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Fighting Price Discrimination and the Beer Monopoly: The Fight for Small Business Survival in an Age of Box Stores and Wholesaler Consolidation Executive Summary This report, done on behalf of the Empire State Beer Association and the Bodega Association of the United States, examines how beer distribution and retailing has been consolidated over the past thirty years with the result that competition has been restrained and independent beer distributors, once the most vibrant and pro-competitive force in distribution, decimated by a growing beer monopoly. In addition, the report examines the extent to which the growing beer monopoly threatens small retailers and the beer drinking public-with discriminatory pricing and higher costs of a six pack of beer seen as a consequence of the elimination of real competition in the sale of beer in NY State. As the market has been consolidated, scores of independent beer distributors have been forced out of business. This niche, once a diverse set of mom and pop wholesalers and minority entrepreneurs, has been replaced by a racially monolithic handful of players whose profits have soared as prices have risen while competitors have been eliminated. The consolidation of the industry resulted from the efforts of the large brewers and their franchise wholesaler handmaidens to gain market share, and they used their economic muscle to garner political protection in the form of 55-C, an amendment to the NYS Alcohol and Tobacco statute, that gives the territorial monopoly contracts of the brewer appointed wholesalers political insulation. This insulation has allowed further consolidation, with the state now having less than 30 franchise wholesalers where once over 140 such entities actively competed for retailers’ business. As the report points out, this consolidation process continues unabated with Corona/Coors distributor Manhattan Beer now looking to purchase Beehive Distributors, the Miller and Heineken wholesaler in Brooklyn, New York. This merger will exacerbate that anti- competitive trends that hurt the smaller players and NYC’s beer drinkers.
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REPORT - Fighting Price Discrimination and the Beer Monopoly

Nov 20, 2015

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  • Fighting Price Discrimination and the Beer Monopoly:

    The Fight for Small Business Survival in an Age of Box Stores and Wholesaler Consolidation

    Executive Summary

    This report, done on behalf of the Empire State Beer Association and the Bodega

    Association of the United States, examines how beer distribution and retailing has been

    consolidated over the past thirty years with the result that competition has been restrained and

    independent beer distributors, once the most vibrant and pro-competitive force in distribution,

    decimated by a growing beer monopoly.

    In addition, the report examines the extent to which the growing beer monopoly

    threatens small retailers and the beer drinking public-with discriminatory pricing and higher

    costs of a six pack of beer seen as a consequence of the elimination of real competition in the

    sale of beer in NY State.

    As the market has been consolidated, scores of independent beer distributors have been

    forced out of business. This niche, once a diverse set of mom and pop wholesalers and minority

    entrepreneurs, has been replaced by a racially monolithic handful of players whose profits have

    soared as prices have risen while competitors have been eliminated.

    The consolidation of the industry resulted from the efforts of the large brewers and their

    franchise wholesaler handmaidens to gain market share, and they used their economic muscle

    to garner political protection in the form of 55-C, an amendment to the NYS Alcohol and

    Tobacco statute, that gives the territorial monopoly contracts of the brewer appointed

    wholesalers political insulation.

    This insulation has allowed further consolidation, with the state now having less than 30

    franchise wholesalers where once over 140 such entities actively competed for retailers

    business. As the report points out, this consolidation process continues unabated with

    Corona/Coors distributor Manhattan Beer now looking to purchase Beehive Distributors, the

    Miller and Heineken wholesaler in Brooklyn, New York. This merger will exacerbate that anti-

    competitive trends that hurt the smaller players and NYCs beer drinkers.

  • Finally, the report details how the proposed Beer Price Posting and Sales Tax Reform Act

    would level the playing field while at the same time give the state and NYC a better

    methodology to collect beer sales tax from thousands of retail outlets. The legislation is an

    attempt to introduce fairness and economic and racial justice into the beer distribution system

    of New York. If adopted, the Act would promote competition and prevent the beer monopolists

    from discriminating against the independent distributors.

    Historical Background

    The history of beer in New York is a long and colorful one-from the German migration in

    the 1840s and the success of Jacob Ruppert and the NY Yankees at the turn of the last century,

    to the rise of local beers like Schaefer and Rheingold in the post-Prohibition period. For many

    years there were scores of local breweries and as consumption became more popular-

    particularly in the home-methods of delivery were devised to meet the new needs.

    (http://beernexus.com/beerinNYhistory.html) (http://tenement-

    museum.blogspot.com/2009/10/awash-in-beer-history-tapping-into.html)

    (http://www.beerhistory.com/library/holdings/schaefer_anderson.shtml)

    (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rheingold_Beer)

    The delivery system that was finally established was comprised of a colorful lot of home

    deliverers whose families had started in the ice (Italian) and seltzer (Jewish) businesses-

    delivering to the homes of their mostly immigrant customers. After Prohibition was ended it

    was a natural spin off to get into the beer business-the same set of customers thirstily awaited

    the formerly banned product. The distributors were appropriately called home distributors, and

    for the next five decades were popularly known as Home Ds.

    The Home Ds dominated the business picking up at the scores of local breweries and

    delivering beer to homes and taverns across the city. It was an egalitarian business and no one

    had an edge aside from ingenuity, intelligence and drive. The distribution system was extremely

    competitive and this made for a pro-consumer environment.

    This began to change in the 1970s as the national brewers like Miller and Anheuser-Busch

    began to emerge and the role of the local breweries waned. At first, the out of town brewers

    utilized the local distribution network and were happy to see their beer flying all over the map

    in what was later pejoratively called transshipping.

    As their market share increased however the nationals began to devise a territorial

    franchise system in an effort to better control the distribution of their product. What this

    meant was that each brewer anointed a local wholesaler who had the exclusive rights to

    distribute its beer in a designated geographic area. This created a huge problem in New York.

    http://beernexus.com/beerinNYhistory.htmlhttp://tenement-museum.blogspot.com/2009/10/awash-in-beer-history-tapping-into.htmlhttp://tenement-museum.blogspot.com/2009/10/awash-in-beer-history-tapping-into.htmlhttp://www.beerhistory.com/library/holdings/schaefer_anderson.shtmlhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rheingold_Beer

  • Put simply, in the seventies and early eighties the beer market in the state was open and

    truly competitive; with many brewers competing to sell their products, and using the

    independent tier of distributors to get it out most efficiently to the public. During this period,

    the independents (called C Licenses) sold between 85 and 90 percent of all the beer. These

    independents, operating with a wholesale license and a retail privilege, would buy beer from

    brewers and distributors; not only all over the state, but from all over the country as well. It

    was precisely this ability to purchase the beer from all over (to transship) that redounded to the

    benefit of New Yorks consumers.

    A number of factors intervened to alter this environment, and to narrow the range of

    competition. In the early eighties New York passed the bottle bill. Whatever the environmental

    rationale for the bills passage, the economic impact was anti-competitive on a number of

    levels.

    In the first place, independent distributors could no longer purchase beer from out-of-

    state because the bottles and cans lacked the NYS 5 Cents indicia. A huge marketplace for lower

    priced beer was foreclosed. Secondly, the regulations promulgated pursuant to the bottle laws

    passage had an additional anti-competitive impact. Under these regulations, the franchise

    wholesaler was given the right to initiate the deposit. What this meant was that the franchise

    distributor became a control point for the redemption of empty containers.

    Practically this meant that, because of the brewery information on a bottle or can, the

    franchisee could determine just where the beer in his territory was coming from. It also meant

    that if the situation wasnt controlled the franchise wholesaler would be losing a lot of nickels

    that werent originated in his market area. Loud wailing commenced, and these distributors

    began to pressure their brewery suppliers to protect the territorial integrity of their market

    area.

    The situation was exacerbated by the fact that the extra nickel per bottle and can actually

    precipitated an even greater incentive to transship the beer within New York State. If a

    franchise could sell beer outside of his territory it would mean extra revenue from non-

    redeemed containers. The chaos that ensued in the decade of the eighties for franchised

    wholesalers was in reality a boon for consumers; as discounting dominated and consumer

    prices dropped in a transshipping environment.

    The chaos, however, couldnt last. In an effort to regain control over the market, brewers

    and their franchised wholesalers promulgated what are known as equity agreements. These

    agreements are contracts that protect the franchise wholesalers territory by contractually

    prohibiting the sale of the brewers beer outside of the franchise area. The penalty for violating

    the agreement is termination. The era of price competition was about to come to an end.

  • Of all the national brewers it was Anheuser-Busch, the largest of the bunch, which took

    the lead in the development of the territorial franchise system-its new marketing plan set it on

    a collision course with the spirited independent class of distributors. Anheuser, with Budweiser

    as its flagship brand, had been happy to allow the Home Ds to transship the heck out of its

    product all through the 70s-and in the process establish its predominance over the New York

    market.

    Once that predominance was firmly in place it was time to change course and end what

    was now being characterized as chaos-and the Home Ds were seen as an anachronistic

    chaotic element; an obvious impediment to the new system.

    In order to gain control over all the chaos Anheuser promulgated what were known as

    Equity Contracts. These agreements between the brewer and its anointed distributor created

    an exclusive territorial marketing area and could be terminated by the brewer if its designee

    sold beer outside of the territory-the end of the era of pro-competitive transshipping seemed at

    hand.

    There are approximately 300 independent beer distributors and beverage centers, known

    as C Licenses, all over New York State. These outlets, employing over 20,000 New Yorkers, have

    been in existence for over 70 years and historically have played an important role in the states

    unique four tier distribution system. In NYC, close to 100 independents remain, as the

    competitive nature of beer distribution has eroded through legal constraints and consolidation

    at both the brewery as well as the franchise wholesalers levels.

    This crucial role is now being threatened because of discriminatory market behavior by

    some New York States franchised wholesalers.

    In the past thirty years the beer distribution system in New York has become more

    consolidated and, as a result, less competitive. The impact of this trend has meant higher beer

    prices for the states consumers, and more pressure on independent beer distributors

    struggling to survive in a controlled market where predatory pricing is common.

    New York State has a unique four tier beer distribution system. With brewers, dwindling

    in numbers through consolidation, on the top, franchised wholesalers who have been awarded

    contracts from the brewers on the next tier, independent distributors below them, and finally

    retailers who sell the beer directly to New Yorks consumers.

    Discriminatory Impact of Equity Agreements

    Once these equity agreements were put into place, brewers and their handpicked

    franchise wholesalers began to move to restrict competition. Franchisees in less populated

  • areas that were transshipping beer through C license conduits were terminated. The result was

    a drastic diminution of intrabrand competition and a gradual but inexorable rise in beer prices

    for New Yorks consumers.

    The closing off of competition also had a discriminatory impact on the states minority

    independent wholesalers. Traditionally, predominately Hispanic distributors had gravitated to

    the inner city neighborhoods; and by the late 1980s beer consumption in the state as a whole

    became dominated by Black and Latino beer drinkers.

    During this period, as much as 60% of all the beer consumed statewide was being

    consumed in Black and Latino neighborhoods; and much of the distribution was being done by

    independent Hispanic and other minority-owned distributors. Gradually, however, these

    distributors were squeezed out, along with all the other independents, as the ability to freely

    purchase beer in a truly open market was foreclosed by brewery/franchise wholesaler

    collusion.

    As the reality of the collusion began to sink in, the Hispanic distributors, and their small

    business allies, launched a campaign against Anheuser Busch, the brewer with the largest

    market share in the inner city. The slogan adopted was: If we cant sell it, dont drink it. It was

    pointed out that, in spite of the fact that the great majority of New York beer drinkers were

    Black and Latino, not a single franchise wholesaler in New York was from either group-a

    regrettable situation that continues to this day for every single major brand sold in the state.

    The legal and political clout of this beer cartel was simply too great to be successfully

    challenged.

    So protected by contract, and insulated from political accountability, franchise

    wholesalers aggressively moved to regain control of their markets by devising discriminatory

    pricing policies that made it increasing difficult for independents to purchase beer at legitimate

    wholesale prices. Brewers and franchise wholesalers openly spoke about their desire to

    transform the C licensee class: from New York State licensed wholesalers, into strictly retailers;

    effectively dismantling the 4-tier system that New York State had established after the repeal of

    prohibition.

    Discriminatory Impact of Equity Agreements

    Once these equity agreements were put into place, brewers and their handpicked

    franchise wholesalers began to move to restrict competition. Franchisees in less populated

    areas that were transshipping beer through C license conduits were terminated. The result was

    a drastic diminution of intrabrand competition and a gradual but inexorable rise in beer prices

    for New Yorks consumers.

  • The closing off of competition also had a discriminatory impact on the states minority

    independent wholesalers. Traditionally, predominately Hispanic distributors had gravitated to

    the inner city neighborhoods; and by the late 1980s beer consumption in the state as a whole

    became dominated by Black and Latino beer drinkers.

    During this period, as much as 60% of all the beer consumed statewide was being

    consumed in Black and Latino neighborhoods; and much of the distribution was being done by

    independent Hispanic distributors. Gradually, however, these distributors were squeezed out,

    along with all the other independents, as the ability to freely purchase beer in a truly open

    market was foreclosed by brewery/franchise wholesaler collusion.

    Independents Fight Back: Anti-trust Action Filed

    The threatened independents began to have discussions with NY State Attorney General

    Robert Abrams about filing an anti-trust action against Anheuser Busch and their dreaded

    equity contracts. In 1988 Abrams filed the suit naming the four major brewers as defendants;

    Anheuser-Busch, Miller Brewing, G. Heileman Brewing and Stroh Brewery, along with

    New York beer distributors, were accused of violating New York state and federal antitrust laws

    by illegally dividing up exclusive territories for beer distributors. In a lawsuit filed in Brooklyn

    federal court, New York Atty. Gen. Robert Abrams said the defendants began setting up

    exclusive distribution systems in 1983, following a pattern allegedly already established by the

    soft-drink industry. Abrams said that beer prices "have skyrocketed since this system was

    instituted." (http://articles.latimes.com/1986-07-16/business/fi-19602_1_beer-prices)

    (http://www.nytimes.com/1989/11/02/business/more-antitrust-challenges-are-expected-under-

    bush.html?pagewanted=3&src=pm)

    The filing of the lawsuit was a result of a five year campaign-and aside from looking to

    protect endangered indigenous small businesses, the AG was concerned about the impact that

    the growing territorial system would have on the consumer;

    Beer prices have skyrocketed since this system was instituted in 1983," Abrams said. He

    said the cost of a six-pack of beer has jumped 36.8 percent, from $2.82 to $3.79, while the cost

    of six cans of soda has risen only 8.9 percent, from $2.10 to $2.32. "Brewers and distributors

    frequently use as a claim or smokescreen that the escalating prices result from the New York's

    bottle bill," Abrams said. "A simple comparison with soft-drink prices, affected equally by the

    bill, show that the claim is absurd.http://articles.mcall.com/1986-07-16/business/2542520_1_beer-

    prices-wholesale-empire-state-distributors-association

    http://articles.latimes.com/1986-07-16/business/fi-19602_1_beer-priceshttp://www.nytimes.com/1989/11/02/business/more-antitrust-challenges-are-expected-under-bush.html?pagewanted=3&src=pmhttp://www.nytimes.com/1989/11/02/business/more-antitrust-challenges-are-expected-under-bush.html?pagewanted=3&src=pmhttp://articles.mcall.com/1986-07-16/business/2542520_1_beer-prices-wholesale-empire-state-distributors-associationhttp://articles.mcall.com/1986-07-16/business/2542520_1_beer-prices-wholesale-empire-state-distributors-association

  • The turmoil surrounding the monopolistic practices of the big brewers attracted the

    attention of Mark Green, the NYC Commissioner of Consumer Affairs and public attention to

    the anti-consumer aspects of the Budweiser marketing practices gained traction;

    The independent distributors do what anyone trying to keep down the costs of a beer blast would

    do: they comparison shop. Often, they buy beer from upstate wholesalers willing to undercut the

    wholesalers closer to the city. Leslie Gersing, a spokeswoman for Robert Abrams, the state

    Attorney General, said Mr. Abrams has long fought Anheuser-Busch's practices in court. "It's just

    another example of their anti-competitive behavior," she said.

    Mark Green, the city's Consumer Affairs Commissioner, said he would urge the Justice

    Department to start an antitrust investigation of Anheuser-Busch. "It's a case of monopoly

    muscle," he said.

    Once the company drives independent distributors out of business, he said, it will gradually

    raise prices $1 to $2 a case, with other brewers most likely to follow. Retail prices in the city,

    ranging from about $11 to $16 a case, now tend to be 10 to 20 percent less than the national

    average, he said. On sales of 100 million cases of beer a year, Mr. Green said, the added cost to

    New Yorkers would be at least $100 million.

    (http://www.nytimes.com/1992/01/31/nyregion/are-champagne-prices-in-store-for-

    beer.html?src=pm)

    In the end, the resources of Anheuser overwhelmed those of the NYS Attorney General,

    and the brewers and wholesalers were able to successfully argue that there was enough inter-

    brand competition to overcome concerns about price fixing and monopolies. In fact, however,

    Mark Green was right and, having dodged the anti-trust bullet, the beer monopolists were just

    getting started on the path of predatory pricing and higher prices for NYCs beer consumers.

    With no effective counterweight the brewers and their franchise allies passed legislation

    that effectively grants legal status to the franchised monopolies (Section 55-C of the Alcoholic

    Beverage Control Law protects local franchised wholesalers against brewers from termination

    against cause and legalizes their territorial rights).

    The Passage of 55-C

    Over ten years ago, the NY State legislature passed Section 55-C, an amendment to the

    alcoholic beverage laws of the state that protects franchise beer wholesalers by giving their

    equity contracts with brewers all of the authority of state law. In the words of the statute:

    It is hereby declared to be the policy of this state, that the sale and delivery of beer by brewers

    to beer wholesalers shall be pursuant to written agreement. That further, the regulation of

    http://www.nytimes.com/1992/01/31/nyregion/are-champagne-prices-in-store-for-beer.html?src=pmhttp://www.nytimes.com/1992/01/31/nyregion/are-champagne-prices-in-store-for-beer.html?src=pm

  • business relations between brewers and beer wholesalers is necessary and appropriate to the

    general economy and tax base of this state and in the public interest.

    What 55-C does is to protect the local franchise beer wholesalers from unjust termination

    due to consolidation or other factors. It also mandates a level of compensation for any such

    wholesaler that the brewer wants to terminate because of a any company policy of

    consolidation.

    55-C goes into great detail on the level of protection afforded to these wholesalers-even

    providing them with a civil right of action:

    If a brewer fails to comply with the provisions of this section, a beer wholesaler may maintain

    a civil action in a court of competent jurisdiction within this state for damages sustained in

    accordance with the laws of this state which shall govern all disputes arising under an

    agreement or by reason of its making and performance.

    In essence, territorial monopolies were given legal status by the state-protecting the

    monopolistic rights of beer wholesalers while damaging competitive opportunities for retailers

    and independent distributors. Ultimately, however, it is the beer consumer who pays the

    freight for this anti-competitive statute.

    The contracts in question had been a bone of contention for years because they created

    territorial monopolies that prevented retailers and independent beer distributors from

    shopping around for the best price. In essence, the equity agreements forced these businesses

    to buy exclusively from their designated local wholesaler.

    The Unique Role of the Independent Distributors-Even Today

    In spite of all of the economic and political muscle aimed at eliminating the

    independents, they still remain-against all odds-a vibrant pro-competitive force in NYC today.

    As we have pointed out, C Licenses have been around for over 70 years, and in that time have

    performed a crucial role in New York State beer distribution. These also provide vital services to

    smaller, often minority, retailers, and have acted to insure price fairness for the states

    consumers.

    Service is quite often the first casualty of monopolistic conditions and beer distribution in

    New York underscores this tendency. The independent distributor affords retailers, particularly

    the smaller ethnic inner city bodegas, important service options. These outlets, often cash poor,

    use the independent distributors, at their convenience, to replenish inventories at those times

    when the franchise wholesaler maybe unavailable.

  • As small businesses themselves, independents tend to be more sympathetic and attuned

    to the needs of this retail sector, it is a productive symbiosis. In addition, because many of

    these independents operate on a cash-and-carry basis, they are able to offer retailers price as

    well as service advantages. The more price discrimination is tolerated, however, the less this

    kind of mutually beneficial business practice can remain viable.

    It is also in the economic interest of New York State to preserve the independent niche

    because these distributors employ tens of thousands of New Yorkers in the local economies all

    over the state. They also do so in some of the states most economically distressed inner city

    localities, areas where unemployment is often twice or three times the state average. This job-

    generating function will be lost if price discrimination is allowed to continue unabated.

    In addition, many of the independent outlets, mirroring the retailers they serve, are

    minority owned-of the 100 independents left in the city over 1/3 are minority or woman-

    owned. In spite of much public outcry over the years, there is still not a single minority owned

    franchise wholesaler.

    This is in spite of the fact that a high percentage of the states beer drinkers come from

    communities of color. Given this disparity, it is in the interest of equity and fairness for state

    law to be enacted to prevent the kind of price discrimination we are witnessing today, from

    putting minority businesses at serious risk of extinction.

    The independent beer distributors have another important public function. This one

    pertains to the environment and involves the key role that this niche plays in the redemption of

    containers under the states deposit law. The independent C Licenses, even more so than many

    of the large supermarkets, have become container sheds that redeem bottles and cans in

    percentages that far exceed the beer and soda that is sold at these outlets.

    This redemption function often places the independents in an adversarial position with

    franchise wholesalers that are maximizing deposit retention by limiting redemption. The

    disproportionately high redemption rates of C Licenses is an incentive to price discriminate, and

    if the policy is allowed to continue and the independent niche is destroyed, huge volumes of

    empty beverage containers will be unfairly forced through other already stressed redemption

    points.

    Consolidation and Monopoly Grows (In NY and around the world)

    When the independent beer distributors, using the good offices of NYSAG Robert Abrams,

    first challenged the brewer equity agreements in the late 80s-and were defeated in court-the

    state of the beer industry in the state and the country was a lot different than it is today. Since

    the settlement of the lawsuit in 1992, the industry has undergone further consolidation, with

  • Anheuser Busch being gobbled up by InBev and Miller being purchased by South African

    Brewing before merging with Coors.

    One of the successful arguments proffered by the brewer/franchise wholesaler

    defendants in the Abrams antitrust lawsuit was the assertion that the equity agreements that

    gave each franchise wholesaler a defined geographic territory were not anticompetitive

    because there was sufficient inter-brand competition. Therefore, the fact that these

    agreements forced retailers and independent distributors to buy from a single supplier did not

    run afoul of the antitrust laws.

    Attorney General Abrams debunked that assertion through his analysis of beer and soda

    prices after the passage of the NYS bottle deposit law. The NY Times highlighted the price

    implications of the budding Anhueser Busch monopoly over two decades ago:

    "The local economy may be a mess, crime a constant threat and living costs still ruinous,

    but one of New York City's consolations has been some of the nation's kinder prices for beer.

    Now, the nation's largest beer producer is pitted against the city's independent beer distributors

    in a battle whose outcome, the distributors and city officials say, could create a wholesaling

    monopoly and raise prices by a dollar or more a case."

    (http://www.nytimes.com/1992/01/31/nyregion/are-champagne-prices-in-store-for-beer.html)

    What was understood by the opponents of the territorial monopolies back then was that

    this was an ongoing process that would lead to further consolidation and anti-competitive

    behavior. Events since have proved us prescient-as one shrewd observer has pointed out:

    intense consolidation deforms the entrepreneurial landscape. Innovative newcomers

    can find it hard to enter any market dominated by a few major playersextreme consolidation

    among brewers tends to result in the classic problem of higher process and less real choice. This

    is not just theory. Immediately after the Brazilian-Belgian company purchased Anhueser-Busch

    in 2008, a years-long price war between A-B and Miller Coors came to a sudden end, and the

    two giants began to raise their prices in concert.

    (http://markets.newamerica.net/sites/newamerica.net/files/policydocs/A_King_of_Beers.pdf)

    Given the world-wide consolidation at the brewery level, it is now widely recognized that

    inter-brand competition if it was a reality 25 years ago, is now a mirage since a duopoly exists

    with the two multi-national beer giants controlling over 80% of beer distribution in the United

    States-and over 90% of all beer production, since the two majors also contract brew for

    independent brands of beer.

    At the time of the Abrams lawsuit against the equity agreements, Anheuser represented

    slightly more than 50% of all the beer sold in this country-ranging slightly higher in some of the

    http://www.nytimes.com/1992/01/31/nyregion/are-champagne-prices-in-store-for-beer.htmlhttp://markets.newamerica.net/sites/newamerica.net/files/policydocs/A_King_of_Beers.pdf

  • urban areas of the United States. The current beer market is significantly more consolidated

    and anti-competitive-hurting consumers as well as smaller retailers and independent beer

    distributors.

    (http://www.antitrustinstitute.org/sites/default/files/Global%20Beer%20Road%20to%20Mono

    poly_0.pdf)

    In addition, at the time of the Abrams suit, there were over 140 franchised wholesalers in

    New York State. With little legal safeguards in place the franchise niche is also consolidating-

    with only about thirty or so franchises left from the heyday in the 1980s. With consolidation

    and market power goes decreased competition-and one wholesaler in particular, Simon

    Bergson of Manhattan Beer now controls a territory for Coors and Corona that stretches from

    Montauk on Long Island to somewhere passed Saratoga in upstate New York.

    Manhattan Beer is a thirty million case business that nets around seven or eight dollars a

    case, and without competition it is the consumer that pays for the continuing consolidation.

    This one company is symbolic of what has happened to beer distribution in New York-an

    outsized example of the unfettered trend towards a market with little or no competition.

    Therefore whatever beer competition that existed in the 1980s and 1990s no longer

    exists-and this has tremendous repercussions for both consumers and small businesses. When

    competition doesnt exist, prices tend to rise even when demand is flat. For example, in the

    middle of the Great Recession that began in 2008, beer prices actually rose while other

    alcoholic beverages were cutting their prices in the face of the economic downturn.

    While the beer consumer is paying the wages of monopoly, the independent beer

    distributors are being hammered out of existence. With the onset of equity agreements, and

    the defeat of the Abrams lawsuit, franchise wholesalers and their brewery partners were given

    the weapons to force out these entrepreneurs. These weapons were given added power when,

    in the late 1990s, NY State passed ABC. LAW 55-c, a law that gave state sanction to the

    territorial monopolies embedded in the brewer equity agreements.

    (http://codes.lp.findlaw.com/nycode/ABC/4/55-c)

    ABC LAW 55-c protected the franchisees against the arbitrary actions of their brewer

    suppliers, but even more, gave official sanction to their business practices. Unrestrained by

    state law prohibiting price discrimination, franchise wholesalers began a process of predatory

    pricing that slowly forced the independent distributors out of business. In NYC over the past 20

    years, 143 independents have been priced out of business because they have been unfairly

    targeted by franchises that dont want them competing in the market place for the citys

    considerable retail business.

    http://www.antitrustinstitute.org/sites/default/files/Global%20Beer%20Road%20to%20Monopoly_0.pdfhttp://www.antitrustinstitute.org/sites/default/files/Global%20Beer%20Road%20to%20Monopoly_0.pdfhttp://codes.lp.findlaw.com/nycode/ABC/4/55-c

  • Anti-Competitive Trigger Pricing

    As the NY Times reported just last year, the growing beer monopoly, protected by

    contract and law, has almost eliminated any price competition in any and all US beer markets.

    The Abrams effort to restore competition to New York State was the last opportunity to protect

    consumers against monopolistic practices:

    Anheuser-Busch has been employing what game theorists call a trigger strategy,

    something like the beer equivalent of the Mutually Assured Destruction Doctrine. Anheuser-

    Busch signals to its competitors that if they lower their prices, it will start a vicious retail war. In

    1988, Miller and Coors lowered prices on their flagship beers, which led Anheuser-Busch to slash

    the price of Bud and its other brands in key markets. At the time, August Busch III told Fortune,

    We dont want to start a blood bath, but whatever the competition wants to do, well do.

    Miller and Coors promptly abandoned their price cutting.

    (http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/03/magazine/beer-mergers.html?pagewanted=all&_r=1&)

    All of this anti-competitive behavior grew as a consequence of the defeat of the Abrams

    lawsuit and, in New York, as a result of the enshrinement of the equity agreements in state law.

    The Times highlights these consequences for the consumer:

    Since that dust-up in the late 80s, the huge American beer makers have moved in

    tandem to keep prices well above what classical economics would predict. (According to the

    logic of supply and demand, competing beer makers should pursue market share by lowering

    prices to just above the cost of production, or a few cents per bottle.)

    Beer Prices and Monopoly: Report from the American Anti-Trust Institute

    Beer pricing has been extensively studied by the American Anti-Trust Institute. Whhat

    their 136 page report has found is that continued consolidation of the beer in dustry-at both

    the manufacturing as well as the wholesaling levels, leads to higher prices for the beer

    consumer;

    A high level of industry concentration arouses concerns about market power of giant

    companies and their potential for reducing competition and raising prices. Indeed, the prospects

    for monopolistic or anticompetitive behavior are magnified by consolidation of the industry into

    a smaller number of large manufacturers. Beer prices, therefore, need to be regularly

    monitored.

    As measured by the Consumer Price Index (CPI), beer prices have risen steadily since 1980,

    but generally not more than about 3 percent per year. A big exception was 1991 when the

    http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/03/magazine/beer-mergers.html?pagewanted=all&_r=1&

  • federal excise tax was increased by 100 percent to $18 per barrel and the CPI for beer jumped

    nearly five points.

    More recently, however, beer prices show signs of rising faster than the CPI and higher

    than prices for wine and other alcoholic beverages (see table). In three of the last four years for

    which data are available (2007, 2009, and 2010), price increases for beer at home and away

    exceeded increases of the CPI. CPI actually fell in 2009, while beer prices increased. Beer price

    increases in 2007-8-9 exceeded 3 percent, but remained below 4 percent. In 2010, the increase

    for beer at home was only 1.8 percent, but it exceeded the increases for the total CPI, for

    alcoholic beverages as a whole, and for wine.

    The period 2007-2010 is particularly interesting in two respects. First, it was a period of

    economic decline in the United States with relatively high unemployment. Second, the purchase

    of the leading supplier, Anheuser-Busch, by InBev occurred in 2008. Stories appeared in the

    media around this time, reporting that Anheuser-Busch was raising prices in the face of a

    recession and relating it to the high level of concentration in the industry.63 It is difficult to draw

    hard and fast conclusions at this point, however, because costs of ingredients (barley and malt

    in particular) and transportation increased for beer manufacturers and distributors during this

    period. Also, the rate of price increase in 2010 for beer at home was less than 2 percent,

    although it still was greater than the increase for the CPI and for alcoholic beverages and for

    wine in general.

    (http://www.antitrustinstitute.org/sites/default/files/Global%20Beer%20Road%20to%20Mono

    poly_0.pdf )

    What has also been pointed out by industry observers is something we have seen steadily

    occurring in NY State: is the concomitant consolidation of beer wholesalers:

    "Over the past decade, there had already been significant consolidation among beer distributors. While this reflects the competitive push to achieve economies of scale, it has also been driven by the major brewers for more alignment in their distribution networks having one distributor in each territory for all of their brands. As a result, the distribution market has also become an effective duopoly, with one ABI and one Miller distributor in each territory, together accounting for well over 90 percent of sales in many markets." (http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/beer-merger-would-worsen-existing-duopoly-by-ab-inbev-sabmiller/2013/02/01/efa78ce8-6b1c-11e2-af53-7b2b2a7510a8_story.html

    This means that retailers and consumers-and of course New Yorks independent beer distributors, are having their choices and purchasing options further restricted. The tightening of the market is good for the monopolists but not so good for those who are at the mercy of a less competitive market.

    http://www.antitrustinstitute.org/sites/default/files/Global%20Beer%20Road%20to%20Monopoly_0.pdfhttp://www.antitrustinstitute.org/sites/default/files/Global%20Beer%20Road%20to%20Monopoly_0.pdfhttp://www.washingtonpost.com/business/beer-merger-would-worsen-existing-duopoly-by-ab-inbev-sabmiller/2013/02/01/efa78ce8-6b1c-11e2-af53-7b2b2a7510a8_story.htmlhttp://www.washingtonpost.com/business/beer-merger-would-worsen-existing-duopoly-by-ab-inbev-sabmiller/2013/02/01/efa78ce8-6b1c-11e2-af53-7b2b2a7510a8_story.html

  • The Price of Consolidation on the Local NYC Economy

    As we have pointed out, one of the most significant results of consolidation in the beer

    industry has been the gradual elimination of independent beer distributors. The independent

    niche is threatened by the activities and unregulated practices of New Yorks franchised

    wholesalers-a dwindling number of firms as more and more of these businesses are

    consolidated and/or are bought outright by international brewers.

    Increasingly, unencumbered by any state law, these franchises are purposefully pricing

    their products in such a way that it is becoming impossible for the independents to exist. In NYC

    there are really only four major franchise beer wholesalers for over 8 million people. These

    four dictate to the entire class of independents and monopolize the distribution system.

    Under state law there are no restrictions on the pricing practices of the new

    monopolists. In order to reduce and/or eliminate any role for the independents they have

    instituted a predatory pricing discrimination campaign. If these independent distributors are

    offered prices at rates comparable to most retailers they cant possible maintain their

    wholesale business. And they havent which is why so many have gone by the wayside in the

    past two decades.

    Racial Justice, Price Discrimination, and the Assault on Small Business

    Even though Blacks and Latinos account for the largest percentage of beer drinkers in

    New York City, there is not a single beer franchised wholesaler that is owned by an African-

    American or Hispanic business person. In contrast, as we have pointed out, over 30% of the

    over 100 independent distributors in NYC are owned by Blacks, Hispanics, Asians and women-a

    remarkable example of diversity and economic empowerment. These independents employ

    close to 10,000 minority workers and are located mostly in the low income neighborhoods of

    the city where unemployment is at a record high level.

    In addition, because of the power of the growing beer monopoly, there are no legal or

    economic constraints on the behavior of brewers and their handpicked wholesalers. As a result,

    they are free to price discriminate against the independents as well as the small grocery stores.

    In regards to the independents, their demise over the past two edcades is directly the result of

    blatant price discrimination.

    In spite of the fact that the independent distributors, unlike any other customers, buy in

    trailer load quantities and pay COD, they are not afforded a discount price commensurate with

    their wholesale functions. Deprived of any functional discounts, they struggle to remain

    competitive, or simply to survive

  • There are approximately 120 million cases of beer sold in New York State and around 65%

    of this beer is sold in NYC. In NYC, unlike in most of the rest of the state or the entire country

    for that matter, the largest percentage of these sales is made in small neighborhood grocery

    stores. In spite of this fact, the wholesale price of beer sold to the mom and pop food retailers

    is actually higher than the price that is offered to chain supermarkets, drug stores and retail gas

    station outlets.

    The reason for this unfairness can be attributed to the practice known as channel pricing.

    As one expert describes the practice; Distribution channels are consolidating to take

    advantage of economies of scale and to leverage volume purchasing power. This consolidation

    enables them to extract ever-increasing concessions from their suppliers.

    (http://channelpricing.com/lead-or-follow-channel-pricing-strategies-for-todays-economy/)

    So, under normal conditions, the consolidating power of a large chain store is used to

    pressure a supplier to offer a volume discount. But in New York as we have pointed out, it is the

    mom and pop store that is selling a greater volume of the beer to consumers. As a result, this

    channel pricing is actively discriminating against smaller retailers:

    Secondary line price discrimination occurs when a supplier (such as a manufacturer or

    large wholesaler) sells a similar product to competing purchasers, usually retailers, distributors

    and resellers (referred to collectively as "purchasers"), at two different prices. Those purchasers

    compete with one another in distributing the supplier's product (intra-brand competition).

    (https://portal.idc.ac.il/He/ILEA/Home/Documents/hagit-bulmash-paper-english-jcle.pdf)

    What is important to underscore in this regard is that there is no such thing as a chain

    license for beer in NY State. If a chain has 100 stores or more, each store has a separate beer

    license. There is no justification either under the law, or under the laws of economics (NYC

    especially) to allow for this discrimination to continue.

    Combating the Illegal Practices of Big Box Stores

    As we have pointed out, bodegas sell a huge majority of all the beer sold in NYC. Yet, in

    spite of their aggregate volume sales, the citys box stores are given a price advantage over the

    smaller, yet more voluminous sales at the smaller stores. Nowhere is the level of discriminatory

    practices of the beer monopolists more evident than at the box stores.

    As we have discovered through a comprehensive undercover investigation, box stores

    such as BJs and Costco in NYC are inappropriately labeling themselves as wholesalers-a practice

    that we believe is illegal; in violation of the State Liquor Authority rules and a deceptive

    consumer practice at the same time. These national chains are being given favored nation

    status and because of price favoritism are able to sell to the discriminated against bodegas that,

    http://channelpricing.com/lead-or-follow-channel-pricing-strategies-for-todays-economy/https://portal.idc.ac.il/He/ILEA/Home/Documents/hagit-bulmash-paper-english-jcle.pdf

  • on a percentage basis, are outselling the box stores by a wide margin. This is one of the most

    egregious consequences of monopoly.

    By engaging in illegal wholesaling of beer, these food retailers are not only putting

    supermarkets with union employees at a disadvantage, while also siphoning business from

    mom and pop grocery stores and independent immigrant run supermarkets, they are directly

    competing and hurting independent beer distributors at the same time.

    As importantly, the bolstering of the club stores retail business by the use of an illegal

    marketing tactic erodes the profitability of existing local store owners-many who are single

    entrepreneur bodegas who are more vulnerable to the subsequent loss of sales. Independent

    beer distributors, already hurt by predatory pricing from beer franchise wholesalers, are also

    losing business A large percentage of these store owners and independent beer distributors in

    NYC are Hispanic, Asian and Caribbean-owned operators so that the illegal practice has an

    additional discriminatory impact.

    The non-union box stores also erode the sales of local supermarkets at a time when

    supermarkets are disappearing from NYC and the city has instituted a policy to try to prevent

    the further erosion of the local food stores in our neighborhoods. This trend has led to the loss

    of good family supporting union jobs. In addition, it also has a discriminatory impact because so

    many of our local markets are also minority owned.

    (http://www.nyc.gov/html/misc/html/2009/fresh.shtml)

    In addition, the deceptive and arguably illegal representation that they are wholesalers

    also puts local independent distributors at a competitive disadvantage-siphoning business from

    these heavily minority owned beer wholesalers. In doing this, the box stores are engaging in

    illegal wholesale beer sales to bodegas, selling the alcoholic beverage to store owners even

    though they are actually a retailer and not a true wholesale outlet.

    The favored nation status of the box stores underscores the extent to which the big guys

    take care f each other and how, at the same time, those with less prestige and fewer

    resources are victimized. Absent the monopolistic contracts of the beer wholesalers, these

    kinds of sweetheart-and discriminatory-deals would not be possible.

    Manhattan Beer to Merge with Beehive

    The trend toward brewer and wholesaler consolidation continues unabated. On the

    multi-national level the worlds two largest brewers are looking to merge. As Money has

    reported:

    http://www.nyc.gov/html/misc/html/2009/fresh.shtml

  • One of the largest brewers in the world Anheuser-Busch InBev NV is preparing a bid to

    buy its rival SABMiller, according to news reports. If true, the union would create a massive

    beer conglomerate featuring some of the most recognizable brands in the world, including

    Budweiser, Coors Light, Corona and Miller. AB InBev (AHBIF) is talking to banks about financing

    a $122 billion bid for its rival SABMiller (SBMRF), according to the Wall Street Journal and other

    news reports. (http://money.cnn.com/2014/09/16/news/companies/beer-sabmiller-ab-

    inbev/)

    As one observer notes, this would be bad for beer consumers, but hopefully the move

    will be blocked by anti-trust regulators: AB InBev owns Budweiser, while SABMiller produces

    Miller (as well as Milwaukees Best, Keystone Ice, Leinenkugel, and more). It would be bad for

    American consumers if the two companies were allowed to combine their stateside operations,

    but chances are that wont happen thanks to antitrust concerns. When AB InBev

    purchased Corona-maker Grupo Modelo last year, the Justice Department forced it to spin off a

    new brewer that would produce all of the Mexican beer titans brands in the U.S., thus

    preserving domestic competition. Something similar might happen in the event that AB InBev

    gobbles up SABMiller.

    (http://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2014/09/15/anheuser_busch_inbev_sabmiller_merge

    r_the_maker_of_bud_wants_to_buy_the.html)

    This ominous trend is, as we have already noted, also characteristic of wholesale

    consolidation as well. Now it appears likely that consolidation will be exacerbated by the

    proposed merger of two of New Yorks largest beer wholesalers:

    The stage is set for a mega-merger between two of New York Citys largest beer

    distributors. A tentative agreement between Bronx-based Manhattan Beer Distributors which

    will sell and deliver more than 35 million cases of beer in 2014 and Brooklyn-based Windmill

    Distributing (d/b/a Phoenix\Beehive Beverage Distributors) is expected to close in the first

    quarter of 2015, according to Mike Mazzoni, an advisor on the transaction Combining the two

    operations means that Manhattan Beer will control approximately half of the New York City

    beer market, in which annual sales are estimated at roughly 100 million cases.

    (http://www.brewbound.com/news/nyc-beer-distributors-reach-tentative-merger-agreement)

    In our view, if this is allowed to happen, all of the ominous trends we have been reporting

    will only get that much worse. In NYC, where once over 140 distributors actively competed for a

    brisk beer market, barely 100 distributors remain-and those that do are severely constrained by

    both the unfair pricing strategies of the wholesalers, and the inability to shop for a better price

    elsewhere. Where the wholesalers are insulated by law from termination by the brewer,

    independent distributors are offered no such protection, and the resulting decimation of the

    independent niche speaks for itself.

    http://money.cnn.com/quote/quote.html?symb=AHBIF&source=story_quote_linkhttp://money.cnn.com/quote/quote.html?symb=SBMRF&source=story_quote_linkhttp://money.cnn.com/2014/09/16/news/companies/beer-sabmiller-ab-inbev/http://money.cnn.com/2014/09/16/news/companies/beer-sabmiller-ab-inbev/http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-04-19/ab-inbev-u-s-file-agreement-in-court-on-modelo-acquisition.htmlhttp://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-04-19/ab-inbev-u-s-file-agreement-in-court-on-modelo-acquisition.htmlhttp://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2014/09/15/anheuser_busch_inbev_sabmiller_merger_the_maker_of_bud_wants_to_buy_the.htmlhttp://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2014/09/15/anheuser_busch_inbev_sabmiller_merger_the_maker_of_bud_wants_to_buy_the.htmlhttp://www.brewbound.com/news/nyc-beer-distributors-reach-tentative-merger-agreement

  • In the course of the continuing consolidation of the beer market, another trend has

    become obvious: the continual increase in the cost of beer for NYCs beer consumers. Insulated

    from real competition, and benefitting from consolidation, beer wholesalers have been able to

    aggressive price their products way beyond what would be expected in an open market. This

    trend is aided and abetted by the consolidation of the multi-national brewers into an anti-

    competitive duopoly.

    The proposed merger of Manhattan Beer and Beehive furthers this anti-competitive trend,

    and increases the likelihood of greater harm being done to independent beer distributors,

    bodegas that rely on these middlemen, and New Yorks beer drinkers. Because the anti-

    competitive beer market is unfairly protected by state law, it is just and proper for the US

    Department of Justice to intervene to prevent this anti-competitive merger.

    Tax Breaks for Manhattan Beer Exacerbate Merger Implications

    It is quite clear that the Manhattan Beer merger will be another nail in the coffin for

    small and minority-owned businesses. Making the situation worse, is the fact that under NYCs

    former mayor, Mike Bloomberg, the tax payers gifted the hugely successful wholesaler with tax

    subsidies to build a warehouse in the Bronx. Heres what the NYC Economic development

    agency said about the prospective deal in 2009:

    "The Company services over 24,000 accounts in fifteen counties in New York State and

    employ more than 1,400 people during the peak summer months. Manhattan Beer operates out

    of approximately 1.2 million square feet of warehousing space, with locations strategically

    located throughout its distribution area. The Company has increased its volume growth by 88%

    over the past 10 years and is continuing its expansion. Manhattan Beer is seeking a new

    distribution center to target its ever expanding clientele in Manhattan and the Bronx."

    Left unsaid, however, is the fact that the incentives were not needs for a business that has

    increased its volume by 88% over the past ten years-and the company certainly wasnt leaving

    the city to distribute its beer here. In addition, unmentioned is jsut how the company was able

    to increase its volume-and at whose expense. In essence, the city, in a corporate welfare deal,

    was rewarding the monopolist so it could continue-using the publics money-to put the

    independent distributors out of business.

    So how much was the public in for? Here's the damage: New York City taxes to be

    exempted:

    (1) Mortgage Recording Tax: $ 316,388

    (2) Sales Tax Exemption 109,000

  • (3) Building Tax Exemption (NPV, 25 years) 8,125,352

    (4) Land Tax Abatement (NPV, 25 years): 831,425

    Maximum Total: $ 9,382,165"

    But don't go expecting that the price of a six pack of your Corona will be reduced-or even

    that it will stay at current price levels. That's because these IDA benefits come with virtually no

    give backs to the tax payers that are forced to pony up; and there's little apparent due

    diligence investigating whether, absent the public money, a company like Manhattan Beer

    would refuse to build. This is corporate welfare in its most egregious form.

    Without any irony, EDCs then head Seth Pinsky lauded the deal:

    Helping our vital industrial companies to remain and expand in the City is one of IDAs

    primary goals and creating jobs today is a foundation of the Five Borough Economic

    Opportunity Plan, said IDA Chairman Seth W. Pinsky. The benefits approved today will help to

    ensure that this growing New York City-based company continues to contribute to our

    important industrial sector by investing in an additional location and improved equipment and

    creating new, quality jobs for New York City residents. I am pleased that, despite obvious

    advantages offered by neighboring municipalities, Manhattan Beer chooses to stay in the City

    and that IDA can help to make that choice viable.

    Three years later, the deal got even sweeter-as a different parcel opened up in Hunts

    Point. As the NY daily News reported:

    Manhattan Beer Distributors will receive tax breaks worth nearly $24 million from the

    Industrial Development Agency to buy and renovate four parcels of land in Hunts Point. The

    company expects to add at least 25 jobs at the site within three years of opening its new

    headquarters, in 2013 In 2009, the IDA awarded Manhattan Beer a tax incentive package worth $9

    million over 25 years to buy and renovate a site on Leggett Ave. in Port Morris. But the company shifted

    gears when the four Hunts Point parcels became available.

    The 2009 deal will be terminated but the city wont require Manhattan Beer to repay any

    benefits received to date as long as the company fulfills the obligations of the new agreement,

    said EDC spokesman Kyle Sklerov. (http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/bronx/manhattan-

    beer-tax-breaks-worth-24m-ignore-lure-new-jersey-expand-bronx-article-1.1025397)

    Not a bad deal for 25 jobs-and no one who knows the company believes for a second that

    it was going over to New Jersey. This is what is known as a ruse:

    http://www.nydailynews.com/topics/Kyle+Sklerovhttp://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/bronx/manhattan-beer-tax-breaks-worth-24m-ignore-lure-new-jersey-expand-bronx-article-1.1025397http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/bronx/manhattan-beer-tax-breaks-worth-24m-ignore-lure-new-jersey-expand-bronx-article-1.1025397

  • CEO Simon Bergson said the project will allow the firm to grow without leaving the Bronx, where

    it set up shop in 1979. Manhattan Beer is currently based on Walnut Ave. in Port Morris. It means a

    commitment to staying in the Bronx forever, said Bergson, who founded the company in lower

    Manhattan but moved north after just one year.

    What is left out in this discussion of Bergsons windfall, is that for the 25 jobs he created,

    he also destroyed scores more by putting more independents out of business. In essence, the

    tax payers have been funding the pillaging of these smaller distributors, and the creation of an

    impregnable monopoly that discriminates against small stores and overcharges the consumers-

    the majority of whom are Black and Latino. This is precisely why there is a need for anti-trust

    intervention by the DOJ, and for political intervention and support for the independents and

    the bodegas that depend on them.

    Beer Price Posting and Sales Tax Reform Legislation

    The ideal solution to this growing anti-competitive monopoly would be for the

    Department of Justice to legally challenge the brewer/franchise wholesaler equity Agreement

    as a restraint of trade; and/or for New York State to make these agreements illegal by statute

    for the same reason. Opponents of these agreements, however, dont believe that there is a

    strong enough political will do accomplish this worthy task-there is too much political and

    economic strength on the side of the monopolists.

    There is, though, another method for addressing the problem, one that will preserve the

    independent niche of independent wholesalers, and at the same time reduce the price

    discrimination against beleaguered bodegas and other small retailers. This approach is

    encompassed in legislation called, The Beer Price Posting and Sales Tax Reform Act.

    The proposed Beer Price Posting and Sales Tax Reform Act (A.7857/S.5758 seeks to

    amend the Alcohol Beverage Control Law in relation to the manner of price posting and

    changing beer prices to wholesalers and retail licensees. Essentially, this legislation would

    create price fairness for beer to be sold to independent beer wholesalers and, by doing so,

    create a level playing field for all retailers, big and small. A single posted price for beer for each

    category of license would eliminate the current channel price discrimination and bring

    economic justice to the distribution system.

    Put simply, A.7857/S.5758 would create a mandated price differential for New York Citys

    100+ independent C-licensed beer wholesalers who supply the smaller neighborhood stores

    and who are threatened with extinction because of a pattern of discriminatory pricing

    practiced by larger franchise distributors and their multi-national brewer-suppliers. The

    discrimination against these wholesalers is the foundation for the wider price discrimination

    practiced against the citys 13,000 bodegas.

    http://www.nydailynews.com/topics/Simon+Bergson

  • Opponents of this legislation argue that it creates a government mandated price structure

    that amounts to nothing more than price fixing. The response to this point of view makes the

    case that the current system is itself a wider price fixing scheme, with brewers and franchise

    wholesalers, insulated from competition, deciding unilaterally what prices they should charge

    to a distribution system with no means to find alternative sources of beer to purchase.

    The independents and small retailers would prefer a truly open market, but absent that

    possibility, this legislation does afford these endangered competitors and their customers with

    a modicum of protection. In addition, it could also be argued that the franchise wholesalers

    already have, under 55-C, the full legal protection of the state, so it is simple economic justice

    to give the most vulnerable players in the distribution system similar legal protection. The

    history of the past thirty years, demonstrates that they badly need it.\

    Sales Tax Reform

    New York States current method of collecting taxes on the sale of beer creates a hardship

    on thousands of small stores in NYC. The existing law mandates that sales tax be instituted and

    collected at the retail level. In reality, a great deal of this tax revenue goes uncollected for a

    number of reasons.

    There are over 20,000 small food retailers in NYC-bodegas, delis, salad bars, candy stores,

    and tobacco outlets. A great majority of these retailers are immigrant entrepreneurs that are

    not only unfamiliar with state tax laws, but also lacking in the needed accounting skills that are

    necessary to insure compliance with the tax collection procedures.

    As a result, these small retailers often fail to properly charge the tax to their customers. In

    its desire to remedy this serious tax collection avoidance situation, the NY State Department of

    Taxation and Finance has initiated a crackdown on the citys small retailers.

    Unfortunately, many of these tax department audits are conducted two or three years

    after the alleged failures to report taxes that were supposed to be collected. When the retailers

    are confronted with the accusation of failure to report sales tax collection, however, they are

    unable, because of the reasons cited above, to provide the Department with the proper records

    and documentation.

    The audits themselves encompass a three year period and the amount of uncollected tax

    revenues often run into the hundreds of thousands of dollars-money that the majority of these

    retailers are unable to come up with to satisfy the amount owed. Faced with the need to satisfy

    the tax collectors, yet lacking the funds to do so, most of these store owners are forced to go

    out of business. Since there is no personal liability involved in the failure to collect the sales tax,

    the state has little or no recourse, and is consequently forced to absorb the loss.

  • The Beer Price Posting and Sales Tax Reform Act is being introduced in order to remedy

    this situation. What the bill does is to change where the sales tax is initiated from the retail

    level to the wholesaler that sells the beer. In this way the tax is built into the wholesale price of

    the beer and is collected at this point and turned over to the state.

    Not only does the sales tax get collected in the most efficient manner, it is collected right

    at the point of sale by a small number of beer wholesalers licensed in New York. The state not

    only gets paid in full, but it does so at the earliest stage of distribution-with no need for labor

    intensive audits that are often a waste of tax payer money becomes of the difficulty of

    collecting from thousands of small stores.

    Price posting of beer, then, is needed to insure the accurate and fair pricing of the product,

    and the subsequent collection of the appropriate sales tax. The goal of the legislation is to

    simultaneously protect these stores, and their suppliers in the independent niche, from being

    forced out of business, while insuring that at the same time the state and city tax revenues are

    properly collected.

    The Great Recession of 2008, has had a disproportionate impact on the small businesses of

    NYC. Bodegas and other small retailers are closing in record numbers, beset by slow sales, high

    taxes and burdensome regulations. Beer sales are a crucial component of the viability of these

    small retailers and we need to develop tax collection methods that help these stores survive.

    The Beer Price Posting and Sales Tax Reform Act does just that.