QUEEN ISABEL OF LANCASTER'S CROSSED LOYALTIES

BETWEEN HUSBAND AND FATHER: QUEEN ISABEL OF LANCASTER'S CROSSED LOYALTIES

Date of reception: 19" of November, 2008 Final date of acceptance: 6Ih of February, 2009

Isabel of Lancaster became engaged to Afonso V of Portugal when they were both seven years old. Her father was Pedro, the uncle of the infant king and regent of the realm after the forcing out of the qneen rnother Leonor of Aragon. The regency allowed Pedro to favoiir his own lineage. However, when Afonso V took over the governinent, other branches of the roya1 family and the high nobility who felt endangered by Pedro's policy started to turn the king against him. We will show how Isabel negotiated her loyalty both to her husband and to her fatber during the conflict that arose between thern, and how she managed to keep her status and power while honouring her father's memory and protecting the other women of her lineage after thc ignominious death of Pedro in a battle against the king.

KEY WORDS

Endogamy, Princely marriage, Queenship, Regency, Roya1 family.

Endogamia, Nuptiae principum, Manus reginae, Regeutis dignitas, Regia dornus.

It has been argued that a cricial point in medieval noble women's undrrstanding of themselves was rhat a man's place in the medieval world was defined primarily by his mernbership of a single patritineal family while a wornan's place was defined by double and potentially contradictory family allegiances.' Royal wornen who rnarried abroad in order to consolidate peace treaties or to establish new alliances among two monarchies, and who had to cross cultural, geographical, and linguistic boundaries in addition to farriilial ones, experienced this duality in an exaggerated form; this rnight give them a strong sense of self and enhance their personal p ~ w e r . ~ Yet it was not without danger: foreign qiteens could be criticized, physically abused or even murdered for Eavouring their kin and countrymen or introducing new and "depraved" customs in the realm.)

János Bak has nevertheless alerted to the fact that royal rnarriages made within the boundaries of one kingdon~ could also meet strong criticism as they would get a magnate's farnily too close to the t h r ~ n e . ~ "Native" queeils were also suspected of benefiting their relatives and protégés, thus disrurbing the existing balance among the aristocracy and giving rise to antagonisrns and conflicts. What, thcn, if the rnar- riage was made within the royal family itself, defying the canonical iinpediments? Would it strengthen or enfeeble the king's role as arbitrator of the nobility and sovereign of the realm's subjects? Would it reinforce love and solidariry or sow dis- cord among the family's different branches? And the status oI the queen, woirld ir be enhanced or curtailed by her previous position as a member of the royals? We will try to answer these and ather related questions by analysing the case of Queen Isabel of Lancaster.'

The idea of marrying lsabel to her first cousin Afonso of Porrugal first arose in dramatic conditions: on September 9, 1438, King Duarte died suddenly from plague, leaving as heir a boy aged 6. In his will, Dilarte entrusted his wife Leonor of Aragon with the guardianship of their children and the regency of the realm. However, the deceased king hadfour brothers who saw in this situation an opportunity to increase their influence and riches, and possibiy even exercise supreme power: Pedro. duke

1, Wood, Charles T. "The First %o Quecns Elirabeth, 1464-1503". Women and Sovereigniy, Louise Olga Fiadenburg, ed. Edirihurgh: Edinbrirgh University Press, 1992: 127. 2. Paironr. John Carmi. "Mothers. Daughters. 'Marriage, Powrr: Some Plantagenel Evidente, 1150- 1500". Medieval Queenship. .lohn Carrni Parsons, ?<l. NFW York: SL. Marlin's Press. 1993: 77-78. 3. Bak, János M. "Roles and Funrtions o1 Quecns io Árpádian and Angevin Hungary (1000-1386 A.D.)", Medieval Queenrhip. John Carmi Parsoris, cd. Ncw York: St. Maitin's Press, 1993: 14-16; Hak , János M. "Oueens as Sca~enaats in Medieval i lun~ary ' ' , Qurrns and Oueenshin in Medieval Euronr. Anne Diiaruii,

a n d E a r i y ~ i d e r n Studies, 3712 (2007): 393-418. 4. Bak. János M. "Quecns as scapejioals in Medieval Hungary" ... : 228. 5. Isabel was the grand-daughter of Philippa o1 Lancaster, qucen oÍPorriiga1 by her rnarriagc io King Joáo I(1385-1433). Philippa was very Íorid oi her Plamapenet oiigins and transmitted this pride -and lier family name, "Lencart,r" in Portuguese- to her prugeny. Silva, N(anuela Santos. "Filipa dc Lencastre e o arnbienti culti~ral na corte de se" pai (1360-1387)". Clio. Novasérie. 16117 (2007): 253-254.

BETWE~N HUSBAND AND FK~IER 207

of C ~ i m b r a ; ~ Henrique, duke of Viseu and master of the military order of Christ;' Joao, master of the military order of S a n t i a g ~ , ~ and Afonso, count of bar celo^,^ an elder but illegitirnate half-brother."'

The queen's counsellors warned her especially against Pedro, who was "a poweriul Pririce, beloved by the People, who ha[d] children and in whom might enter the desire of reigning, which overpowers al1 the others"." But Leonor had other reasolis not to trust him completely: her father, Fernando of Aiitequera. had gained the throne of Aragon in competition with other applicants, among which stood Jaitme of Urgell, Pedro's father-in-law." As a resr~lt of Jaume's refusal to accept this outcome, his estates were confiscated and he died in captivity; his wife and daughters thus became dependent on the new king for their living.I3 Chroniclers such as Goines Eanes de Ziirara assert that there was always ill will amony Leonor and Pedro because of chis old familiar a n t a g ~ n i s m ' ~ though some tnodern historians do no{ think that was the main reason for their disagree~nent.'~

Apparently, Leonor startcd lo govern alone withoitt any open opposition shortiy aftcr the prociamation of her son as King Afonso V and the reading of the will of the deceased.I6 Nevertheless, to secure Pedro's loyalty to the infant king, she proposed

6. Tliere is no recciit biography ol Pedro bu1 aii eririrc scholarly jourrial Izas beeii dcdicated tu srveral aspeas of his life and works on his 500rD birthday: Aiblos, LXIX, 1993. On the period of his life that made Ihirn fanious both in his homeland and abroad. see Rogen, Francis M. The Trave1,s ofthe Infante Dom Pedro qfPorn<gal. Cambridge (Mass.): Harvard Univrrsity Press, 1961; Correia, Margarida Sérvulo. As Via#ens do Infante D. i>ed,ii. Lisbon: Gradiva. 2000. 7. 011 TIenriqile. see Russei, Peter E. Prince Iiex>y mThe Navigaior~,: A Lile. New Haveri - London: Yale University Press, 2000; Sousa, Joao Silva de. A Casa Senhoriai do infante D. Henrique. Lisbon: Livros Hori- zontc, 1991

8. On Joáo. rec Medeiros, Maria Dlilcina Vieira Coelho de. O Infante D. 3060 (1400-1442). Subsidios para urna biografa. Lisboii: Fanildade de 1.ctras da Universidade de 1.irboa (Master thesis). 1999. 9. Ori him there is only an old biography: klachado, Jos6 Tiniáteo Montalváu. Dnm Afonso Prirneiro Duquc de Bragan$a. Sua vida e sita obra. Lisbon: Livraria Portugal, 1964. 10. There existed a fifrh legitimate hrothei, Fernando bu1 hc was imprisoncd in Morocco since ttic de- fea1 of Tangier in 1438.1.Ie was never to be liberated iintil his drath in 1443 and therefore colild play no role in the political srcne in his homelund. On his iife and thc constmnion oí ]lis mcrnory, see Fontes, .loa(> Luis Ingles. Percursos e Memória: do Ii2fanu D. Fernando ao infante Sanio. Cascais: Parrimonia. 2000. l l . Thesc are ilie words that the chronicler of the rcalrn assume they Ihave uscd. Pina, Riii de. Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Affonso V. Crónicasde Rui de Pina, M. 1.opes de Almeida. ed. Porto: Lrllo b Irmao. 1977: 591. 12. Pedro inaiiied .launie's ooidest daiigliter. Isabel. On the ciicurnstarices o1 the elevation of Fernando of Antequerv to the lhrone of Aragon, see Vicrns Vives, Jaime. "Los Trastárnaras y Cataluiia". Hisioria de Es- paña. Ranión Menendcz Pidal, dir. Madrid: Espasa~Calpc, 1982: XV, 669-681: Sabaté, Flocel. "El Compro- niís de Casp". ilistdria de la Corona d'Aiiragó, Frnesr Bclci>giier, dir. Barcelona: Edicions 62. 2007: 287-304. 13. \'endreil, Fruncesca; Massii. Angcls. Jaume el Dirsorror, dnrrei comfe d'urgeii Barrelona: Aedos, 1956: 113-120.

14. Zurara. Gomes Eanrs de. Crónica do Conde D. Duarie deMenescs, Lariy I<ing, ed. Lisbon: Univcrsidade Nova de Lisbon, 1978: 110.

15. Fonsecu, Luis Adao da. O Condestávei D. Pedro de Porrugal. Porto: instituto Nacional de lnvestiga~ao Científica - Centro de HisiOria da Univcrsidade do Porto. 1982: 22-23. 16. Tbe first cliarrers issued by her in lile name o1 he1 son date from Scpternber 29 and <)ctciber 6. 1438. Moreno. Huliiberto Baqurio. A Bntalha de A(i¿rn>hriru. Aniecede~tes e significado histórico Coirnbi-a: Uiiiversidadr de Coiinbra, 1979: L 8.

the marriage of Afonso V to the duke's daughter Isabel, staiing that ir had been King Duarte's last will as declared by his confessor. This suggestion was gladly accepted and the quecn issued a charter declaring the arrangements made."

Though the reference to I<ing Duarte's iiitention was to be used again laler on by Pedro to justify his insistence on this matrimonial project, we have reasons to believe that it was Leonor's idea, not Duarte's. It is true that the deceased kiiig was very foiid of his brother and liked to please him. But when choosing a bride for his first-born child he would probably look heyond the borders of the kingdom, as bis predecessors had done, to establish new alliances or strengthen old ones while avoiding at the same time to disarrange the existing balance among rhe aristocracy by distinguishing a member of one of its lineages.'@

Leonor did not have much of a choice. She faced urgent prohiems: she knew that the Portuguese people mistrusted her for being the sister of the "infantes de Aragón" who were persistently trying to gain control of al1 the Christian kingdoms o£ the lberian Peninsula.'"~ secure the independence of the realm, her subjects wanred one of the Portuguese "príncipes de Avisn to be Regeiit instead of her.'O So, to be sure that she would be able to keep royal auihority and LO hand ir over to her son when he woilld have the proper age, she needed to be on good terms with her in-laws, arid especially with Pedro. Promising that his daughter would be queen and his future grand-son would be king was a way oí seci~ring that he would never attempt to drive Afonso V from the throne, nor allow others to do so. In the inimediate present, however, Leonor also made an approach to Pedro, agreeing to share the government with him: she would keep the tutorship of her children and the management of the royal finances wh'ile he would be in charge of the administration of j~istice and the defence of the realm.2'

These two settlements were nevertheless strongly opposed by the queen's coun- sellors, and above al1 by the count of Barcelos, who had also wished to play a role in the government and to have the king inarried to his grand-daughter Isabel.22 He and the archbishop of Lisbon Pedro de Noronha, whom the queen trusted more

17. Pina. Rui de. Chronicado Srnhor Rey D. AffonS0 V..: 594-596.

18. Theie were other possibic opriuns, especially in Enyland or Burgundy as suggested by Gornes. Saril António. D. Afanso V. Rio de Mouro: Círculo de 1.eitores. 2006: 62.

19. 011 this faiilily. rre Benito Ruano. Eloy LosIn/anres de Aragdn. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 2002.

20. Just like lheir Aragoiiese counierparts, [he Portugucse princes were activeiy promoted by tlie polili- cal orovaeanda of theii lime and invthicired bv later voels and historians. See Fonseca. Luis Adao da. . . .

I r . 1 1 1 , l . . 5 . 1 .\.,:LIII):~~ c~,!~>c,IL!.~\<>.\ s. Ore .l 8 # l i $ ' , i t ( j l l i l < l <Id; . l r . l i ~ l \

i.iii:iir l i \i.irir.a\ ii.i i i i r i i i . i , j i .Ir i i i i , ii.iii.i Ili<~r.ir.., i i Kr,.i,i.i> I r i t ~ t i , . i . i . ~ ~ i ~ i . i ? .otii.>ii!v., , l . , , 8 , 1'mi . j

Delgada: Universidade d o s ~ ~ o r c s , 1984: 295-302: Fonseca, Liiis AdZo da. "Una elegía inédita sobre la laniilia de Avis. Un aspecto de la propaganda política en la Península ibérica a nie8iados del siglo XV". Anuario de EstudiosMedievales, 16 (1986): 449-463. 21. Pina. Rui de. CirronicadoSenhorRqvD. Afforrso V..: 599.

22. This lady was later to marry Juan 11 o1 Caslile and to give birtli to Isabel, the future Catholic Queen. 0ii her, ree Carsotri, Marsilio. "Dona Isabel (1428-1496)". infintnsdePorrugaiRainharrm Espanha. Lisbon: A Esfera dos Livros. 2007: 149-179.

than anyone else, managed to make her step back in both decisions, raising the an- ger of her brother-in-law, who tore with his own hands thc matrimonial agreement she had asked him to return to he^.'^

Tliough Leonor and Pedro eventually signed another agreement at the Cortes of Torres Novas, in November 1438, and actually began sharing the government, there was no way to restore trust among them and no further mention was made about the marriage of their children. As difficulties accumulated, the urbaii popu- lation started to show signs of unrest and to accuse the queen of being the cause of al1 wrongs. A year later, new Cortes gathered in Lisbon and the representatives of the concelhos (mainly the largest urban centres). led by the capital, elected Pedro sole Regent of the realm; the other two states agreed, except for a Eew supporters of the queen who left the assembly or refused to sign the record of the proceedings. Leonor was also deprived of the guardianship of two of her children: I<ing Afonso V and Fernando, the second in the line of succe~sion.~~

The qiieen tried to overcome this situation with the military support of the order of the Hospitallers whose prior was faithlul to her. But she received no immediate help either from the count of Barcelos or from her cousin the king of Castile and her brothers, the kings of Aragon and Navarre. She was corisequently forced to leave the country with her retinue and try to gather more support in Castile.''

After besieging the fortress of Crato with the help of his brother Joiio, Pedro went to Viseu to join forces with his other brother Henrique in order to have a strong army to subdue the queen's supporters who had gathered in the north of the coun- try, and especially the count of Barcelos. Before starting the fight, though, Pedro sent him messengers offering him peace and forgiveness in exchange for his leaving the queeii's faction. 1t took some time but eventually Count Afonso accepted the terms of the pact. The reconciliation between the two estranged brothers allowed the progression of the matrimonial project between Afonso V and Isabel of Lancas- ter: the count of Barcelos who had been one of its strongest opponents, agreed to its immediate conclusion in return for Pedro's restitution of the Archbishop of Lisbon, who was in exile in Castile, to his digniry and belonging~.'~

At this point, no more impediments stood in the way: both children were oE age to commit themselves COK the future2' and the papa1 dispensation for consanguinity had arrived two months earlier. Alas, it had been given secretly to the Portuguese ambassadors "vivae voces oracuio", in order not to displease the kings of Castile, Aragon and Navarre who had intervened against the marriage at the request of

23. Pina, Riii de. Ckionicado SenhoiRey D. Aflonso V . . : 595-596. 600, 604. 24. Pina, Rui de. Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Affonso V...: 624-645; The same events are reported. with recoursc ro arher sources. by Morcno. Humberto Baqucro. A Bafalha de Alfarrobeira . . : 9-65. 25. Pina, Rtii de. Chronica do Senhor Rey D. ilffonso V...: 664-677; Moreno, Hunrberro Baquero. A Baiaiha de Alfarrobeira . . : 69-92. 26. Pina, Rui de. Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Amnro V...: 674-679. 27. The king had iurned nine and Isabel was only a few months younger. Canon law established that children could be cngaged to inarry after iutning seven. DebrB. Cyiille. 'Tu, felix Aurfria. nube'. La dyrinsiie de Habsbourg el so politique mafrimoniale A lafin du Moyen Agc (XI1Ic-M si2cles) Turnhour: Brepols, 2005: 39.

Qiieen Leonor.'"ut it was considered satisfactory to carry on with the plan. Pedro summoned the Cortes to gather in Torres Vedras in May 1441 and obtained their consent to the ceremony together with a substantial donation (prescnted as a "rich present") to constitute Isabel's househofd. The betrothal finaily took place later that month, in Ascension Day in the town of 6bidos.2y A proper bu11 canre a year later to ratify the oral dispensation and the vows made by the children, and to remember that these vows had to be confirmed when they would reach the legal majority.'O

Having tnade his nine-year-old daughter the future queen. Pcdro continued to elevate his family by making his first-born son Pedro Constable in 1443 and master of the military order of Avis in 1444." This infuriated the count of O ~ r é m , ~ ~ who believed that the position of Constable belonged hereditarily to his family.13 The Regent also rewarded those who had stood by him, giving them the personal he- longings and estates seized Irom the defeated.'" Ritt he did not forget to please as well those who had joined his party at a latcr stage: indeed, the count of Barcelos was made duke of Braganza in 1442 and Sancho de Noronha count of Odemira in 1446."

Exilcd in Castile. Leonor kept asking her cousin and her brothers to demand from Pedro her return to her dignity and to the tutorship of her children. Several embas- sies were sent by them to Portugal with this purpose but obtained no favourable ariswer from the Regent. Eventrrally she left the Cas~ilian court and its intrigues to seek refuge in a convent. Deprived of the dower and the dowry she was entitled to receive to support her through her w i d ~ w h o o d ' ~ and having spent al1 her jewels and silver to help her brothers recover their supremacy in Castile," she lived in poverty and died under suspicious conditions in February 1445.'8

28. Pina. Rui de. Chrorzica do Senkor Rey D. A//onso V...: 673-674.

29. Pina, Rni de. Ckronica do Senhor Rey D. Aflonso V...: 680. 30. Monumenia Henricina. ed. António Joaquini Dias Dinis. Coimbra: Con~issio execiiiiva das comenro- ra&s do V centenário da morte do infantc D. Henriqoe. 1962: Vil, 319-321 (doc. no 217). 31. Fonseca. Luis AdZo da. O Condestávei D. Pedro de Portugal ... : 31 32. The first-boin of ihe rwo sorls of rhe count of Barcelos: rhe oiher one war the counr of Arraiolos. 33. f t fiad beloi~ged to his grandfather Nuno Alvares Peieira, his brothei-ii,-law Joio 2nd his nephew Diogo. who had died vvirhout piogeny: the couni of Ourdm claimed that he was nrxt in ihe iine of suc- cession. although he laler failed to prove rhat there war ariy clai~sr conceiiiing Iieredity in ihe origiiial cuncession. Conha, Mafalda Soares da. Linkagem. Parentesco e Poder A Casa de Biaganca (1384-1483). Lis- hon: Funda@o da Casa de Hraganca. 1990: 75-76.

34. Moreno. Humberto Baqtiero. A Batalha de Ayarrobeira ..: 97-133. 35. Cunha. Mafalda Soares da. Linhagem. PnrentercDe Poder ... : 154.

36. Her inairimonial coniracr rtipulated thai. afier the deatli of her Iiusband, she would have rMfo years to ihoose either to siay in Portugal and keep her estates. rents and rnaintciiance, o r to leave tlie couniiy and ieccivr Boih ihe dower and ttie dowry. The special conditiaiis nndei which she lefi explain why she was unablc to ieccive any of these sums. Rodriguer, Ana Maria S. A. "For the honor of lier lineage and body The Dowcrs and Dowrics of Some Laie Medieval Qiseens of Portugal". e-Journai oJPonquese Hii- to!y, 5-1 (2007): 5-7. 37. Pina, Rui de. Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Affin.70 V...: 681. 38. The chroniclei Rui de Pina slates thar she and her sister Maiia. queen of Cartilc, wcre poisoned by a woliluii sent by rheir conrmon enerny Alvaro de Luna. Howevcr, tire syrnptomr oí tlieir illness may

No more that a n ~ o n t h latcr, Queen Isabel reccived f ro~n her farher (in &e nainc of the Icing) the towns of Alenquer, Sintra, Óbidos, Torres Vedras, Torres Novas, Al- vaiázere, and Aldeia Galega ior her to hold "as Queen Philippa had heid ~ h e m " . ) ~ It is quite nleaningful that in this charter Pedro should prefer to mention his mother Philippa of Lancaster rather than his sister-in-law Leonor, who was the previous holder of these estates but had been deprived of them by the Cortes of Évora of 1442.*' In fact, during thrce years, the queenly holdings had heen vacant; however, the Regent had not dared to donate them to his daughter while the expatriated queen-mother was still alive.

But was Isabel of Lancaster really a queen in 1445? Was she truly entitled to re- ceive the queen's e n d ~ w m e n t ? ~ ' Not quite so because the two teenagers were riot properly married yet. Isabel had already passed the age of twelve whicli, for girls, was considered the minimum for making the vows and consummating the matri- mony; but her supposed hilsband was only to reach rhe legal majority for boys, Ihe age of f o ~ r t e e n , ~ ~ on January 15, 1446. Only then new Cortes gathered in Lisbon to witness the solemn passing o¡ the government from the hands of Regent Pedro into the king's hands. The three states also once more gave their consent to the marriage of Afonso V and Isabel.*'

Royal matrimonial agreements had to he approved ac Cories because they were very serious matters that engaged not only the roya1 faniity but the entire nation. They were ~isnally embedded in political, military and coinmercial alliances wirii other kingdoms and gencrated expenses not only at short notice with the arrival o! thc hride, the liturgical ceremony, and the corresponding feasts, but also at long term with the maintenarice of the queen during her lifetime and the payment of the dower if she was to become a widow. Thc consent of the three states of the realm was therefore necessary for the signing of the internationai treaties and the iinposing of the taxes that would meet the co~ t s .~ '

indicate rneiiingiris. Alvarez Palenr~iela. Vicente Angel. "María. iiifunta de Aragón y reina de Castilla", Esrudos de Homenagem ao Pro jhor Doutor José Marques. Porto: Faci~ldade de Lctras da Universidade <lo Porto. 2006: IV, 370. 39. Fontes Medievais da Hisiória Torreano, ed. José Maria Cordeiio de Sousa. Torres Vedras: Camara Mu- ~iicipal, 1958: 71-72 (doc. no 64). 40. Pina. Rui de. ChronicadoSenhorReyD. Affonro V . . : 682. 41. The queen's endoivment and supplcrnentary grants inade by the king wcre the two cvtrgories of ievenue that suppoited the qucens of Portugal aiid iheir household; in England, there wss also the queen-gold (Johnstone. I-lilda. "Th'he Queen's Hoiisehold". TheEngiish Governmenr a: Work, 1327-1336. Vol. 1 - Cenlral and Prerogaiive Adminirtrntion. James F. Willard, Williarn A. Morfis. cds. Cambridgc (Mass.): Mediaeval Acadcmy of America Publicatioiis. 1940: 250-299). Only the queen-gold did no1 exist in Portugal as well. 42. Dehris. Cyriile. '~t,f . iiXAzirrrin. nube' ... : 39. 43. Pina, Rui dc. Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Aflonso V...: 696-697. 44. Wr kniiw that the kingdorn contribiitrd two and a half pedidos (raxcs) to the mariiage of Afonso V and Isabel; one and a half was collected in 1447 and thc reniaining one in 1448. Gon<alves, Iria Pedidos e em~rés:ilnospiibiicosen~ Porruyalduraniea idadeMédia. Lishon: Centro de Estudos Piscais da Diirc~5o-Geral das Conrribui(óes e lnipostos, 1964: 162.

In the case of this particular marriage, there were no externa1 implications but a delicate interna1 situation remained where an ambitious father was profiting from his traiisitory position oi power to force his daughter into the king's bed in spite of other magnate's opposition. This is probably the reason why Pedro cared to obtain the approval oi the Cortes at each step of the process: he nefded the decision to be irrevocable, no malter what his final destiily might be. The future proved him righi to be so cautious.

Though having attained legal ma,jority, Afonso V decided to let his uncie rule for some more time, until he himself would feel prepared to do ir on his own. It was only in 1447 that he asked Pedro lo hand over the government to him and the Re- gent agreed, provided the king actually took Isabel as his wife at church as ~ e l l . ~ ' The lkurgical ceremony took place in May in Santarém and, as no matrimonial con- tract had been signed before, a royal charter was issued stating the arrangements made concer~iing the wellbeing of the queen.

This charter reveals that Isabel's father did not endow her wiih a d o ~ r y . ~ ~ This might have left her in a very unpleasant financia1 situation if ii weren't for the good disposition of her husband on her b ~ h a l f . ~ ~ Though his beloved wife, as he said, brought no dowry, Afonso V yranted her a dower of twenty thousand golden escudos that she was allowed to leave to her heirs after her death. He also appointed as her aiinual maintenance the same sum of 1.165.000 reais that his mother had enjoyed. In addition, to constitute Isabel's camara (the administrative uiiit that managed the queen's e n d ~ w m e n t ~ ~ ) thc king donated to her al1 the lands and urban centres that had belonged to the previous queens of Portugal -in fact, those that had already been transferred to her possession three years earlier- includiog the corresponding royal rights and rents, the whole jurisdiction, the patronage of the local churches and the appointmelit of the appropriate o f f i c ia l~ .~~

45. This ir how rhe chronidet puts it, In facs. thr las1 docurncni signed by Pedro as Regent dates from .Iiily 8, biit tlie wedding had already raken place two niontlis earlier. Pina, Rui dc. "Chronica do Senhor Rey D. Affonsa V" ... : 698-699: Moreno, Humbrito Baqiiero. A Balalhade Aifarrobrira ..: 259. 46. An uncommon situarion among ihe queens of Portugal bur not totiilly unkiiown: Leonor Tcles and Philippa of Lancastei in the 14'Qentury did not bring dowries eirhrr Rodrigues, Ana Maria Seabra de Almeida. "For the honor of her lineage and body" ... : 4. 47. If the wife brought no dowry, the husband was not forced by law ro entrusi her with a dowcr: she wocild thcrefore have no financia1 independence and necd to iely on him for al1 her expenses. For iri- stance, when Juan of Cartile rnarried Margarct of Austiia and lhis sister Juana niarrird ?hilip of Burgun- dy, the rwo girls sacrificed their dowries in exchange for a rent of 20.000 escudos paid by their hurbarids. But while Mvrgaret got her share Juana did not receive Iiers and nevcr managed to control hcr own finarices. This prevenred hcr from granting the fidelity of the niembeis of hcr houseliold by showing the generosiry that was expecled from a queeo, Aram. Belhany. La Reina Juma. Gobierno. piedad y dinastía. Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2001: 86-93, 48. As defined by Córdova Miralles. Alvaro Fernandcz de. La Corle de isubel 1. Ritos e ceremonias de una reina (1474-1504). Madrid: Dykinson. 2002: 52. 49. Monumenta Ifrnririna ..., 1968: 1X. 243-247 (doc. 11' 159).

During the course of her life, the I<ing made other concessions to his wife?O in 1450, he donated to her the tenrh of the commodities dealt with in the customs of Lisbon, Oporto, Viana, Aveiro, Buarcos, Setúbal, Faro and Tavira, and the fifth of the goods belonging to burgled ships; in 1452, he transferred to her possession an estate that had belonged to her brolher Pedro, and in 1453 he conceded to her the administrarion of a majorar anda few houses in Lisbon." With al1 this cash, estates, and rents, she had no difficulty in maintaining her status and a sizable h o u ~ e h o l d . ~ ~

Thus Isabel of Lancaster truly became a Queen when her father's fortune initiared a decline. Soon she would have lo start negotiating her loyalty both to her progenitor and her husband. It was no1 an easy matter for a girl aged sixieen, but she had been educated to be the queen of Portugal and she knew exactly what was expected from her.

Though Isabel and Afoiiso V had been brought up together since the age of eight, as the Regent was also the tutor of the King5? they only began io cohabit as hus- band and wife afler their wedding ir1 1447. Unfortunately for Isabel, she bore no child until January 1451, when she gave birth to a first prince. Joio, who died shortly afterward~. '~ Not having provided the throne with an hcir in the first three years of her marriage, the Queen's position was fragile in the face of the iii will that grew in ihe court against her father.

As the chronicler Rui de Pina puts it, it were the Regent's enernies -the count of Barcelos, now also duke of Braganza; his son the count of Ourém; the archbishop of Lisbon and his brother Count Sancho de Noronha, a n d a few others who were al1 former pariisans of Queen Leonor- that convinced the I<ing to govern alone because they reckoned they would be able to manipulate bim o11 their behalf. They were not content with driving Pedro out of governrnent, though, and not only did they accuse the Regent of treason and rnade him leave the court, but they also tried to bring his brother Henrique into discredit in the King's eyes, so that he would not be able to help him." Alonso V is thus presented by the chronicler as an inexperi- enced young man, susceptible of being influenced by vicious counsellors,

Yet we do not helieve the King to be im~nature and naive. He actually acted against Pedro and his friends as thcir enemies suggested because it was bis true will

50. Supplementary grants were otten made by the Poriuguese kings to their dau~hters-in-law or their wives in order to allow them io maintaín their status and to fulfii their dutics: see, íos instance. Suusa, Ivo Car- neiro de. A Rainha D. Ironor (1458-1525). Poder misericárdia, religiosidade e espiriruaiidade no Portugal do Renas- cimento. Lishon: Funda<So Caioustr Gulhenkian - FundagZo para a Ciencia e a Tecnoingia. 2002: 147-148. 51. Moreno, Humberto Baquera; Freitas, Isabel Vaz de. A Corte de Afonso i i o Ternpo e os Homens. Gijón: Trcu, 2006: 307-308. 52. On the composition of her household. sce Moreno. Humbeito Baquero; Freitas. Isabel Vaz de. A Cortede AJonso V...: 303-307. 53. It has been denionstrated that the King had hir own liai~sehold. differenr from thc Regenr's, Gomcs. Suul António. D. Afinso V...: 52. Bu1 ihey werc often Logether and it nlay be presuincd thvt Pedro's wife and children also siayed with thern. 54. There are doubts about the enact date af birth of this prinre and thc date of his death is unknown. Comes, Saul António. D. Afonso V...: 90.

55. Pina. Rui de. Chroniia do Senhor Rey D. Affónso V...: 698-703.

as well. Thus he removed from office al1 of his uncle's faithful servants who had been nominated at court and al1 around the kingdom, including his cousin Pedro, whom he discharged as Constable; he returned to Queen Leonor's friends and servants the positions and estates that had been confiscated and given to Pedro's partisaiis; he forbade his uncle to ever come back to court and asked him to return to the Royal Army the weapotis he had in bis posses~ion.~Vn fact, he held Pedro responsible for the misery and death of his mother in Castile and wanted him to pay lor it. Bur he did not want his wife to be dragged into that reverige as well and did not pay attention to the advice of the counscllors who wanted hirn to part with her. When thcse courtiers sent his chamberlain Alvaro de Castro to pristrn, accusing him of making love to he Queen, the ICing did not listen to their calumnies and freed him; later he made hini count of Monsanto." Young as he was, Afonso V had his own opinions and was not blindly driven by some magnate's deceits and flatteries,

Isabel had by then become a target for Pedro's enemies because she had assumed the role of mediator between her husband and her father.'%t first, slie was very discreet and only tried to keep tlie former Regent informed of the things tliat were said and done in coilrt against him, in arder for him to c o ~ n t e r a c t . ~ ~ When she understood that al1 was set for a final confrontation, she resorted to the traditional gesture of the beggar, falling on her knees in tears and imploring her husbarid to have mercy for her progenitor. Afonso V could not reiuse this rcquest and promised thai he would lorgivc Pedro if only he assumed his giiilt aiid asked for bis forgive- ness. The queen scnt a letter to her father explaining how this could be done and he wrote to the king in tlie agrecd form. But Pedro did not feel guilty of anything at al1 and said so in another letter rhat he sent to his daughter at the same time. The king read this one as well and proctaimed that sincc his uncle had no true regrets, no concord could be established among them.OO Shortly afterwards, Pedro's arniy was crushed by thc Royal Artny at Alfarrobeira and the duke of Coimbra died along with many of his c~mpanions .~ '

His dead body laya whole day on the barrlefield and rhree more days in a iiearby house where it liad been thrown along with other corpses with neither honour nor prayers." 2t was then taken to the nearcst church, in Alverca, where it was buried witliout any ceremonial." The queen was notified of her father's death at short - ~~

56. Morerio. H~irnberto Baquero. A Batalha de Allarrobeira ... : 327-344. 57. Pina, Rui de. Chronica do Senhor Rey B. Affomo V,..: 736. 58. lntercession war an iinportant queenly function. Stiohm. Patil. 'Queenr as iiilercessors". Hochan's Arrow: The Social Imagination oJFouriee~fh-Cenhq Texts. Princeton: Princerori University Press. 1992: 99- 105; Panons, Jahn Carmi. "The Querri's lnteicessioii in Thiitcenth-Centiiiy England", Power ofthe Weak: studier on Medieval Women, Jenniler Carprnter, Saliy-Beth Miirlcan, rds. Urbana: University of lllinois Prejs. 1995: 147-177. 59. Pina, Rui de. ChninicadoSenhorRey D. Affons V . . : 728-729. 60. Pina, Rui de. ChronicadoSenhor Rey D. Affonso V...: 734-736. 61. Thcsc cveiits wcre aiialyscd in detail by Moreno. Humbcrlu Raclurro. A Ratulha de Alfarrobeira . . : 401 -428.

62. Pina, Rui de. Chronica do SenhoiRey D. Affonso V...: 749. 63. Pina, Rui de. Ckronica do Senhor Rey D. Afonsa V...: 752.

notice and showed "public signs of morial pain", but did not act and waited Sor a sign from lier husband as she was well awarc of the fragility of her ~ i t u a t i o n . ~ ~ In fact, those who had intrigued agaiilst her father were trying once again to convince Afonso V that he should leave her and take another wife. Instead of doing so, the kiiig sent inessengers to comfort Isabel and asked her to join him at court. The queen "dressed herself on an honest temperante of sorrow" and was welcomed by the sovereign as if nothing had ha~pened .~ '

Throughout tlie whole duration of the crisis, the chronicler praises Isabel's prirdcnce and discretion, considering them rare virtues in such a young woman. He also insists in the love the I<ing felt lor her because of lier kindness and beauty. It appears tliat Afonso V felt great affectioii for his wife because he was strc~ngly pressured to repudiate her, yet he did not coniply with it, though we have a reason to believe that Iie considered the possibility. On January 11, 1451 the kiiig confirmed the matrimonial contraer that liad been signed four years earlier and granted Isabel her dower, maintenance and chamber not only for the duration oE their marriage, biit also if they were to he separateci by deatli or by any other cause, and whether they had children in common or not. Probably because he was aware of the general aniinosity felt i r i court against his wife and because he wanred to protect her froin what bis mother had endured, he was careful to secure her maintenance in the tax levied in Lisbon on fabric (sisa dos panos), and also determined that, if he himself or his successor or the next Queen would want to take from her any of hcr estates, they would have to compeiisate her with the double of the an~iual income of that estate, secirred by the taxes levied in Lisbon upon bread, landed property and urculation of goods. Finally, he raised the amount she could dispose of in her will for the sake oi her soul from twenty thousand to twenty-eight thousand golden escudos, which her heirs would not be able to claim as their h e r i t a g ~ . ~ ~

It is true that with her serene attitude Isabel made it easier for Afonso V to keep her by his side. She did nor wander from monastery to monastery and from maiior to rnanor mourriiilg like her mother, who feared for her lile and the lives of her other ~hildren.~ ' Nor did she flee to Castile, as her older brother Pedro had done.68 She stayed in her post and waited for the right time lo obtain from her husband thc redressing of her father's memory and the restitution of her lineage's property.

Tlie iact that Pedro's dead body did noi have a proper funeral was a maiii concern for her as well as for the rest of the family. The first person to demand the duke of Coimbra to be buried in the roya! panlheoil that had been built by their father -the Monastery of Santa Maria da Vitória, also known as the Monastery of Batalhz~~~- was the diichess Isabel of Biirgundy, Pedro's sister, who had been notified ol his

64. Pina. R u i de. Ckronica do Crnhor Rey D. Ai/onso V...: 754-755.

65. Pilla. Rui de. Ckronicu do Senhor Rey D. Affon.so V...: 756-757.

66. Monumenta Henricina ... 1969: X. 348-352 (doc. n" 255).

67. Pina. Ru i de. Ciironira doSenhorReyD. A//onro V...: 755.

68. Fonseca. Luis Adao da. O Condestável D. Pedro de Portyqal ... : 62-63.

69. The name (Baialha = battlr) rcfcrs ti) thr baitle of Aijiibarroca that toak plarc nearby in July 14. 1385. King Joáo 1 of Portugal's victory «ver .luari 1 oi Casrile seciirrd thc independencc of thc rcalrn and

years that had since passed. Pedro's bones rested in the moriastery of Saint Elói and the queen had ohtained from the king a charter authoriring their transfer to Hatalha. She therefore charges the executors of her iestament with the ceremony, stating that the deceased's burial retinue should be appoinied by thc king."

In fact, Isabel lived long enough to atteiid to her father's burial in the royal pan- theon. It was after she gave birth to another Prince Joáo -the one that was to reach adulthood and become King JoZo 11- in May 3, 1455, that Afonso V finally acquiesced to her request. A solemn ceremony was organized to take the bones first to Lisbon, to the Monasteries of the Holy Triiiity and Saint Elói, where they were exposed lo be honoured by his lineage and f r iend~. '~ They were later taken with great splendour by Pedro's only surviving broiher, Henrique, to the Monastery of Batalha,79 where the king and the queen received them together with the most im- portant clerics and noblemen of the kingdom.'"

Thus thc women of the farnily were the ones to take it upori themselves to en- sure that Pedro would have a propcr buria! and to protecr his widow and children. The men were either hostile -as ihe duke of Braganza, the count of Ourém, the king's brother Fernando- or apparently indifferent, as Henrique, whom Rui de Pina accuses of not having lielped his brother when there was still time to prevent the king's anger from falling upori him,*' and who only cared abour his hones' last resting place when Afonso V had already agreed to Iioldirig a cereiiiony.

Isabel died shortly afterwards, on December 2, 1455, of bleeding that was probably still a consequence of the delivery of Prince J o á ~ . ~ ~ She was buried at Ratalha as well. Her brother Pedro then returned tu the realm; he was restored as master oí Avis and received back most of the estates that had helonged to his father.x3 He celebrated her deatlr in a work dedicated ro their brother James, the cardinal.84 In the first days of January of the following year, the royal pantheon received further eminent bones: those of Queen Leonor, which were brought from the Monastery of

77. Siiusa, António Caetano de. J'rovas da História Geneai&ica ... : 65. 78. Hence we date the quecn's second will, writlrn while ller fatlici's hones wr,ri. resiing at Saint Elói. from the lar? syririg ol 1455. 79. This happened hetween Noveinber 7 and 28 according ro Gonies, S a d António. D. Afonso V..: 94. 80. We know iieverrheless that the duke of Braganza. tiis son the count o1 Ouréni and the king's brothrr Ferrianila were opposed to this rehvbililation of Pedro's rnemory and ohlaincd fiom the king that his el~iest son, who was still in Castilc, woitld not he allowed to come lo the funeral. Pina. Riii de. Ckronicn do Senhor Rey D. Affonso V...: 770-771 81. Pina, Rui de. Chronica do SrnhorRqv D. AJfonro V...: 703. 82. But some people attrihuled tlic dearh to poisoning by thc enemirs oi licr fa ih~r . Pina. Rui de. Chro- nica do .Senhor Rey D. Atjonso V...: 771. 83 . He did not stay ir1 Portugal ior lorig, thougli. In Ociober 1463, he was invitrd by the Catalans lo lie- come their leader as graridson «I Jaurnr of Urgell. and liz dicd in Catalonia thrcc years lurcr, still fighiinp Lhc kinl: of Aiagon, Juan 11. Fonseca. Luis Adao da. O Condertávci D. PedrodePortugal ... : 125-319.

84. Portural. Condestável D. Pedro de. "Traprdia de la Inririii Rrina Doña Isahei". Obras Coni~letas do condesiávei~oni Pedro de Ponyqai, cd. Luis Adao da Fonsrca. ~ i i h o n : PundaqSo Calousre ~ulhrnkian. 1975: 305-348.

Santo Domingo el Real oi T ~ l e d o . ~ ~ The old enemies lay on the sane resting placegS6 reforming after death the Ixarmonious family they were not able to compose during their lifetime.

Endogamy thus caused a monientous conflict ainong the royal family that even- tually led to the violcnt elimination of the brancli that had been exalted by the pressure of those who had been passed over. The Queen was devastated and only escaped the fate that fe11 upon her kin because of the affection her husband felt for her and her own mastery in honouring her father's memory alid protecting her rnother arid her sisters without challenging the IZing's decisions.

Yet, this terrible experience did not prevent Afonso V froni marrying bis only son Joáo to his brother's daughter L e o n ~ r . ~ ' Again, a marriage among cousins was preferred to an alliance with a foreign royal family. Its consequences were to be- come even more dramatic rhan in the previous generation: after being enthroned, I<ing Joáo 11 had one of his brothers-in-law, the third duke of Braganza, arrested and sentenced to death because he was leading a conspiracy against hirn; later, he himself stabbed to death his other brother-in-law, the duke of Viseu, because he had planned to kill him. Apparently, the Qcieen was not involved in these plots, but the royal couple never recovered from this ordeal.

So the Braganra and the Viseu lineages, closely related to eacli other through a carelully planned matrimonial policy that also inclcided the Castilian and the Portu- guese royal families, had become so close to the throne of Portugal that they dared lo conspire with the Castilians to get hold ol iLER There was no need for it, tliough. Wlien Joáo 11 arid Leonor's only son died prematurely froni a nasty fall, thr nearest in line ol succession was the king's lasi surviving brother-in-law. Joio 11 still tricd to legitimize a bastard son to make Iiim his heir, but the queen fought agaiiist it with al1 her f o r c e ~ . ~ ~ Therefore, her younger brother became IZing Manuel 1 at the deatli of her husband in 1495. Eventually, by pressing tbe kings into marrying their first cousins, the bastard and younger branches of the royal family had managed to take tlie place of which they had been'deprived by the order of tlieir hirth.

85. Gornes, Saul Anrónio. D. Afonso V...: 95. 86. Leonor is buricd with her husband u1 the so-called -1rnperlect Chapeln": Pedro and ilis wifc Isabel of Urgell. as well as Isabel and Afonso V are buried a t the Foundci'r Chapel. 87. The beirothal took place in 1470 and the wedding in 1471. Fonsccu, Liiís Ad5o da. D. .loJo 11. Río de Mouro: Temar c Debates, 2007: 257-258. 88. Fonseca. Liiis Adáo da. D. Joáo 11 ... : 86-107. 89. Mendonqa, Mannela. D. Joüo Ir . Um Percurso Humano e Político nas Origens da Modernidade. Lisbon: Estampa. 1991: 454-466.