic growth, made it inevitable to redefinethe goals of the movement.

The pains and difficulties Koreans face underthe IMF bailout system at the threshold of theupcoming century offer Korean society the invalu-able opportunity for self-reflection. If we Koreansare to overcome this crisis, we will have toenhance the competitiveness of society as a whole,and promote the spirit of mutual help and mutualassistance. In order to achieve these goals we musteradicate both our indulgence in luxury and blindgroup egoism. We will also have to revolutionizeour attitudes as well as our economic mechanismsso that we can replace all inefficient systems andoutdated conventions as we strive to cope withglobalization. Viewed in this light, the duties andthe responsibilities imposed upon SaemaulUndong at this stage are enormous and signifi-cant. Saemaul Undong should offer hope, visionand courage to all people facing difficulties. Itshould stir up the energy and enthusiasm neces-

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sary to motivate Korean society to start over.The new Saemaul Undong should strive to

construct a new and better country by activelyresponding to the conditions of the times. Whilethe goal of the early Saemaul Undong was promo-tion of prosperity, the new Saemaul Undongintends to establish itself as a national movementto realize a wholesome community, guided by theideal of “mutual prosperity.”In other words, theideal and the goals of the new Saemaul Undongare embodied in the endeavor to foster commonprosperity, serve as a of the social integrationprocess, and become a leading force in the revital-ization of the country.

B. Orientation of the New SaemaulUndong

The new Saemaul Undong should be guidedby three vital missions. First of all, it must identifyits new tasks for the purpose of promotingpeople’s awareness of existing social hardshipsand mobilizing their participation in the processof overcoming such difficulties. Specifically, itshould seek to revolutionize the daily lives of citi-zens and reconstruct regional communities, andlead the way in identifying and pursuing practicaland plausible tasks, initiating efforts to revitalizethe national economy and to help the unem-

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ployed overcome the current difficulties. SaemaulUndong should also newly establish itself, shed-ding its old image. Most Koreans have a positiveunderstanding about the campaign because of itsgreat contribution to the development of both thenation and the regional communities. However,its initial characteristic as a government-initiatedmovement has been the source of a great deal ofnegative perception and criticism. Accordingly,efforts should be made to leave behind the oldmentality, conventions, and systems so that themovement can build a horizontal, cooperativepartnership, in place of a government-dependentcampaign. Achieving financial self-reliance is oneof the urgent tasks in this regard. Furthermore,activities should be strengthened and carried outin cooperation with various non-governmentalorganizations and vocational associations with aview to promoting a better understanding of thecampaign. This way, the campaign can expandthe scope of its activities and roles as well.

Last but not least, Saemaul Undong shouldredefine its role by fully exploiting its dynamismand strengthening its function in promoting pub-lic welfare. It is well understood that the energy ofSaemaul Undong is felt most keenly in the field,where the villagers can enthusiastically translateinto reality the objectives and specifications laidout in a particular project’s blueprint. Neverthe-less, there persists a tendency for implementationto center around the orders, interference, and thecontrol delivered top-down from the central gov-ernment. The emphasis must be shifted to thefield, or the actual implementation sites, by abol-ishing central government-oriented functions, sys-tems, and conventions. At the same time, the cam-paign’s executive organization should be recreat-ed as a new and open entity, by securing neces-sary expertise, efficiency, and autonomy.

C. Nature and Tasks of the NewSaemaul Undong

Thus far, Saemaul Undong has done its partin achieving national and social development as acampaign aimed at advancing the attitudes ofKoreans, developing the economy, and improvingsociety. In this light, the new Saemaul Undongcan be defined as follows:■ Saemaul Undong is a movement designed

to promote love of country and efforts forits revitalization.

■ It is a campaign designed to revolutionizethe attitudes and lifestyles of citizens, help-ing them develop sound and healthy atti-tudes.

■ It is a drive to help community live in loveand harmony.

■ It is a national conservation movementfocused on building an environmentallysustainable community.

■ It is an initiative to prepare for the nation’sreunification and to construct a worldwhere everyone can enjoy prosperity.

The new Saemaul Undong should prioritizethe realization of these five characteristics, acceptthe mission and execute it step by step. Thisapproach will emphasize personal responsibilityfor self-improvement first and foremost in ourdaily lives, in our dealings with our neighbors,through continued education, campaigning, andvarious events designed to enhance public wel-fare.

The focus of the new Saemaul Undong’sefforts will be to identify general goals and specif-ic tasks as guided by the following principles:

First, the ongoing “Saving the Nation andRevitalizing the Economy”campaign will focuson helping the unemployed overcome their cur-rent difficulties. The Korean nation achieved mod-ernization by exploiting the deeply embeddedsentiment of patriotism, while at the same timemobilizing public confidence through the “Pros-perity for Us Campaign.”The new SaemaulUndong will lead efforts to promote self-help

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measures to deal with the current IMF crisis.Moreover, it will create a consensus concerningthe need to “Unite and Begin Once More”whilefostering an environment favoring frugality andhard work. It will focus on igniting in the minds ofthe general public a strong will to achieve theirgoals and helping them translate these goals intoreality. At the same time, the campaign willaggressively pursue revitalization of the agricul-tural and fishing communities, recognizing thatrural as well as urban sectors should enjoy com-mon prosperity.

In order to realize the afore-mentioned goals,the new Saemaul Undong should focus first onthose hit by unemployment. The ongoing short-term efforts to help unemployed heads of familiesunable to afford meals will be augmented by along-term structural prescription, establishinglocal social networks, and operating an on-siteeducational program to help those who plan toopen new businesses. In order to help revitalizethe economies in agricultural and fishing villages,it will seek to establish a system of direct trade foragricultural products, active utilization of arablelands now lying idle, and the operation of a sys-

tem to honor exemplary villages. Furthermore, itwill provide intensive assistance, and in decision-making, it will be as sensitive as possible to thespecial characteristics of each village. Second, thecampaign to revolutionize public attitudes will beconducted in line with another national move-ment to reconstruct the nation as a whole. Thefocus of the campaign will be on enhancing ratio-nality and maturity in Korean society and promot-ing the sharing of attitude and value systems, thuscurbing widespread irrationality, inefficiency, andirregularities. There will be expanded access tosocial education in order to foster democratic citi-zenship, because adopting appropriate attitudesand moral standards will ensure that citizens cancompete on the global stage armed with advancedglobal perspectives.

The tasks pertaining to the second categorywill include establishing basic order in daily lifeby emphasizing public order, kindness, and clean-liness. The campaign to revolutionize our dailylives will be promoted to reach every villagerthrough various campaigns and events specifical-ly tailored to the realities of each village. In addi-tion, the campaign will maximize public participa-

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tion through The “5-Froms Movement”(“frommyself, from small matters, from things nearby,from easy matters, and from now on.”) TheFamily Saemaul Undong, a movement to promotethe practice of these principles in the home, will beaggressively pursued.

Traditional virtues and values will bestrengthened by operating schools that teachproper manners, encouraging young people towrite letters to parents and elderly relatives, andemphasizing the importance of traditions such asraising the national flag. New social educationprograms designed to raise up democratic citizensby strengthening voluntary participation andsocialization, and promoting awareness of quali-ties, attitudes and behaviors required in the infor-mation age will be introduced.

Third, the campaign to help neighbors live inlove and harmony focuses on the goal of socialintegration. Specifically, it aims at achievingregional integration by helping heal the woundsleft by conflicts and confrontations among variousregions and different social groups, while at thesame time eradicating unsubstantiated prejudicesabout certain regions and their inhabitants. Inaddition, the campaign seeks integration amongpeople in different groups. In order to build a soci-ety where all members live together in harmonyand prosperity, extra efforts should be made tohelp those who have been left behind in theprocess of economic development, as well as thosehit hard by the current economic crisis. To thisend, the movement will expand citizen participa-tion by establishing a system to monitor and assistvolunteer workers striving to restore humane andcaring regional communities. At the same time, itwill fulfill its accepted role as one of the key orga-nizations in Korea working to promote the publicgood.

Projects to meet these goals will includestrengthening social integration by promotingmutual understanding between the southeasternand the southwestern regions of Korea. This will

be achieved by holding various events, establish-ing regional ties, and promoting cultural andsocial exchanges. A wide variety of regional ser-vice activities will also be organized and systemat-ically implemented. Regional Saemaul volunteercenters will be opened in order to transform thehomily “Love thy neighbor”into daily practice. Anetwork will be set up connecting communitieswith volunteers, in order to help senior citizensliving alone, orphaned youths who have assumedthe role of parents to their younger siblings, andchildren unable to afford meals. On another front,in order to better assist urgent rescue missions anddisaster recovery activities in contingencies suchas floods, there will be improved mobilization andorganization of needed personnel. Specifically, theavailability of food supply vehicles and volunteerpersonnel will be maintained around the clock,programs to restore affected sites will be devel-oped and training programs will be augmented.Students’volunteer activities will also be aggres-sively promoted through cooperative efforts withschools in each district.

Fourth, the campaign to protect nature willfocus on expanding the scope of the nature con-servation drive to comprehensive efforts to pre-serve life on the planet. This is based on the recog-nition that in order to ensure the continued sur-vival of humankind, people must live in harmonywith nature. A comprehensive environmentalpreservation campaign will be carried out bymobilizing the collective efforts of villagers.

The tasks relating to the fourth category willinclude promoting resident participation inSaemaul cleanups, cutting down on food waste,separate collection of recyclable waste, and recy-cling. The philosophy behind these activities is toencourage initiating these practices at home toreduce and prevent the spread of pollutants. Asystem requiring certain regions to take care ofsmall rivers in their jurisdictions will be estab-lished in order to raise the efficiency of the cam-paign to revitalize and regenerate rivers to the

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point that they can support life forms once again.This will be achieved by promoting competitionamong the different regions involved, and byattracting the attention and participation of theresidents. A wide variety of environmentally ori-ented events and activities will be implemented toinduce and expand voluntary participation. Thesecan include summertime infection prevention pro-grams, manufacturing soaps from recycled veg-etable oil, operating environmental informationcenters in summer resorts, collecting recyclableraw materials, and developing parks throughoutthe nation.

Fifth, a campaign to prepare for the nation’sreunification and to bring Saemaul Undong to theglobal level will focus on facilitating the realiza-tion of the importance of common survival and

common prosperity. Specifically, efforts will bemade to help feed those who are less fortunateand unable to afford decent meals. The campaignwill also strive to lay down a foundation for theimplementation of Saemaul Undong following thenation’s reunification. Furthermore, the guidingspirit of Saemaul Undong, which values diligence,self-help, and cooperation, will be promoted incountries which look to our nation as a model.

The tasks to be employed in fulfilling thegoals mentioned in this category include an agri-cultural cooperation project in the MaritimeProvince in Siberia, Russia. If realized, the projectwill be instrumental in promoting SaemaulUndong overseas in cooperation with underdeve-loped countries. Other projects that are beingfinalized range from overseas volunteer services

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by university students, participation in non-gov-ernmental organizations in the United Nations,and establishment of overseas offices for Koreansliving abroad and foreigners who have completedthe Saemaul education program, to expansion ofexchanges with national campaign organizationsof other countries and related non-govermentalorganizations(NGOs). Planned exchanges withJapan, aimed at energizing the northeast Asianregion, are included in these efforts. SaemaulUndong will also lead various civilian projects toassist Koreans in North Korea and cooperate inimproving the North’s agricultural structure byapproaching it from various perspectives. Finally,Saemaul Undong’s efforts toward reunificationwill be aggressively pursued in line with efforts tobring about national reconciliation and therestoration of the Korean society.

3. Strategies to Revitalize theNew Saemaul Undong

A. Re-establishment as anAdvanced Non-GovernmentalOrganization

Toward the end of the 1980s, sweepingchanges were made in Korea, and democracy wasenhanced as a result. This in turn brought aboutan explosive growth of non-governmental, non-political, and non-profit civil movements, thusdictating the need for Saemaul Undong toadvance its mechanism and structures as well .

We have witnessed advanced welfare soci-eties plagued by numerous social problems.Oftentimes, they have failed to act on variousdemands involving women’s rights, environmen-tal protection, and anti-war activism. Social illssuch as massive unemployment and the plight ofthe homeless, among others, have pointed out thelimitations of capitalist welfare states. The newidea has emerged that the private sector must playa part in meeting the needs of these socially disad-vantaged groups. As a consequence, NGOs haverapidly expanded, their work guided by the prin-ciples of participation, autonomy, and volunteeractivities.

The essence of non-governmental organiza-tions in Western civil societies lies in voluntarism.They have developed a time-honored traditioncharacterized by voluntary participation as theymoved beyond the continuous confrontationamong governments, markets, and the citizensduring the Citizens’Revolution. On the otherhand, in the developing countries, nationaleconomies have been weak with little or no capitalto support social welfare policies. Accordingly, theNGOs in these countries went along two differentpaths respectively: either leading anti-governmentmovements, aligning themselves with anti-estab-lishment political movements, or acting to supple-

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ment the functions of weak public welfare sys-tems by developing close relationships with thegovernment based on mutual interests.

Saemaul Undong began as a “Third SectorMovement,”the name indicating another optionin addition to the public and private sectors. Themovement functioned to perform what wouldnormally be governmental tasks but had not beenaccomplished, and tasks in which the governmentcould not directly involve itself. Typical civilmovements in Korea tended to be elite- and city-oriented, indulge in technical or peripheral issues,and focus on criticism, monitoring, and the filingof formal complaints with government authori-ties. Departing from these movements, SaemaulUndong created and accumulated ‘positive

virtues’by mobilizing a large number of citizensnationwide in tackling common social tasksthrough action and concrete practice. However, aswe are approaching a new century, it is criticalthat the nature of Saemaul Undong adapt to thecoming age if it is to survive and flourish in thesetimes of unbridled globalization.

The requirements of globalization are auton-omy, a strong private sector, and a market-orient-ed mentality. Because Saemaul Undong was initi-ated by the government during the era when thenation’s economic growth was led by the govern-ment, some still regard it as a quasi-governmentalorganized movement. Such misunderstandingsmust be clarified through the creation of anautonomous, independent organization.

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B. Securing Autonomy inAdministration

In order for Saemaul Undong to establishitself as a genuine nationwide civil movement inboth name and reality, it should make efforts tosecure autonomy in its management and execu-tion of projects.

First, it should direct all of its energy torestoring the Korean self-confidence echoed inthe motto, “We Can Run Again,”and revivingthe Korean people’s enthusiasm and excitementthrough implementing a campaign to revolution-ize their daily lives. Focus should be on practicalissues, not on any entertainment of abstractideas.

Second, it should contribute to the expansionand strengthening of civil society by constructingsystems to promote cooperation with variousvocational and other civil movement organizations.The goal of these efforts is to transcend egocentrismand egoism and instead, to pool collective wisdomin cooperative efforts to solve social problems.

Third, it should re-establish itself as a trans-parent, 100% autonomous, efficient civil move-ment by maintaining and cultivating a sound,equal partnership with the administration, onwhich the campaign used to depend.

Fourth, it should enhance its autonomy inexecuting the projects for which it has acceptedresponsibility. Specifically, it is of critical impor-tance to enhance financial self-reliance and thepride of Saemaul Leaders in local fields, andestablish exemplary Saemaul workers as rolemodels.

Fifth, it should focus on maximizing the effi-ciency of project implementation. Specifically, itshould put more emphasis on fields of implemen-tation so that the creativity and diversity of differ-ent regions can be revitalized in this age of local-ization. Also new productive tasks should bedeveloped according to rational management-ori-ented strategies.

C. Expanding Its Role as aCommunity-Based SafetyNetwork

Saemaul Undong was created on the basis ofthe traditional Korean philosophy of assistingneighbors according to ture, kye, and hyangyak2)

As an agrarian society, Koreans have cultivat-ed community awareness and community-orient-ed behavior through agricultural cooperation andhave developed the perception that relationshipsbetween neighbors are like those of close relatives.This cherished tradition took deep root in commu-nities that were bound together, not because ofgeographical proximity, but because they actuallyshared their lives: a common desire to share thejoys and sorrows of life with neighbors and towork together to solve the problems of the region.The restrictions caused by inadequate supply oflabor forces were solved through sharing laborsamong farmers. Those in need were helped by theunited efforts of the neighborhood whereas majorvillage events, large or small, were shoulderedcollectively.

Villagers’behavior was bound more by tra-ditional norms than by formal laws. Those whowere disobedient to their parents, cheated orrobbed others, or committed adultery were neverforgiven; violators of such social boundaries wereimmediately ostracized according to the collectivedecision of the villagers. Hyangyak was instru-mental in promoting positive traditions andbehavior through mutual encouragement andguidance among villagers. It emphasized fourprinciples: mutual encouragement of good deeds,mutual correction of misconduct, interrelatingwith others with proper manners and sharinggood customs, and mutual aid to those in need. In

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2) The former two refer to traditional private-sec-tor organizations in Korea for facilitating mutu-al help, whereas the last is a traditional mecha-nism to promote common values.

short, it signified a voluntary agreement amongvillagers, their code of conduct, and a village ethi-cal code. Supported by Hyangyak, villagers devel-oped a unique code by which to live harmonious-ly.

However, rampant materialism in the wakeof drastic urbanization and industrialization hasled to self-centered behavior that has weakenedtraditional village ethics.

Presently, Korean society is witnessing a vari-ety of rampant social problems: the rise of a deca-dent entertainment culture and illegal activities,extremely dichotomous thinking, an irrationalidentity with a particular region or group, inter-

societal group conflicts and mutual distrust, highaccident rates, including traffic fatalities, and pol-lution due to various causes.

As a means to overcome the grim reality andto construct a better civil society, Saemaul Undongwill enhance its ability to assist in the restorationof traditional, genuine community where citizensencourage good deeds, discourage one anotherfrom acting unethically, help their neighbors inneed, and live in harmony with one another.

One buzzword frequently heard since theIMF crisis is Community-Based Safety Network’as a social welfare system for those who have losteconomic viability. The Town Safety Network

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used with relation to Saemaul Undong signifies acollective effort to organize citizens’autonomous,voluntary efforts to solve problems independentlyin their own neighborhoods. The ultimate concernhere is to construct an environmentally safe andsanitary village, one which is accident- and disas-ter-free, where no one is isolated and left lonely. Itwill be a village full of humanity, one that guaran-tees physical and psychological well-being.

Various activities will be carried out in this regard:helping those heads-of-household who have losttheir jobs in the wake of massive economicrestructuring, putting the maxim of “love thyneighbor”into practice through helping the disad-vantaged, including senior citizens living alone,and parentless youths who must take care of theirfamilies themselves, preserving nature with aview to constructing a pleasanter environment,

establishing order with a view topreventing disasters such astraffic accidents, and practicingkindness in our daily lives.Citizens’participation is criticalto the success of the process. Aneighborhood becomes morebeautiful and safer when all resi-dents loves their village and dotheir best to develop it into aplace they feel proud of. To thisend, Saemaul Undong will gal-vanize the activities of its vari-ous service organizations, byregional unit, while maximizingthe efficiency of its campaignthrough close cooperation withvarious social, civil, and voca-tional organizations. At thesame time, it will aggressivelyimplement a campaign to recon-struct regional community.Specifically, it will constructneighborhood full of humanityand warmth, villages wheremany will want to live. This willbe achieved by encouragingmore active participation andsociability on the part of the resi-dents. Regular resident councilmeetings, and development of avariety of educational programsfor democratic citizens are justsome of the planned efforts.

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History of Saemaul Undong

April 22, 1970 Saemaul Kaggugi Undong, or Improve Our Village Campaign, was pro-claimed.

January 14, 1972 The Training Institute for Productive Farmers was opened. July 2, 1972 Education for Saemaul Leaders began.January 25, 1973 The Saemaul Medal was added to the government award system.December 1, 1980 Saemaul Undong Headquarters was legally established as a corporation.

(It changed its name to the National Council of Saemaul Undong Movementin Korea in April, 1989)

October 1, 1980 Regional offices were opened in large cities and provinces.December 13, 1980 Saemaul Undong Organization Fostering Act was enacted.October 20, 1983 Branch offices were opened in smaller cities, rural counties, and urban

districts.December 31, 1983 Saemaul Leaders Training Institute Headquarters was incorporated.

It renamed itself as Central Saemaul Undong Training Institute inJanuary, 1990.

Septermber 24, 1984 Saemaul education for foreigners began.April 15, 1985 Saemaul Undong Headquarters Training Institute was opened in

ChangSong, Chollanam-do. (It changed its name to Southern SaemaulUndong Training Institute in January, 1990.)

November 23, 1991 The Fruitful Work Awards were first presented.March 28, 1997 Protocol for Saemaul Cooperation Project in Maritime Province in Siberia,

Russia was signed.April 21, 1998 The Association of Those Who Love Saemaul Undong was launched.December 8, 1998 The second phase of Saemaul Undong was proclaimed.

The National Council of Saemaul Undong Movement

1008-4 Daechi-3dong Gangnam-gu, Seoul, Korea TEL : 82-2-2600-3671 FAX : 82-2-2600-3673