National History Day Paperwork

Glasnost and Perestroika: The Failed Reforms that Sparked a Revolution

Victoria Albert, Samuel Bernardon, Micah Ezekiel, Ben Kaplan, and Olek Pisera

Senior Division

Documentary

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Process Paper

Upon brainstorming topics to research, one of our first ideas was the final years of the Soviet Union

because the subject embodies this year's theme. The unintended consequences of the Glasnost and Perestroika

reforms, the reactionary coup by communist hardliners, and the revolution that dissolved the Soviet Union

were also a natural choice because they, more than any other event in recent history, reshaped world order.

While the fall of the Soviet Union is a relatively recent event in the context of history, it is not current to our

generation. We see the fall of the Soviet Union as a historical event like any other.

We began research on the Internet, learning about four sub-topics: Glasnost, Perestroika, the August

1991 coup, and the subsequent dissolution of the Soviet Union. We then searched for broad synthesis

material, followed by trips to the local public library to find more specific material. We continued to search

further, finding many primary source documents, including speeches, videos, newspaper articles, industrial

reports, letters, and secret memos, all offering details and insights into the final years of the Soviet Union. We

conducted eight interviews with leading experts on the history of the Soviet Union, including Archie Brown,

professor emeritus of the Russian and Eastern European center at Oxford, Alexei Sobchenko, a former Soviet

dissident who now works with the U.S. State Department, and Terry Martin, head of Russian Studies at

Harvard. Brown offered the most insight because he the leading expert on the Soviet Union. These interviews

have expanded our understanding and have allowed us to gain new perspectives and insights into the social

and political reasons for the collapse of the Soviet Union. The collapse of the Soviet Union changed the

political landscape of the world, and for this reason historians offer many interpretations of why these events

occurred. It is a well-chronicled topic with much to offer, and we have therefore been able to gather a wide

variety of primary and secondary sources to support our argument.

The chronological flow of events during the final years of the Soviet Union is best expressed in a

documentary format. We have structured our documentary into six sections, an introduction, the historical

context, the reform, the reaction, the revolution, and the significance. With the visual support of many

archival videos and images, as well as graphics that we have created, the sections of our documentary serve to

highlight the reasons why the Soviet Union collapsed in a clear and logical manner.

Glasnost and Perestroika failed to reform the Soviet Union, but uncovered the inherent flaws in the

Soviet command economy and discredited the entire political system. Soviet citizens no longer trusted old

institutions that were revealed to be corrupt and wasteful, and turned to nationalist leaders for stability and

assurance. The conflict created by the rising tide of nationalism led to a violent reactionary coup by

communist hardliners, the failure of which empowered nationalists to finish their growing revolution and

dissolve the Soviet Union.

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Annotated Bibliography

Primary Sources (67):

Adelman, Deborah. The "Children of Perestroika": Moscow Teenagers Talk about Their Lives and the Future. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1991.

A novel, which discusses the development of perestroika in the Soviet Union, and predicts how it will affect the next generation of Russia. Adelman interviews teenagers while living in Moscow, asking about their plans for their future, and how they have been affected by greater economic and social freedom. Written in 1991, at the time of the August Coup, this book uses photographs and quotes from the teens, which provide insight into the future of this shattered nation. Adelman supplements this with her own opinion of Moscow in the aftermath of the coup, and her individual ideas and predictions. This source is extremely authoritative, as the sole goal of the author is to provide an accurate description of Gorbachev’s rule, and the future of his perestroika reform.

“Agreement on the Establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States.” Ratified 8 December1991 to 8 April 1994. Wikisource. 16 October 2011. Web.

First signed by the Republics of Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine on December 8, 1991, this treaty recognizes the fall of the Soviet Union and establishes a new, much looser union of cooperation between the former Soviet republics. This document makes the dissolution of the Soviet Union official. It, by official action, dissolves all aspects of the Soviet Union, making the fifteen republics independent. It is this treaty that would cause Gorbachev to resign his position as President of the Soviet Union in the coming days.

Akhmatova, Anna. "Requiem" Trans. A. S. Kline. Anna Akhmatova: Selected Poems in Translation. 2005. Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

Written by the renowned Russian poet Anna Akhmatova, “Requiem” exposed the true horrors of Stalin’s reign as experienced by the Russian people. Akhmatova brutally criticizes Stalin, and expresses the grief and hopelessness, which the Soviet Union experienced due to his policies. Though this poem was written in 1935, the Communist Party censored it for more than 40 years, until Gorbachev released it in 1987 as part of the Glasnost reforms. The decision to release poems such as “Requiem”, and other works criticizing the Stalin era was an enormous step forward for Glasnost, as the people became aware of the corruption of the Communist, and the terror of their past.

“Alma Atta Declaration.” 21 December 1991. Commonwealth of Independent States. 16 October 2011.Web.

The Alma Atta Declaration was a document signed by the fifteen republics of the Soviet Union outlining their sentiment to work together after the Soviet Union collapsed. It specifies that the former states of the Soviet Union are independent, but must still work together in common interest. This document marks the establishment of a post Soviet System. It articulates a reform to the Soviet Union and establishes a new way for the former republics to interact with each other. This, along with the treaty to establish the Commonwealth of Independent States, is the reform in the saga that began with Glasnost.

Andreeva, N. “Resolution: Soviet Unity for Leninism and Communist Ideas.” 3rd All-Union Conference.28 October 1990. Library of Congress. 23 October 2011. Web.

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The Society for Soviet Unity for Leninism and Communist Ideas was a hardliner Communist organization that held enormous sway in Soviet politics up to the August Coup. In their 3rd All-Union Conference, the society adopted three resolutions meant to reprimand Gorbachev for Glasnost, Perestroika, and the five hundred days of reform plan. These three resolutions represent the last effort of Communist hardliners to peaceably take back control of the situation in the Soviet Union. They submitted their resolutions to the CPSU, urging all members to agree with them. Many did not, and the resolutions had little affect on Soviet Politics. This led to the August Coup, as many hardliners saw no other option besides a coup to hold together the Soviet Union and maintain power.

Berdy, Michele A., and Gennady Burbulis. "Meltdown for the first time, Boris Yeltsin's right-hand man tells the inside story of the coup that killed glasnost---and changed the world." Foreign Policy 187 (2011): 71+. General Reference Center GOLD. Web. 2 Oct. 2011.

This article is a first person recount of the events that caused the failure of the August coup and the involvement of Boris Yeltsin, recounted by his secretary of state. The general of the Soviet Air Force’s allegiance to Boris Yeltsin ultimately decided the failure of the coup. This is a primary source as one who was a secretary of state at the time wrote the article. The primary nature of it however presents a few interesting issues. The actual secretary of state, Gennady Burbulis might have some reason to distort, however I believe that it has been nullified because of the time that has passed since the collapse. He however presents some interesting opinions that attribute the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union, rather than a reform into an alliance as the direct result of the coup. This source is definitely useful and interesting.

"Boris Yeltsin, Address to the Russian People. August 19, 1991." Seventeen Moments. 1998. Web. 10 Oct. 2011. <http://www.soviethistory.org/index.php?page=article>.

On August 19, 1991, Boris Yeltsin, president of the Russian republic, learned that communist conservatives had seized control of the Soviet government from President Mikhail Gorbachev during the reaction of the August Coup. Yeltsin immediately headed for Moscow, arriving at the parliament building began formulating a response to the coup attempt. Shortly after noon, after Soviet military forces directed by the coup leaders had taken up key positions in the capital, Yeltsin walked out of the parliament building and climbed up on a tank. This article is the transcript of what Yeltsin said in his speech while on top of the tank in response to the August Coup reaction. This was key to help end the coup, since this speech rallied the public against the coup. Yeltsin was able to gain power taken away from Gorbachev after the coup due to this speech, which was a key factor that led to the reform of the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Brown, Archibald (Archie). Phone interview. 10 January 2012

We conducted a personal interview with the renowned historian, and emeritus professor of Russian and Eastern European studies at St. Antonys, Oxford. Archie Brown. His areas of expertise include all aspects of Soviet and Russian history, focusing mostly on their politics. He has written widely on the topics of Russian history, including Glastnost, Perestroika and the fall of the Soviet Union. Our interview with him helped us re-shape our thesis. He described the development of the the national identity, and the unintended consequences of the liberalisation of the Soviet Union including information about some of the advisers of Gorbachev when he was developing the policies.

"Bush, George." Cold War Reference Library. Ed. Richard C. Hanes, Sharon M. Hanes, and Lawrence W.Baker. Vol. 5: Primary Sources. Detroit: UXL, 2004. 319-326. Gale World History In Context. Web.10 Oct. 2011.

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President George H.W. Bush’s speech to congress on the end of the cold war, given in January 1992. While the main topic of the speech is the reduction in arms that would take place in the US, and how the end of the cold war will shape the world to come, it helps make clear exactly what the dissolution of the Soviet Union meant for the rest of the world.  No longer would the world live in fear of a nuclear war, and no longer could it be claimed that communism or a planned economy is a viable political system.  It is clear that the reform experiments of glasnost and perestroika ended in reform of the greatest kind, the reform of a foreign policy that had not changed in almost half a century.

"Bush, George and Gorbachev, Mikhail." Cold War Reference Library. Ed. Richard C. Hanes, Sharon M. Hanes, and Lawrence W. Baker. Vol. 5: Primary Sources. Detroit: UXL, 2004. 307-318. Gale World History In Context. Web. 10 Oct. 2011.

Containing excerpts of the documents from the December 1989 Malta Summit, this primary source informs us of the opinions of both the United States and the Soviet Union regarding the revolutionary enactments of Glasnost and Perestroika. This conference gave President George HW Bush a better understanding of Glasnost and Perestroika. It explains how Gorbachev needed to push these revolutions not too fast, or there would be reactions against it. But also not to slow, or the economy would collapse. Clearly, the Communist party felt these economic changes were being implemented too fast, which led to the reaction of 1991 Coup. This article also explains the effect the coup had on the reform of the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and how this reform had a large effect on the world.

"CIA Intelligence Assessment: Rising Political Instability Under Gorbachev." Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media. Web. 23 Oct. 2011. <http://chnm.gmu.edu/1989/items/show/348>.

A 1989 CIA reports on the stability of the Soviet Union after glasnost reforms.  the “revolutionary reforms”, caused many new political and ethnic organizations to be formed.  The CIA predicted a number of things to occur, including a reactionary coup, which would happen in 1991.  This source sheds light on how external intelligence viewed Gorbachev’s reforms and the Soviet Union in 1989, the year when the Berlin Wall fell.  Basically, one sentence of the report sums up the general feeling of glasnost: “General Secretary Gorbachev has opened Pandora's box.”

Chernyaev, Anatoly. "Excerpt From the Diary of Anatoly Chernyaev." Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media. Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

Chernyaev, a top adviser to Gorbachev, discussing events leading up to the reunification of Germany. His diary provides insights into Gorbachev as a politician, particularly in a bit where Gorbachev speculates on his legacy as a world leader, and about being remembered in history.  This is the first instance in research where Gorbachev as an individual seems to have affected his policy making.  It may now seem possible that Gorbachev plunged his country into the revolution of Perestroika without thinking of public opinion, something that could have proven to be the Soviet Union’s fatal flaw.

Chitnis, Rajendra. Email Interview. November 26, 2011.

Rajendra Chitnis, an author and professor on the Soviet Union at Bristol University, wrote a book about how the fall of the Soviet Union changed the perspective of writers and citizens. Chitnis says that the failure of Perestroika caused a serious unbalance and rise of social inequality. He also says that an opposition, like the August Coup, seemed inevitable and a rebellion seemed imminent after Perestroika and Glasnost were implemented. When Yeltsin famously seized his power, it was clear from August onwards that Gorbachev was fatally weakened and that the movement for independence throughout the USSR was stronger than the movement to keep it together. After the dissolution, in some ways, Russian society is worse than it was in the 1980’s.

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Cohen, Stephen F., and Heuvel Katrina. Vanden. Voices of Glasnost: Interviews with Gorbachev's Reformers. New York: Norton, 1989. Print.

Stephen Cohen, the director of the Russian studies Program at Princeton University, and Katrina Heuvel interview 14 Soviet public figures, leaders of Gorbachev’s glasnost and perestroika.  Questions about glasnost and censorship, the Russian economy, the economic and political reform, conservatism among the nomenklatura are all answered by these different reformers of this time. These interviews provide an inside account of the events that unfolded during the Gorbachev era of the Soviet Union. This book provides first hand accounts of the meaning of glasnost and perestroika.

Communists on October Square (1991). Seventeen Moments In Soviet History, 19. Film. <http://www.soviethistory.org/index.php?page=subject&show=video&SubjectID=1991end&Year=1991&navi=byYear>.

This brief clip of communist protesters on the seventh of November in Moscow gives an interesting insight to the citizen’s mind of the collapsing Soviet Union. The blame of the failing economy is put on the “capitalist” leaders Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Popov and Sobchak. This source is a primary source as it is a direct video clip of a speech being given to a group of protesters. This was a source intended to be public as it is a speech being given in public. It, however, is presented with a large reason to distort. The speech was given to a group of angry protesters and was intended to rile them up to insight a new socialist October revolution. The reliability of the speaker also cannot be evaluated as no information is given about him. These things, however, are unimportant, as the usefulness of this video lies not in the reliability of the information, but the sentiments that are being expressed.

Echikson, William. Lighting The Night: Revolution in Eastern Europe. New York City: William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1990. Print.

Echikson is a reporter for several large publications. He covered the stories of the collapse of the Soviet States in Eastern Europe for the Christian Science Monitor. He tells his incredible story as he witnesses the collapse of communism in Poland, East Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania. He was in Eastern Europe between 1985 and 1990 and tells the inspiring stories of many different groups of people. Echkinson graduated Magna Cum Laude from Yale and has written in many different scholarly journals and was a fellow in Russian Studies at Harvard. This is a primary source as it covers the journalists experience in Eastern Europe. It is also public. There is no reason to distort presented through the author, however through some of the political leaders he talks to have reasons, namely to protect themselves and better their reputations. This source is extremely useful as it covers the different movements that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union in a first hand perspective.  

First Congress of the RSFSR People's Deputies. “Declaration on the State Sovereignty of the RSFSR.”Argumenty i fakty 12 June 1990: 1. Soviet History.org. 23 October 2011. Web.

In its first meeting of people’s deputies, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) declared them a sovereign nation, free from the Soviet Union. Following the lead of the Baltic States, Russia decided to declare its Independence so as to be free from the oppression of the Soviet Union. In this act, the Soviet Union remains in existence, but Russia becomes a free state, able to create its own constitution. This act kick-started a series of reforms in Russia that established the rule of law and created a working constitution. This act created a democratic Russia. The establishment of Russian sovereignty would, one year later, lead to the August coup by Communist hardliners. It was the goal of these hardliners to reverse the wave of Independence that was sweeping over the Soviet Union, and put all of the now independent states back into the Soviet Union.

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Gorbachev, Mikhail. “Address to the Country.” Pravda: 7 February 1991. Soviet History.org. 23 October 2011. Web.

In March of 1991, the Soviet Union held a union wide referendum with the question, “Do You think that it is necessary to preserve the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as a renewed federation of equal and sovereign republics in which the rights and freedoms of each citizen, regardless of ethnic origin, will be fully guaranteed?” In preparation for this referendum, Gorbachev published an opinion in Pravda, arguing for the continued existence of the Soviet Union. He argued that the Soviet Union was a unique civilization, one, which had yet to reach its peak, and one that could still flourish after experiencing broad economic reforms. The majority of people in the Soviet Union voted “yes” on this referendum. Despite the fact that over 70% of Soviet Citizens voted “yes” to a renewed Soviet system, Communist hardliners still wanted to preserve the old system. This led to the August coup of 1991, where Hardliners defied the will of the people to reform the Soviet Union, and instead attempted to bring it back to the old ways.

"Gorbachev, Mikhail." Cold War Reference Library. Ed. Richard C. Hanes, Sharon M.Hanes, and Lawrence W. Baker. Vol. 5: Primary Sources. Detroit: UXL, 2004.298-306. Gale World History In Context. Web. 9 Oct. 2011.

Gorbachev’s address to the 43rd gathering of the UN general assembly explains that Perestroika will help the Soviet Union become more integrated into the new global economy.  1988 was a year in which the global economy was seeing the effects of globalization.  With ever expanding modes of communication in distribution, the economies of countries formerly isolated became intertwined with others.  National economies had become so interconnected and interdependent, that a planned economy like the Soviet Union’s could not thrive, and maybe not even survives.  Therefore, Gorbachev was determined to uproot traditional interpretations of a life in a planned economy, and change the way Soviet’s thought about work, money, politics, and all aspects of society, in order to better compete with other global players.  To change the way people thought about life was truly revolutionary.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. "From the Report, MS Gorbachev's "perestroika and October: the RevolutionContinues," the Joint Solemn Meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the USSR SupremeSoviet and the RSFSR Supreme Soviet, the 70 The Anniversary of the October Revolution."Alexanderyakovlev.org. Web. 15 Oct. 2011.

Translated from original Russian, Gorbachev presents his thoughts on Perestroika and the Revolution in a speech at the 70th Anniversary of the October revolution in 1987, one year after Perestroika began.  Gorbachev’s main point is that the Soviet Union is not economically what Lenin intended. Lenin wanted the government to work for the peasants, to provide for the peasants.  Russia was supposed to be a land of peasantry.  Yet top officials in effect stole from peasants so much that the peasants suffered.  So, Gorbachev claims that his Perestroika will make the land a land for the peasants again, which was what was intended.  Basically, a reform.  But, considering the corruption had been going on virtually as long as Lenin had been dead, these particular reforms were revolutionary. In fact, they continued the spirit of the first Communist revolution: the October Revolution.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. "Gorbachev's TV Address on Interethnic Relations." Roy Rosenzweig Center forHistory and New Media. Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

In 1989, Gorbachev tries to relax tensions between ethnic groups in the Soviet Union, while at the same time trying to avoid nationalist movements.  In the age of Perestroika, it may seem odd that

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Gorbachev would not be pro nationalist movement, given his policy towards East Germany and Poland.  But this address shows that Perestroika was a revolution meant to keep the Soviet Union in tact, not to dissolve it.  Gorbachev failed on that front.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. The August Coup: The Truth and the Lessons. New York: HarperCollins, 1991. Print.

A book analyzing the causes and consequences of the coup d’état that started on August 18, 1991. This books talks about the transformations that occurred in the Soviet Union at this time. Written first hand by Mikhail Gorbachev, The August Coup: The Truth and the Lessons provides a great insight of his thoughts, reasons, and the truth about the events during this revolutionary time for the Soviet Union. Gorbachev also explains the mistakes he made and his personal experiences.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. Memoirs. New York City: Doubleday, 1995. Print.

A memoir of the life of Mikhail Gorbachev, it is densely worded, very long, and very detailed. While it is an inherently biased history of his life, this memoir offers a look into the mind of the man who brought down the Soviet Union. Chronicling his life from his admission into the Communist party of the Soviet Union in 1952 to his life after the fall of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev tells the story of the earth shaking events that led to collapse from a very personal perspective. While it is certainly not an authoritative, nor an unbiased look at the end of communism, it is a deeply personal one, written by the man who begun it all in 1985 with his reform plans of Glasnost and Perestroika.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. “My Position.” 28 July 1992. Maxim Moshkov Library. Web. 10 October 2011.

In this essay, written shortly after he resigned as President of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev hastily states his position on the events that led to his resignation. He discusses the failure of Glasnost and Perestroika, rants angrily about the 1991 military coup, and laments about the dissolution of his empire. This account of his feelings is more real then any other, for it was not thoroughly edited or published in any book, it was simply written and released. This personal account of opinion is perhaps the most raw and unvarnished account of the views of Gorbachev that exist. This document is profound in its imperfection and in the haste for which it was written. This is a document based in the emotion of the moment, and offers an unparalleled view into the mind of Gorbachev.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. "Mikhail Gorbachev, On Convening the Regular 27th CPSU Congress and the Tasks Connected with Preparing and Holding It." Seventeen Moments. 22 May 1985. Web. 16 Oct. 2011. <http://www.soviethistory.org/index.php?page=article>.

Mikhail Gorbachev, after the death of the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, or CPSU, Chernenko, states the launch of a new campaign for restructuring the Soviet Union, Perestroika. He says that he knows he cannot launch this system without the possibility of public criticism. In order for it to work, he also proposed the idea of Glasnost, meaning openness, with an emphasis on the role of intellectuals and the press. He finally states that in order for the country to run smoothly and effectively, the crimes of the Stalinist state had to be open to the public and be allowed to be discussed by the general public. This new policy of openness was revolutionary for the Soviet Union, and had a large impact on their society, leading to the reaction of the coup and the reform of the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. "Mikhail Gorbachev, Statement. August 24, 1991." Seventeen Moments. 2 Oct. 1991. Web. 10 Oct. 2011.

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Mikhail Gorbachev’s statement on August 24, 1991, after the August coup declaring his resignation from the position of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. He states that he wishes that revolutionary democratic transformation like Glasnost and Perestroika continue to happen to the Soviet Union in the future after his leaving of his position. Gorbachev’s resignation was a key factor that led to reform of the fall of the Soviet Union, since his loss of power represented the loss of power for all of the Soviet Union. After this moment the dissolution was clearly an inevitable event that was bound to happen in the near future, as it did that following December.

Gorbachev, Mikhail; Mlynar, Zdenek. Conversations with Gorbachev. New York City: Columbia University Press, 2002. Print.

A series of raw, unedited conversations between Mikhail Gorbachev and Zdenek Mlynar. Friends with Gorbachev for over 50 years, the Czech intellectual Zdenek Mlynar is responsible for shaping and taking part in the 1968 Prague Spring. The conversations between Gorbachev and Mlynar, both ardent supporters of democratic socialism, are intellectual explorations into the nature of the Prague spring, the impact of Perestroika, and the fall of the Soviet Union. They offer an unfettered look at how these two shapers of world events view the fall of the Soviet Union and the impact of their actions on those events.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. “Political Report of the CPSU Central Committee XXVII Congress of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union.” Speech given to CPSU on 25 February 1986. Maxim Moshkov Library. Web. 10 October 2011.

On February 25, 1986, Mikhail Gorbachev gave his groundbreaking speech to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) regarding the need to restructure socialist society. This speech marks the beginning of Glasnost and the beginning of the end of the Soviet Union. Gorbachev outlines how and why the Soviet Union must be politically changed, and explains the current economic crisis to the members of the Communist Party. It is in this speech that the foundation for openness is laid, and the ingredients for perestroika and economic collapse are added to the already dire situation in the Soviet Union.

Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich. Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World.Cambridge Cambridgeshire: Harper & Row, 1987. Print.

With a section entitled “Perestroika is a Revolution”, Gorbachev perfectly illustrates how a reformation can in fact be revolutionary.  Gorbachev calls his Perestroika an extension of Lenin's Revolution.  Gorbachev argues that all revolutions take more than one phase to be complete.  That is, in terms of the 1917 Revolution, it established the Party as the ruling party and Russia as the Soviet Union, but in order to perfect the system a new phase of revolution was necessary, i.e. Perestroika. “Perestroika is a Revolution” closes out the first section of his analysis of the idea.  The rest of the book has valuable information about the results of Perestroika, and the new way of thinking the Soviet Union had as a result of Gorbachev’s efforts.  In this, reactions to Perestroika as an idea are seen, and the completing of Perestroika as another phase of revolution are also seen.

Gorbachev, Mikhail. "The Last Heir of Lenin Explains His Reform Plans: Perestroika and Glasnost." Redirection to Equivalent @ Cengage. 1987. Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

Gorbachev writes an article describing the need for a reform, specifically Perestroika. He describes the current issues with the Soviet Union and how the issues can be solved with the use of Perestroika and this new policy of openness. Gorbachev states that he wants more socialism and more democracy in society. Even though Perestroika was supposed to be a political reform, the ideas he had with

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promoting Perestroika at this time were very revolutionary for the Soviet Union. This new political policy was a very important and new change for the Soviet Union.

Gorham, Michael. Telephone interview. 22 Nov. 2011.

Michael Gorham, a professor of Russian language and culture at the University of Florida, wrote many novels discussing how the collapse of the Soviet Union influenced the development of mass media in society. Our interview with him provided insight into the type of people who initiated the revolution, and the effect mass media had on its development. Gorham believes that the citizens of the Soviet Union have always been, and will always be diverse, citing examples of both communist hardliners and ardent liberals during the Communist Era. Gorham argues that the revolution was a bottom up revolution, though many reforms originated from the educated middle class of Soviet society. This interview helped support our thesis, and specify which groups truly initiated this revolution.

Klimoff, Alexis. Telephone interview. 21 Nov. 2011.

Alexis Klimoff, a professor of Russian studies at Vassar, managed a foreign exchange program in Moscow between 1989 and June of 1990. During this time, Klimoff witnessed the events which led to the collapse of the Soviet Union. Our interview with him provided insight into the economic pain which the Soviet people faced, as instability grew, and stores remained empty. Klimoff believes that Glasnost was a powerful revolution, because it uncovered the unbelievably corrupt and terrifying past of the Soviet Union. Furthermore, Klimoff explained that mass media had an immeasurable effect on the spread of Glasnost. This interview helped us to realize the role which media played in the success of this revolution.

Ligachev, Yigor. "Battle for Glasnost V." Interview. The Second Russian Revolution. Discovery Channel. Television.

An interview with Yigor Ligachev, Gorbachev’s second-in-command, about his changed opinion of Glasnost. After witnessing the widespread criticism of Stalin and Soviet history, Ligachev turned against Glasnost, saying “we (the Politburo) opened a way for people to throw dirt over our entire history.” After witnessing the power of free speech and public information, he began to fear that the Glasnost reform could cause a revolution. As a conservative Politburo member who did not want to end Communism, Ligachev began to advise Gorbachev to end his democratic reforms as soon as possible. This interview provides insight into the views of the right-wing Communists who initiated the August Coup.

Martin, Terry. Personal interview. 10 January 2012

A personal interview with the Harvard head of Eastern European and Russian studies, Dr. Martin. His area of expertise, the formation of national identity in the Soviet Union, was extremely useful in helping develop our thesis. He described in great detail various interactions among the Soviet leaders and the development of national identity among the various Soviet states and Russia. He also described how this formation lead to the collapse of Soviet Union. His studies and and status prove him an authoritative source, and give him no reason to distort.

Mejia, Osvaldo. Personal Interview. 6 October 2011.

In 1986, Osvaldo Mejia, a former citizen of the Dominican Republic, was given a full scholarship by the Soviet Union to study history in Rostov, Russia. He lived in Rostov until 1993, witnessing the beginning of Glasnost and Perestroika to the fall of the Soviet Union and beyond. Our interview with

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him proved very insightful. He gave a first hand account of how Glasnost and Perestroika affected ordinary people, and recounted personal details regarding the August Coup and the final collapse of the Soviet Union. Our thesis relies on the hypothesis that while Glasnost and Perestroika were top-down reforms, they were a bottom-up revolution. Osvaldo Mejia’s interview confirms this hypothesis, for he recounts in great detail how the ordinary people of the Soviet Union facilitated its collapse.

'Memorial', The. The Charter of the International Volunteer Public Organization “‘Memorial’ Historical, Educational, Human Rights and Charitable Society”. Memorial. Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

The charter of the group “Memorial”, which arose during Glasnost to discover the truth about the hidden past of the Soviet Union. This group included leading revolutionary thinkers from Russia, Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Latvia, and Georgia. Together, “Memorial” researched the history of Soviet corruption, and published its findings in newspapers, on television, and through radio broadcasts. In this charter, the group lists their goals, to uncover and honor the past, as well as their rights. “Memorial” blatantly stated that they had the power to stand up to the government, and fight back when they found injustice. This charter allows us to understand how powerful Glasnost truly was, for a statement like that could not have been made years earlier, without fear of strict government retaliation.

"Mikhail Gorbachev, Resignation." Central Television: 25/12/1991. Television. 23 Oct 2011.

This transcript of the broadcast gives Gorbachev’s explanation as to why he is leaving the spot of the presidency of the collapsed Soviet Union, and his opinion on the events that have transpired leading to the collapse of the Soviet Union. This report is important as it shows the final transition of the Soviet Union into a new era, and Gorbachev’s vision for the new, reforming Russia as a more democratic and liberal state. This source is primary, as it is Gorbachev himself explaining his resignation. It is also a public source as it was a broadcast over the Central Television channel of the Russian government. This source does have a reason to distort, as Gorbachev may have wanted to protect his reputation. Nevertheless, this source is an important and useful account of the resignation of the head of the failed Soviet Union.

Mine Field of Perestroika. 1991.

A video taken on August 20-22, 1991 in Moscow, Russia. It shows the tanks on Manege square and the armored vehicles invading Moscow and barricading the White House on Krasnopresnenskaia Embankment. This video discusses how the GKChP reacted to the new revolutions that came about with Glasnost and Perestroika, and how they wanted to rebel against Gorbachev’s government and bring Russia and the Soviet Union down. The Soviet Union may have stopped the rebellion and preserved itself for the moment, the end of the Soviet Union was inevitable at this point.

Mlynář, Zdeněk. "My Classmate, Mikhail Gorbachev." Speech. L’Unità Dal Mondo. 9 Apr. 1985. The Russian Quest for Peace and Democracy. Web. 9 Oct. 2011.

A speech describing the development of Gorbachev’s political philosophies before his election. Zdeněk Mlynář was a close friend of Gorbachev, who studied with him at the Moscow Law School, and was known to influence many of Gorbachev’s future policies. Eventually, Mlynář became the mastermind behind the Prague Spring, the Czechoslovakian revolution against Communism. Though Mlynář and Gorbachev did not speak after the Spring, his words still provide insight into Gorbachev’s development as a leader. According to Mlynář, Gorbachev’s favorite phrase in his youth was “truth is always concrete,” which can certainly be seen in his glasnost reforms.

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"Moscow Embassy Cable, If Solidarity Takes Charge, What Will the Soviets Do?" Roy RosenzweigCenter for History and New Media. Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

In a cable message to the US, the US embassy to Moscow assesses the solidarity movement in Poland, and how the Soviets will react.  The Assumption is that as long as there is no ill feeling towards the Soviets in Poland, Gorbachev will be apathetic.  All he wanted to do was support stability.  This is where the revolution of perestroika can be seen, because in decades past the Soviet military would have gone to Poland and crushed Solidarity.

Pavlov, Valentin; et al. “Appeal to the Soviet People of the State Emergency Committee of the USSR.”Pravda 19 August 1991. Wikisource. 16 October 2011. Web.

On August 19, 1991, the Reactionary Coup led by the State Emergency committee, or “gang of eight,” took control of the Kremlin, arrested Gorbachev at his Dacha, and threatened the White House with Attack. In the day’s edition of Pravda, they wrote an “Appeal to the Soviet People” in an effort to convince the Citizens of the Soviet Union that a return to hard-line Communism was necessary. This document was the only communication between the gang of eight and the people of the Soviet Union. It represents the reactionary forces that wanted to reverse the policies of Glasnost and has come to symbolize the hypocrisy of the old-style Soviets.

"Perestroika." Ibiblio - The Public's Library and Digital Archive. Web. 10 Oct. 2011.

Two letters, both the actual image of the letter and a translated version written by Gorbachev and N. Andreeva. The one from Gorbachev describes the fact that the Soviet Union is making the revolutionary change to a market economy from their original communist economy. In reaction to the revolutionary changes brought out by the implication of Glasnost and Perestroika, N. Andreeva, the Chairman of the political executive committee of the All-Union Society "Unity--for Leninism and Communist Ideals,” writes a letter describing the questions raised by the Communist Conservative party and the actions that will be taken, including the dismissing of Gorbachev’s power.

Popular Front. “Public Mandate XIX Party Conference of the CPSU.” 12 June 1988. 1000 Documents. 16October 2011. Web.

During the Period of Glasnost in the Soviet Union, many groups in opposition to the economic policies of the Central Party of the Soviet Union came together to form a the “Popular Front.” The so-called Popular front wrote a public mandate describing changes that they believed had to be made to the Soviet economic and political system. This Public mandate was submitted to the 19th Central Party Conference for review. It outlines changes to the voting and political system of the Soviet Union, and mentions broad economic reforms meant to curb the effects of the failing economy. The Public Mandate was a reflection and articulation of public sentiment in the Soviet Union during Glasnost and represents a very real expression of Free Speech that was allowed by Glasnost.

Projector of Perestroika. 1986. Newscast.

A newscast presented in 1986 in response to the revolutionary Perestroika that was recently implemented at this time. Containing views on this economic and social change created by Perestroika from common people in the Soviet Union. Many people are in favor of Perestroika and believe that this new economic and social system will better society, but others feel changes still need to be made. Some of these opposed ideas seen in this video represent the ideas that the communist conservatives

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had that compelled them to react against this reform and rebel against Gorbachev’s government during the August 1991 Coup.

Prokhanov, Alexander. A Word To The People.  23 July 1991. Posted 12 December 2000 <http://www.zavtra.ru/denlit/050/12.html>

This open letter demonstrates the extremely negative response of some politicians, intellectuals, and journalists. It includes a number of distinguished signatories from the Politburo. It suggests to form opposition movements against the reforms, and disparages Gorbachev and Yeltsin, and promotes the current political organization of the Soviet Union. By no means is it a reputable source in its specific criticisms, however it is an important document that demonstrates the oppositions to the reforms. This clearly expresses the sentiments felt by the reaction to Glasnost and Perestroika.

Reagan, Ronald. "President Reagan: Speech to the House of Commons, June 8, 1982."Fordham.edu. May 1998. Web. 22 Mar. 2012.

In his speech to the British House of Commons, President Reagan argued for the fostering of democratic values within the Soviet Union.  He proposed that the Western world work together through various political methods to put pressure on Soviet leaders.  This pressure would eventually force the Soviets to recognize that some democratic values would be beneficial to their society. Reagan, along with the incompetence of Brezhnev, forced the Soviet Union into an economic situation that forced Gorbachev, when he came to power, to implement reform that would help the economy but also create conditions for democracy, and ultimately a nationalist revolution, to occur.

Reagan, Ronald. "U.S. Support for Perestroika." Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media.Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

An excerpt from a speech Reagan made to the people of Moscow about US support for Perestroika. He equates perestroika to the movie "Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid,'' claiming that Butch and Sundance’s predicaments were like those of the Russian people.  This is an important analogy because it shows that reforms require the populous to be actively looking to reform their lives, and that it is hard to live with reforms.     

Russia. Commonwealth of Independent States. Minsk Agreement. Moscow: Izvestiia, 1991. Web. <http://www.soviethistory.org/index.php?page=article&ArticleID=1991minsk1&SubjectID=1991end&Year=1991>.

This source is the actual agreement that legally dissolved the Soviet Union. It is signed by Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia, the heads of the CIS. This is an extremely important document, as it is the document that legally makes the reform of the failed USSR into the voluntary agreement of the CIS. This shows an extreme change in the political rhetoric of the ex-Soviet Union, “striving to build democratic law-governed states”. This source is another extremely important demonstration of the reform of the collapsed Soviet Union, and again, cannot distort as it is simply the agreement that was entered into, rather than any opinions of the reform.

Sakharov, Andrei. A.Sakharov. Progress, Coexistence and Intellectual Freedom |.Sakharov Center. Web. 25 Sept. 2011. <http://www.sakharov-center.ru/asfconf2011/english/articleseng/1>.

An essay written in 1968 by democratic reformer Andrei Sakharov, criticizing the Soviet Union and suggesting multiple paths of reform. Sakharov classifies the lack of honesty and intellectual freedom under the current Soviet Government as the “ossified dogmatism of a bureaucratic oligarchy and its

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favorite weapon, ideological censorship”. This letter was a revolutionary offense against the Soviet Union at the time, though it served as the foundation of Gorbachev’s glasnost and perestroika reforms fifteen years later.  This letter serves as an insight to the ideals of the democratic revolutionaries, led by Sakharov, who expanded the definition of honesty and democratization in Gorbachev’s Congress of Peoples Deputies

Shakhnazarov, Georgy.  "Soviets Discuss Perestroika for Other Communist Countries.” Making the History of 1989, #164. <http://chnm.gmu.edu/1989/items/show/164>.

A letter written from Georgy Shakhnazarov to Mikhail Gorbachev. The main point of this letter was to state the urgency of Perestroika based on the current economic and social issues in the Soviet Union at that time. He says that each individual country needs specific reforms and solutions, but an overall revolutionary system like Perestroika is a necessity. Shakhnazarov says that socialism has been dying down and they are in need of a radical transformation. Even though Perestroika was meant to save the Soviet Union, in the long run, it was a major factor that led to the destruction and dissolution of it.

Shane, Scott. Dismantling Utopia: How Information Ended the Soviet Union. Chicago: I.R. Dee, 1994. Print.

     A book written by a journalist stationed in Moscow during the time of Gorbachev’s reforms, which discusses how the spread of information through television and radio inspired a public revolution. Using examples from revolutionary groups all across the Soviet Union, this source evaluates how the rapid spread of information resulted in public anger, and how that anger eventually gave way to revolt. This book provides insight to the connection between glasnost and perestroika, by showing how honesty resulted in both an economic and a social uprising.

Shatalin, Stanislav. “Man, Freedom, and the Market.” Izvestila 42, 31 October 1990: 4-7. SovietHistory.org. 17 October 2011. Web.

Stanislav Shatalin, a radical economist inside the Soviet Union, proposed a series of radical reforms to the Soviet economic structure prior to its collapse. These reforms, outlined in his article, “Man, Freedom, and the Market,” became the basis from which the five hundred days of reform were created. Shatalin recognized that up to this point, Perestroika had done little to heal the economy of the Soviet Union. His suggested reforms proposed to rapidly turn the Soviet Union into a market economy. With no other option, Gorbachev accepted these reforms, and Soviet Union was transformed into a Capitalist economy. It is because of these reforms that, after five Hundred days of implementation, the Soviet Union dissolved. These reforms are the final cause of the demise of the Soviet Union.

Sinyavsky, Andrei. Soviet Civilization: A Cultural History. New York City: Arcade Publishing, 1990. Print.

Much of this book covers the culture of the Soviet Union, and how it was influenced by the repressive regime of the Communist Party. It is a book written by a Russian scholar just before the fall of the Soviet Union, and is an examination of the cultural conditions of the Soviet Union as it was deteriorating. This study of Soviet Culture is, contrary to what its title suggests, a primary source document, looking at the social conditions of Russia and the Soviet Union in 1990, and how the previous eighty years of its existence led up to the present. This book is written from the perspective of a man who loves the Soviet Union, and the ideal of Communism. It is therefore not an authoritative source by any means. But it is, however, a fascinating look at, and an analysis of, the zeitgeist of the era.

Sobchenko, Alexei. Personal interview. 26 Jan. 2011

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This interview with Alexei Sobchenko gave us a greater insight to the intentions and outcomes of Glastnost and Perestroika. He also discussed the August coup and the formation of a national identity in Russia, and provided information relating the old Russian nationalism, to the new Russian nationalism. Sobchenko was a political dissident in Russia, working with colleagues to publish magazines with the truth about internal affairs. Some of his colleagues were pardoned under the new liberalization. After leaving the Soviet Union, Alexei went to go work in the United States government, in foreign affairs.

Sobchenko, Andrei. Personal interview. 20 Dec. 2011.

Andrea Sobchenko was born in Russia and live in the Soviet Union in the 1980’s. He gave us personal insight of the effects of Glasnost and Perestroika and how it affected the lives of the people at the time. Our interview gave us the understanding of the economic problems the Soviet Union was dealing with and the inefficiency of the leaders of the Soviet Union prior to Mikhail Gorbachev. Also, the effect and actions of Yeltsin during the time of the August Coup were further explained. With the addition of viewing, commenting on, and critiquing our documentary, this interview was very helpful in our work as it greatly helped us understand our topic and improve our project.

Soviet Union. Treaty on the Union of Sovereign States. Moscow: Sovetskaia Rossiia, 1991. Web.

This source is the agreement that the USSR hoped the sovereign states would enter into. It is an extremely democratic-feeling document that shows some of the willing reform the USSR hoped for in order to save it’s failing unity. This source would grant many rights to the sovereign states had they had the chance to implement it before the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This is an extremely important source as it demonstrates the feeling of desperation felt in preventing the succession of the Soviet Union, and the willingness to transform the Soviet Union into a state based on an agreement. Eventually this proposal is re-used to establish the Commonwealth of Independent States. This is a primary, and public source. There is no possible distortion, as this source does not state opinions, rather gives the agreement that the sovereign states would enter into. This source is extremely important and useful.

Tanks on the Streets of Moscow. Vremya, 1991.

An evening news broadcast that was taken place on August 20th. Journalists in the video interviewed soldiers from communist conservative party, including Major V. Lvov, one of the leaders of the coup attempt, in the streets of Moscow, that were reacting to the revolutionary policies brought about with Glasnost and Perestroika. It also shows the reaction of the public to this invasion. Even with this major event in Soviet Union history occurring right in front of these people, they all were calm during these events, as people were climbing on the tanks. This invasion marked the high point in the coup, before Yeltsin made his speech, turning the public against the coup, leading to the end of the coup attempt.

Tret'iakov, Vitalii. “The People Have Made Their Choice.” Pravda 1 April 1989. Soviet History.org. 23October 2011. Web.

In his article about Boris Yeltsin, Vitalii Tret’iakov coins the term, “The Yeltsin Phenomenon,” to describe the outpouring of nationalistic support for Russian Independence and a Yeltsin Presidency. He echoes the sentiment of the people at the time, talking about the need for an independent Russia and an end to Perestroika. This unabashedly supportive article about Yeltsin fawns over his personality, his break from Soviet government, and his views on the Soviet economy. The author of the article holds the view that while Perestroika began with the government, it is now firmly controlled

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by the people, and Yeltsin is a man who not afraid to point this out and take full advantage of this. Yeltsin, this article implies, is the only politician in the Soviet Union who is doing anything to speed up Perestroika, so he should be the one to lead Russia.

"The Communist Manifesto." Human and Civil Rights: Essential Primary Sources. Ed. Adrienne Wilmoth Lerner, Brenda Wilmoth Lerner, and K. Lee Lerner. Detroit: Gale, 2006. 22-25. Gale World History In Context. Web. 9 Oct. 2011.

An excerpt from Karl Marx’s Communist Manifesto sheds light on the essentials of communism. Concrete steps to achieve a communist state are included in the excerpt.  It is essential to understand the original ideas behind the Soviet Union in order to understand its flaws during its final years.  What was so revolutionary about Glasnost and Perestroika was not so much that it went against Marxist ideology, but that it went against what Marxist ideology had manifested itself into, in the form of the Soviet Union.  Therefore, the 1991 Coup’s reaction was not a struggle for the return of communism, but the struggle for the return of one particular manifestation of communism.

Woodpeckers, Andrew. "As We Sat in the White House during the 1991 Coup. Diary." 19 Aug. 2010. Komsomolskaya Pravda. Web. 16 Oct. 2011.

Detailed diary accounts having an hour by hour description of the events of the August Coup during the actual days from August 19th to the 21st. Including quotes from important Soviet leaders such as Gorbachev, Yesltin, and others, this source gives us a good view of what happened and what people thought of these actions. It shows how the communist group reacted to the implementation of Glasnost and Perestroika and the exact courses of action that took place during this time. Also, it explains how Yeltsin was able to climb onto the tanks and make his speech turning the public against the rebellion. This action was one of the major reasons the rebellion collapsed and the Coup, in this sense failed, even though in the bigger scheme it was a success since it led to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

XXVII Party Congress. Perf. Mikhail Gorbachev. Web. March, 1986.

A video of Mikhail Gorbachev giving a report to his delegates. Gorbachev addresses the current issues of the Soviet Union and the need for a political reform. He states that the Soviet Union needs to admit their past mistakes and people need to understand the past mistakes. He does not explicitly mention the concept of implementing a revolutionary system such as Glasnost, he still says that some change is needed. These ideas present in this videos are the reason that Glasnost and Perestroika were implemented, which was a major change in the Soviet Union, being a completely revolutionary idea for the previous concealed style of a government.

Yakovlev, Alexander. "Notes for Presentation at the Politburo Session, December 27, 1988."The George Washington University. National Security Archive. Web. 09 Oct. 2011.

Yakovlev, an advisor for Gorbachev and the mind behind perestroika, wrote down notes for a Politburo session in 1988.  His notes are about the progress of perestroika, and what can be done to make it better.  He underlines his goals of the reforms and states explicitly why they were necessary in the first place, and what they should do.  It is quite clear that Yakovlev did not want democracy the way it is thought of in America, but rather a more social democracy, a blend of public and private.  

Yakovlev, Alexander. "Shaping Russia's Transformation: A Leader of Perestroika Looks Back." Interview by Harry Kreisler. Conversations With History. University of California, Berkeley. Web. 16 Oct. 2011.

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An interview with Politburo member Alexander Yakovlev, a political ally of Gorbachev, and a strong advocate for both glasnost and perestroika. In this interview Yakovlev reflects on his life as a member of the Communist Party, and discusses his triumphs and regrets on the path to liberal social reform. This source is a unique insight to the opinions of Yakovlev, as he normally does not participate in interviews. Furthermore, as an architect of  perestroika, Yakovlev is one of the few who truly understands and can evaluate this complex reform. Because a reliable institution, UC Berkeley, conducts it this interview provides an unparalleled view of both the development and meaning of perestroika.

Yakovlev, Alexander. "The Priority of Political Development." Letter to Mikhail Gorbachev. 25 Dec. 1985. The National Security Archive. George Washington University, 22 Nov. 2005. Web. 25 Sept. 2011.

A letter which shows Alexander Yakovlev’s  radical dreams of an all-encompassing political revolution which turns the Soviet Government into a democracy. This letter was sent to Mikhail Gorbachev, one of Yakovlev’s closest friends, and advised him to create a Western government, including a judicial, legislative, and executive branch, and elections which were fair and allowed for popular choice. This was a revolutionary idea when compared to traditional Soviet Government. This letter shows how Yakovlev’s influence on Gorbachev’s policies, as Gorbachev did eventually fight for democratization of the Soviet system.

Yeltsin, Boris. "Boris Yeltsin, Decree of the President of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic on the Activity of the CPSU and the RSFSR Communist Party. November 6, 1991." Seventeen Moments in Soviet History. 11 Dec. 1991. Web. 10 Oct. 2011.

A letter from Boris Yeltsin, denouncing the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, or CPSU, and its leadership. He says that the CPSU was never a real party. Also, the CPSU and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, or RSFSR shall be disbanded immediately. Yeltsin says that the CPSU and the RSFSR have no power, as proven by the reaction from the communist conservatives during the August Coup previously that year. This letter shows the transfer of powers from the CPSU and the RSFSR to Yeltsin and the state after the August Coup, which led to the eventual reform of the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Yeltsin, Boris. 1991, August 19. Boris Yeltsin, Address to the Russian people. Moscow, Russia. Web.

This speech is the vital turning point in the August coup. Yeltsin delivers this speech from atop a revolutionary’s tank. This was a crucial moment in Soviet history, as this speech was one of the core factors in stopping the advance on the Russian White House. Yeltsin defines the revolutionaries as attempting a “rightist, reactionary, anti-constitutional coup”. This speech obviously may be skewed and exaggerated in some places, as this was a crucial moment for Yeltsin to win the support of the Russian people to stop the coup. This is a primary and public source as this is the very speech that Yeltsin delivers to the people at the protest, because of its game changing nature in the history of the August coup, and subsequently the Soviet Union, this speech is important and useful.

Yeltsin, Boris. “Yeltsin’s Election Platform.” Moskovskaia Pravda 21 March 1989. Soviet History.org. 23October 2011. Web.

Boris Yeltsin ran for and became the first democratically elected president of Russia. In his election platform, Yeltsin declares what he wants done to reform the Soviet system and create an independent Russia. Yeltsin outlines the need for rule of law and protections against authoritarianism in Russia, and emphasizes the need to radically change socialism through a revolutionary change in social policy. While vague, Yeltsin articulates the general sentiment of the Russian people, one of discontent that

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would ultimately lead to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This source is an expression of the Soviet peoples distrust of the old communist system, and the publication of the Yeltsin platform was one of the first steps in the grassroots struggle that brought down the Soviet Union.

Yeltsin Speaks after Defeat of the Coup. Russian Archives Online, 1991. Film.

This primary source shows Russian president Boris Yeltsin addressing the Russian public that helped stop the coup. From this source we can observe the beliefs of the president and the Soviet people that were more for democracy and liberty. Yeltsin’s speech was obviously public, and is a primary source as it was footage of the president responding to protesters a few days after the attempted coup. He accredits the protesters for being the ones who “stopped the reactionary act and dealt it the crushing blow”. This source’s authoritative-ness is questionable as the history of Russian politics is not one of truth, however this source is important and useful as it helps frame the political events that were happening within Russia as it fell to its collapse.

Secondary Sources (68):

1991, December. "USSR Coup 1991." OnWar.com - Wars, Military History, International Relations. 16 Dec. 2000. Web. 14 Sept. 2011.

An article about the August 1991 Coup from a larger context source, Armed Conflicts Events Database. This article discusses the events that led to the August Coup, what happened during the few days of the reacting it, and the events that happened between August and December 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed. It focuses mostly on the connecting events between the reaction of the August 19th Coup and the reform of the dissolution of the Soviet Union that following December. It explains Gorbachev’s loss of power and Yeltsin’s gain, and how the member states all declared independence following the failed August Coup.

"1991 The Soviet Coup." Video. ABC News. New York City: CNN News, Web. 2 Oct 2011.

These news reports of the time show the unexpected and sudden nature of the collapse of the Soviet Union in the outside world. They show footage of the tanks rolling into Moscow, and give the important view of the American media of the time. This news report is a secondary and public source. The reason to distort is an interesting part of this however. While the American media outlets do not have much incentive to distort, much of the news leaving the Soviet Union is known to not be factual. However, the importance of these reports does not stem from the factual nature of the news reports, but instead the emotional response in America that came of the reports out of the Soviet Union.

"A globe redrawn; After the Soviet collapse." The Economist [US] 7 Nov. 2009: 28EU. General OneFile. Web. 23 Sep. 2011.

This article was published in “The Economist” and it provides an interesting view of the collapse of the Soviet Union. This article covers the multiple economic causes and effects of the collapse and the Reform and lasting impacts that it has brought today. The article also helps to frame the collapse of the Soviet Union in a global perspective as a result of the Cold War. This is a secondary source as the author does not recall a specific event, and is not describing any of this in the first person. It is also a public source as it was published and intended to be read by professionals and scholars. As it is public, secondary and published in a widely respected magazine, there is no reason to distort apparent by this article as it would damage the reputation of a respected magazine to distort in a historical article. Because of these things I conclude that this article is a reliable examination of the reform of the world in the collapse of the Soviet Union.

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Applebaum, Anne. "Thus Do Empires End." Rev. of O’Clery, Conor. Moscow December 25, 1991: The LastDay of the Soviet Union. New York City: PublicAffairs, 2011. Print. Spectator Book Club. 3 Sept. 2011. Web. 19 Nov. 2011.

A review of O’Clery’s book about the last day of the Soviet Union highlights the fact that the author is a journalist, and therefore is able to have a better perspective than a politician or statesman towards the matter at hand.  Applebaum argues that the best parts of the book are those, which involve the arguments of Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin.  Their terrible relationship can clearly be seen and explored through the use of this narrative.  After reading the review, it becomes clear just how important the Gorbachev-Yeltsin relationship is.

Aron, Leon. "Everything you think you know about the collapse of the Soviet Union is wrong." Foreign Policy 187 (2011): 64+. Expanded Academic ASAP. Web. 23 Sep. 2011.

Leon Aron published this article in the magazine foreign policy. This article presents another interesting point of view and explains the fall of the Soviet Union as the result of moral and intellectual reform that resulted in a once proud Union left as a burnt out shell. This is a secondary source, however, it also utilizes some primary sources through quotes from people of the time. Aron is an accomplished scholar with a PhD in political sociology from Colombia University, and numerous essays to many newspapers and magazines on Russian affairs. He has also written several books on the topic of the Soviet Union and Russia. This is a public source as it was published in a well-respected magazine, Foreign Policy. There is no apparent reason to lie about the topic as that would only damage the reputation of both the author and the publication. Because of the interesting ideas backed by primary evidence and its publishing nature and respected author, this source proves both useful and authoritative.

Ash, Timothy Garton. The Polish Revolution. New York City: Charles Scribner’s Sons,1983. Print.

An in depth analysis of the 1981 Polish Solidarity Movement and Polish Crisis that begun the final descent of world communism. While this book was written in 1983, before there was any hint of Glasnost, Perestroika, Gorbachev, or Soviet Nationalism succeeding in tearing down the iron curtain, it offers a look at the Peaceful Polish revolution that showed the world, both Communist and Capitalist, that communism was could be challenged. Because of the lax Soviet response to the Polish Crisis, the Soviet holds over its satellite nations were challenged. Without knowing it, this book is examining the beginning of the end of world communism. Through this book, one can come to an understanding of the social conditions that was needed to threaten communist governments and the people who influenced that challenge to communism. Because this book is written without any retrospective, and at a time when the Soviet Union showed no outward signs of collapse, it offers a very real and a very specific examination of an event that would, after the publication of this book, shake world order to its very core.

Barnett, Vincent. "The Soviet economy--an experiment that was bound to fail? Vincent Barnett contrasts Marxist idealism with the changing economic reality in the USSR." History Review 53 (2005): 19+. Gale World History In Context. Web. 2 Oct. 2011.

Professor Barnett, an expert on Soviet economics, tries to make sense of the “experiment” that was applying Marxist Communism to an actual economy.  Basically, it is extremely important to understand flaws in the system at all points during Soviet history, in order to understand why the economy was collapsing by the time Gorbachev came to power.  If the fundamental flaws with this

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economic system are understood, then it is possible to understand the revolution of Gorbachev’s glasnost and Perestroika that much better.

Barringer, Felicity. "MOSCOW MAGAZINE IS LEADER IN NEW OPENNESS." New York Times 22 Mar. 1987. New York Times. Web. 9 Oct. 2011.

An article, which discusses the importance of the Ogonyok, a Soviet propaganda magazine, which Gorbachev revolutionized to publish stories about the true happenings of the Soviet Union. This article was published in the New York Times, so it is an extremely reliable source. Ogonyok, which was previously an outlet for Communist propaganda, was transformed under Gorbachev, who appointed a new editor, Vitaly Korotich, and instructed him to publish only the truth. As Ogonyok was one of the most popular magazines of the time, this revolution caused Soviet people to realize the lies, which they had believed for so many years. Ogonyok, and many other “truth” magazines of the time are important, as they encouraged common people to fight for reform.     

Boettke, Peter J. "Why Perestroika Failed." The Freeman | Ideas On Liberty. Mar. 1992. Web. 16 Oct. 2011.

Peter J. Boettke, an economics professor at George Mason University and the deputy director of the James M. Buchanan Center for Political Economy, explains why Perestroika failed for economic reasons. Boettke says that the main reason it failed was that it was not tried. Gorbachev introduced over ten others political reforms in his six years in power that were meant for “radical reconstruction.” None of which were actually implemented. Instead, the reform was limited to “half-measures” and weak, inconsistent reforms. This failed and weak Perestroika was one of the reasons why the conservative communist party reacted against Perestroika, leading to the August Coup in 1991.

"Brezhnev Attempted to Advance Soviet Goals Through Detente; Soviet Leader Used Consensus in Politburo on Domestic Issues." The New York Times - Breaking News, World News & Multimedia. Web. 20 Sept. 2011.

The New York Times' obituary summarizes Leonid Brezhnev and his role as leader of the Soviet Union, which helps explain, in a broad context, why Gorbachev needed to implement reform, i.e. glasnost and perestroika when he succeeded Brezhnev. What is particularly important is how Brezhnev reacted to a stagnating economy. Because Brezhnev and others in the Communist party refused to address the economic problems, Gorbachev was more or less forced to attempt an overhaul of the economic system, which became more a revolution than reformation.

Brown, Archie. The Gorbachev Factor. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997. Print.

A broad context source, which summarizes Mikhail Gorbachev’s rise to power as the General Secretary of the Communist Party, and demonstrates how his reform policies destabilized the Soviet Union. As this book won the W.J.M. Mackenzie Prize of the Political Studies Association of the UK, it is an extremely reliable source. Tracing the evolution of the terms “glasnost” and “perestroika” through Gorbachev’s political career, this source shows how events in Soviet History radically changed the meaning of these two words, and caused a revolution of Soviet society. This source is important as it portrays not only how these definitions changed for society, but also how they changed for Gorbachev personally.

Brown, Archie . "Reform, Coup and Collapse: The End of the Soviet State." BBC: History. n. page. Print.

This article by Archie Brown gives another broad scope of why the Soviet Union collapsed. This article puts the blame not on the stagnating economy or out-of-date technology but instead blames the

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rapid liberalization by Gorbachev. This public source helped effectively frame the revolution of Glasnost, and reaction to it. Archie Brown is the Emeritus Professor of Politics at Oxford University. He was also the director of the Russian and East Europe centre in St. Antony’s, Oxford. Brown has received numerous awards for his books on  the Soviet Union and Russia. This is another public source as the BBC published it. It is also a secondary source as Brown is simply a scholar on the topic. However, because of this he is also presented with no reason to distort. Brown’s effective articulation of the revolution reaction and reform, his widely praised reputation, and the nature of the article as a public secondary source make it a both useful and reputable source.

Brown, Archie. The Rise and Fall of Communism. New York: Ecco, 2009. Print.

In extremely broad context, Brown, a professor emeritus at Oxford and noted Soviet expert, sheds light on the “Era of Stagnation” under Brezhnev.  Brown argues stagnation in every aspect of Soviet leadership not just the economy, although that is what ultimately led to Gorbachev’s reforms.  It was clear, however, that the stagnation needed to be reacted to, politically and economically.  Brezhnev’s inability to change his policies caused the Revolution that was the Gorbachev era.

Bushsbaum, Herbert. "Whose finger is on the button?" Scholastic Update 21 Feb. 1992: 9+. General Reference Center GOLD. Web. 17 Oct. 2011.

This source discusses the post break up situation that the Soviet Union faced. This is an examination of the reform and the situation it left the nuclear capabilities of the Soviet Union in. This article discusses the break up of the states, and the subsequent spilt of one uniform nuclear power, to four with poor economies and the potential to sell the nuclear weapons.  This article was published in the New York times, and is in a section targeted for high schoolers. Because of this it does not hold any complex ideas, but it does provide a lot of broad useful information in this small area of the reform. Because of its publication in the well-respected newspaper the New York Times and because of its secondary, public and detached nature to the topic there is no reason to distort, and this source proves authoritative.

Campbell, John C. Rev. of Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich. Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire: Harper & Row, 1987. Print. Foreign Affairs. Apr.-May 1988. Web. 19 Nov. 2011.

Campbell’s review was written almost immediately after Gorbachev’s book was published.  He generally has good things to say about it.  His only issue is that Gorbachev’s claims that Perestroika is “revolutionary” are not true when looking at what he actually did to achieve Perestroika.  Clearly, critics of Gorbachev knew why Perestroika could potentially fail long before it actually did. Campbell, however, maintains that it is a breath of fresh air to see that things in the Soviet Union are indeed changing.

Crouch, Dave. "The Reform That Failed." The Socialist Review 204 (1997). 1997. Web. 16 Oct. 2011.

An article in a prominent socialist journal portraying Gorbachev as an utter failure, and labeling his perestroika reforms unoriginal and misguided. The author believes that all credit, if any, for change in the Soviet Union should be given to the people, who risked their lives to fight for independence. On the other hand, he insists that Gorbachev copied Khrushchev’s ideas for reform, and only used his reforms to secure the power of the ruling class. Though this source was published in a journal, it is extremely biased against any type of democratic reform, and many of the connections made are

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questionable. However, this source provides insight into one of the more controversial opinions of Gorbachev and his policies for reform.

Dallin, Alexander, and Condoleezza Rice. The Gorbachev Era. Stanford, CA: Stanford Alumni Association, 1986. Print.       Nine years after his assessment of the Twenty-fifth Congress of the CPSU, Dallin, along with Condoleezza Rice, shed light on the Gorbachev era.  The economy is examined but this time in a much more speculative way. Because Gorbachev’s reforms are inevitable, the book examines, based on the then current state of the Soviet economy, if his reforms would be successful.  Clearly if there is so much doubt about success of reforms, it is because of the history of economic policy.  Changing it was downright revolutionary.

Dallin, Alexander. The Twenty-fifth Congress of the CPSU: Assessment and Context. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution, 1977. Print.

Dallin, who died in 2000, was a professor of History and Political Science at Stanford.  As editor of this assessment of a CPSU congress in 1976, he sheds light on the Brezhnev era while it was still in progress.  Of most important is the assessment of the economy, particularly the Ninth and Tenth Five-year Plans.  Background information on this subject is key to understanding why Gorbachev’s reforms ten years later would be so necessary, and turn out to be so revolutionary. In fact, the economy had been steadily declining at the time of the 25th Congress.

Dobbs, Michael. "The Kremlin." Down with Big Brother: the Fall of the Soviet Empire. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1997. Print.

A chapter, which discusses the Politburo reaction to the article “I Cannot Betray My Principles” written by Nina Andreyeva, which upholds traditional Stalinist, values and criticizes Glasnost and Perestroika. Ligachev and his connections in the media to attack Gorbachev and his reform policies used this article. The chapter discusses Gorbachev’s reaction to the piece, and the divisions, which it created in the Politburo. The publication of this article established Ligachev as a direct opponent to the democratically radical Gorbachev and Yakovlev. The analysis presented in this chapter is extremely authoritative, as this novel was a finalist for the 1997 PEN award for nonfiction.

Doder, Dusko; Branson, Louise. Gorbachev: The Heretic in the Kremlin. New York City:Penguin Books, 1990. Print.

A book about that chronicles the life of Mikhail Gorbachev from 1985 to 1990, this examination of his decisions and their consequences analyzes all aspects of what would lead to the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. It offers an in-depth look at what Glasnost and Perestroika meant to Gorbachev and the Soviet people. This book looks at what actually happened due to Glasnost, and how Perestroika actually restructured the Soviet Union. From this book, the meaning of Glasnost and Perestroika can be derived, and their affect on the people of Russia and the Soviet Union can be seen.

Doder, Dusko. Shadows and Whispers: Power Politics inside the Kremlin from Brezhnev to Gorbachev. New York: Random House, 1986. Print.

A former expert on Moscow from the Washington Post, Doder gives an inside look at the politics of the USSR.  By the time Brezhnev came to power, the Soviet economy was on a downward spiral, and by the time his death was near, it was at a complete standstill.  Doder explains why better attempts at fixing the economy, or a new economic focus, was not adopted until Gorbachev took over.  Basically,

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the book connects politics to the problems of the USSR.  it becomes clear why Gorbachev needed to react to a legacy of ignoring the truth.  

Elliott, John E. "Disintegration of the Soviet politico-economic system." International Journal of SocialEconomics. (1995): General OneFile. Web. 8 October 2011.

The late John E. Elliott was a leading expert on Social Economics and a professor at the University of Southern California. His essay on the disintegration of the Soviet politico-economic system is an analysis of the myriad of factors that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union. This essay explains, in great detail, the economic and social conditions of the Soviet Union at the time of collapse, and how the situation deteriorated to the point where the Soviet Union could no longer function. It is analysis of what economic situations led to the collapse of the Soviet Union, as well as what social conditions existed to facilitate that collapse.

Evans, Christine. "Song of the Year and Soviet mass culture in the 1970s." Kritika 12.3 (2011): 617+. Gale World History In Context. Web. 10 Oct. 2011.

A history Professor of History at University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Evans provides a look at Soviet culture on the 70’s through the lens of TV broadcasts.  It is incredibly important to understand Soviet culture during the 70s and 80s to understand why glasnost and perestroika revolutionized the way people were able to think, and what people were able to do.  Reactions to perestroika and the way it manifested itself to the average Soviet citizen is purely based on culture.  Gorbachev’s reforms went against soviet culture, trying to change it, which ultimately led to the dissolution five years later.  

Gaddis, John Lewis. The Cold War. New York City: Penguin Books, 2005. Print.

A broad context source about the Cold War by its leading historian, John Lewis Gaddis. As a history written for a generation that did not live through the Cold War struggle, this book is a synthesis and analysis of what the Cold War meant for its time and what its implications are for the future. Although this book is by no means an in depth examination of the many different struggles involved in the Cold War from 1945 to 1991, it offers a broad frame of reference for which all other sources can be placed in. This summation of Cold War events puts the events that led up to the fall of the Soviet Union in a very easy to understand context.

"GOBACHEV RESIGNATION / COLLAPSE SOVIET UNION / December 25 - 1991" Online video.youtube.com. 2011. Web. 14 Sep 2011.

This online video shows a news report, presumably from December 25, 1991. The broadcast is out of an ITN, a British news corporation active since 1955. While this news report itself is a secondary source, it features video of broadcast by Gorbachev and interview of Yeltsin them. From Gorbachev’s interview, his opinion on why the fall of the Soviet Union occurred. However, the broadcast primarily focused on the reform that will come as a response to the failed Coup. This news report, and the interview and broadcast within it are all public. The interesting part of this however would be a reason to distort. Gorbachev would be presented with a reason to distort, as he would lie to protect himself from the blame of the Russian people. However, he does not say many controversial things, or offer a deep explanation of the happenings. Yeltsin simply presents his hopes for the future and does not offer his explanation of history. This report is from a reasonably reputable news corporation, with some photography from CNN, an American news outlet. Because of the public nature of this source, and its primary interviews it has proved a useful source. I hesitate to say authoritative because of the reason to distort by the two primary subjects of this report, but regardless of the fact, because of the importance of the footage of Gorbachev, this source is definitely useful.

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Gorbachev: The Great Dissident. Perf. Bridget Kendall. BBC News, 2011. 13 Aug. 2011. Web. 9 Oct. 2011.

A documentary discussing Gorbachev’s rise to power, and the ideological development of glasnost and perestroika. Beginning with his life as a loyal Communist, BBC News explores the people, events, and ideas, which caused Gorbachev to enact his reforms. Numerous interviews with Gorbachev, and other members of the Politburo, explain his transition from a loyal communist to a determined revolutionary. Though some of the interviews may be biased, depending on the political views of the Politburo member, BBC News is an extremely reliable source. However, there may be some bias, as the reporter featured in the documentary, Bridget Kendall, seems to idolize Gorbachev and his ideas, calling him a “product crafted by the system, which somehow found the steel and guile to dare to strike the first blow that would bring down the entire, monstrous Soviet edifice.”

Graham, James. "The Soviet Conservative Coup of 1991." HistoryOrb.com - Articles, Birthdays & Today in History. 2011. Web. 29 Sept. 2011.

A descriptive detailing and discussion of Conservative Communist coup. This source explains how the communists’ biggest mistake during the coup was not arresting Yeltsin. Yeltsin was able to denounce the coup and encouraged the Soviet people to resist are at all opportunities. His speech was a key turning point against the coup, as he stopped the tanks in their tracks. Yeltsin then was able to use this power and momentum he gained to take the power away from Gorbachev, since he was getting old and weak. His gain of power led to the reform of gaining Independence from Russia and ending the reign of the USSR.

Harasymiw, Bohdan. "Nomenklatura: The Soviet Communist Party's Leadership Recruitment System." Canadian Journal of Political Science 02.04 (1969). Cambridge Journals. 10 Nov. 2009. Web. 2 Oct. 2011.

     An evaluation of the corrupt Nomenklatura system, which Gorbachev conflicted with over the expansion of perestroika. This article described the Nomenklatura as a means of “constant abuse” for the Soviet people, as this system is extremely centralized on the will of the top members of the Communist Party, and rejects all opinions of opposition leaders. In order to enact true reform, Gorbachev had to also reform the Nomenklatura system, which caused conflict with Ligachev and other conservatives. As this article was published in the Canadian Journal of Political Science, and written for scholars, it is a reliable and important description, which helps illuminate the inner workings of Gorbachev’s right wing opponents.

Harrison, Mark. "The fundamental problem of command: plan and compliance in a partially centralized economy." Comparative Economic Studies 47.2 (2005): 296+. Gale World History In Context. Web. 27 Sep. 2011.

An expert of Soviet economics, Harrison, a professor of economics at the University of Warwick in the UK, explains the fundamental flaw in a command economy, using the Soviet Union as his main example.  It is extremely important to understand a command economies problems, because it will help to better explain why such vast reform, in the form of Glasnost, was needed when Gorbachev came to power. Flaws in the command system, however, led to a certain mindset about transactions in the Soviet economy, which can explain the affects Glasnost had on the economy and the people. Basically, because of the problems with a command economy, reform caused a 180-degree turn in Soviet economic mindset.  

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Hopkins, Mark. "Russia on the road to reality; shorn of its myths." The New Leader 75.9 (1992): 8+. General OneFile. Web. 23 Sep. 2011.

This article paints an interesting picture of the new Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It has shown an image of the Russian people as a confused group with an apprehensive realization about the truth of their history. This article is a secondary source as it was an article published in the magazine The New Leader. This is a political and cultural magazine that is viewed as a liberal publication. Contributors have often been prominent liberal thinkers. While no information is published about the specific author the magazine has a reputable reputation. This is a public source as it was published in a magazine. This article is also presented with no reason to lie. This is true because of the lack of a political stance taken in this article, and rather the simple descriptions of what is occurring. Because of the reputation of the publication that it was published in, and the lack of any reason to distort or lie this source affirms authoritative.

Husarska, Ana. "Suddenly Last Autumn." Rev. of Echikson, William. Lighting The Night: Revolution in Eastern Europe. New York City: William Morrow & Company, Inc., 1990. Print. New York Times Books. 30 Sept. 1990. Web. 19 Nov. 2011.

For the most part, Husarska thinks Echikson’s first hand account of the revolutions in Eastern Europe are accurate and informative.  Her only issue is the formatting of the book.  Instead of reviewing revolts country by country, he uses themes.  Sometimes these themes are groups of people, and sometimes by region.  In the introduction, Echikson insists his grouping in themes is important because he explains why all of Eastern Europe can be analyzed in similar ways.  However, Husarska asserts that Echikson failed to do what he set out to do, because the themes make everything more confusing.

Keller, Bill. "Olympic Star, in Passionate Talk, Attacks K.G.B. in Soviet Congress." New York Times 1 June 1989. New York Times. Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

This article discusses a speech given by former athlete Yuri P. Vlasov, revealing the horrors behind the KGB.  The New York times article discusses the effect this speech had on the Politburo, as no one had ever criticized the KGB in such a harsh way. In his speech, Vlasov repudiated the horrific tactics used by the KGB to maintain order in the Soviet Union, many of which were unknown to the public. This criticism showed that no section of the Soviet Union was free from the power of Glasnost, and that all aspects of Soviet government were under fire.  

Kotkin, Stephen. Armageddon Averted. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

In this novel by Stephen Kotkin, the case for a Soviet Union that fell because of its search for a stability in a centralized government is made. Kotkin’s underlying argument is that because a liberal system of a free market economy exists the invisible hand will take effect, but because of the Soviet Union’s attempted control of the economy the collapse took place. Kotkin is a professor of history and director of Russian studies at Princeton University with a focus on studies of the Soviet Union. This book is public, and secondary. Because of his lack of relation to the subject Kotkin is not presented with a reason to distort. Kotkins cites many other sources and provides a convincing, interesting and thorough argument about why the collapse occurred peacefully, as opposed to through military conflict. Because of this the source proves useful and authoritative.

Kusin, Vladimir. "Gorbachev's Speech on Chernobyl." Radio Free Europe. 20 May 1986.Open Society Archives. Web. 2 Oct. 2011. Transcript.

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     A broadcast written for a European radio station summarizing and reacting to Gorbachev’s speech on the Chernobyl disaster. The author had a reason to distort his summary, as at the time this was written, the world was furious with Gorbachev for refusing to admit to the disaster for three weeks, endangering both the Soviet Union, and many other European countries. However, though this source may be biased, it is useful to understand the feelings of those who were neglected by the Soviet corruption, as these neglected people were the basis of the democratic revolution, and the support for glasnost.

Laquerur, Walter. Stalin: The Glasnost Revelations. New York City: Charles Scribner’sSons, 1990. Print.

A book primarily about the life of Josef Stalin as it was revealed through Glasnost, this book can be read as a way to understand Glasnost itself. Much of this book focuses on how Glasnost changed what the people of the Soviet Union thought about the system under which they lived. This book can be looked at as a way to judge and understand the impact on Glasnost on the Soviet People. All the information contained in it was only revealed after Gorbachev instituted Glasnost, so all the information in it would have come as a shock to those who lived in the Soviet Union during that time. This book is extremely significant because it shows to what extent information was hidden from the Soviet people. It is a case study in repression.

Legvold, Robert. Rev. of Gorbachev, Mikhail. The August Coup: The Truth and the Lessons. New York:Harper Collins, 1991. Print. Foreign Affairs. Apr.-May 1992. Web. 19 Nov. 2011.

A rather harsh criticism of Gorbachev’s accounts of the August Coup. Although it provides details Gorbachev had not previously disclosed about his experience during the coup, “It does not provide insight into the events themselves.”  But since the review was written in 1992, Gorbachev’s account can still be useful because of the details it does provide, that might not be known to those studying the coup 20 years later, but would already be known to those studying it one or two years later.

Lipset, Seymour Martin; Bence, Gyorgy. “Anticipations of the Failure of Communism.” Theory andSociety 23 (1994): 169-210.

Seymour Lipset and Gyorgy Bence, two experts on the Soviet Union outline, in this scholarly journal article, who anticipated the fall of the Soviet Union before it actually fell. This analysis of who predicted the fall offers a window into how the Soviet Union actually fell. This essay discusses the indicators that led people to believe that the Soviet Union was going to fall, and discusses why those indicators were not accepted as the truthful by the western world. This is an insight into why communism failed and why the Soviet Union collapsed.

Lizhi, Fang, and Romesh Ratnesar. "The Dissident Andrei Sakharov." Time Magazine. 14 June 1999. Web. 25 Sept. 2011.

An article, which reflects on the life of nuclear physicist and liberal activist Andrei Sakharov. This article was published in Time Magazine and was intended for intellectual readers, making it a reliable and unbiased description of Sakharov’s life. Andrei Sakharov played an invaluable role in the revolution of democracy by questioning the morality of the Soviet system while serving as the leader of the liberals in Gorbachev’s Congress of Peoples Deputies. Taking advantage of open, publicized debates, his intellectual and passionate criticism of the Communist Party turned public favor against the nomenklatura, and towards glasnost and democratization.  This article shows just how influential Sakharov was in the fight for Soviet freedom and morality.

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Lodge, Robin. "Promoters Defend Rock Concert." The Glasgow Herald 30 Jan. 1988, 4th ed.: 4. Web. 9 Oct. 2011.

An article published in 1988 in the Glasgow Herald describing a conflict in the Politburo over a “Rock Against Drugs” concert, which was to be held in the Soviet Union. Rock music was one of the many reactions to Gorbachev’s reforms, as it was a way for the Soviet people to express themselves and their situations. The article discusses the conflict between radical politicians, such as Yakovlev, and the conservative members of the Communist Party, such as Ligachev, who thought that rock music was a bad influence on the Soviet Union. Though the actual concert is not important, this article shows the conflict, which arose as more political views became prevalent, and challenged the traditional Communist ideas. The conservatives eventually prevailed, and the concert was banned. However, it was clear that the Communist Party would not be able to control Gorbachev’s reforms for long.

Longworth, Philip. Russia: The Once and Future Empire from Pre-History to Putin. NewYork City: St. Martin’s Press, 2005. Print.

A broad analysis of the history of Russia, this book devotes much of its latter half to examining the reasons why the Soviet Union came to an end, and the aftermath of that fall. It looks at the economic, social, and political conditions during the end of Communism, and offers a well-researched and very authoritative look at why the Soviet Union fell. Unlike many other books about Russia, this book looks at what happened after the fall. It looks at the consequences and the significance of the end of the Soviet Union and the world that was left in the wake of its collapse.

Manson, Per. "Back in the USSR." History Today 47.10 (1997): 48+. Gale World History InContext. Web. 2 Oct. 2011.

Written only 5 years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Manson gives his interpretation of reactions held by former Soviet citizens, through the use of their letters, in the periodical History Today.  It appears as if nothing was clear to the former Soviets.  In fact, many wished to have the Soviet Union exist again, so much so that communist parties were winning votes across Eastern Europe.  Manson’s main argument is that people don’t remember things exactly as they were when thinking about the past.  Rather, they think about what they thought happened, meaning the general mood they felt is much more predominant than actual facts.  Therefore, members of the nomenklatura are much more likely to wish the return of the Soviet Union.  In all, Manson gives insight to reactions to Gorbachev’s reformation that ultimately resulted in a Coup and then the dissolution of a Communist state.

Maslin, Janet. "Monanieba (1987)." Rev. of "Repentance", by Tengiz Abuladze. New York Times 4 Dec. 1987. New York Times. Web. 16 Oct. 2011.

A review of the allegorical anti-Stalinist film “Repentance” which was released in Moscow in 1987. “Repentance” is a satirical film, which illustrated the horrors of Stalin’s rule, and argued that the truth can never be buried. For this reason, this film, along with over 300 others, were banned from public view by the Communist party. Only in 1987, when Gorbachev ordered the release of these films, was “Repentance” shown to the public. This review evaluates the effect that this release had on the Soviet people, and how the criticism of Stalin expanded the boundaries of glasnost. Written in the New York Times, this is an authoritative source, which provides insight to the information that caused the people of the Soviet Union to rebel.

Mason, David S. "Fairness Matters: Equity and the Transition to Democracy." World Policy Journal4(2003):48. eLibrary. Web. 15 Oct. 2011.

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Mason, a professor at Butler University, reviews the economic discontent in the former-communist countries.  It is important to understand the economic conditions post soviet union, because it helps determine the positive and negative effects of Gorbachev’s reforms.  Clearly they were necessary, but when the Soviet Union ultimately fell and the average citizen was in more poverty than before, Perestroika turned out to be a curse more than anything.  This begs the question whether Perestroika was taken too far to an extreme.   

Meray, Tibor. That Day in Budapest. New York City: Funk and Wagnalls, 1969. Print.

An account of the 1956 Hungarian uprising, this book details life in the Soviet Union and the conditions necessary for revolution. Gorbachev, after he instituted Glasnost and Perestroika, often said that he was influenced to do so by the legacy left behind in the Soviet Union of the Hungarian and Czechoslovakian uprisings. The conditions in Hungary in 1956, and the conditions in the communist world in 1989 were much the same. Parallels can be drawn between these revolutions, and connections can be made that allow for a greater understanding of the unrest that caused the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union.

Morewood, Steven. "Gorbachev and the collapse of communism." History Review 31(1998): 33+. Gale World History In Context. Web. 1 Oct. 2011.

Dr. Steven Morewood is a professor at the University of Birmingham who argues that Gorbachev could not control his own reforms.  That particular point of view is especially important to understanding the effects of the reforms.  Morewood essentially gives a summary of Gorbachev’s rule of the USSR, while at the same time giving his own insights.  What can be noted is that Gorbachev’s Glasnost certainly did not have the effect wanted, and was probably the downfall of the Soviet Union, for better or for worse.

Nenni, Scott. "The Russian Coup of 1991, UCLA International Institute." UCLA International Institute. 9 Dec. 2005. Web. 30 Sept. 2011.

Written by a professor from UCLA, this article describes the conservative communists’ actions during the three days of the August Coup. Scott Nenni also talks about the key mistakes that caused the rebellion to be put down and how those mistakes led to the coup to failing, as he says the failure was due “to the confusion, stupidity, drunkenness, lack of will, [and] miscalculation on the part of the plotters.” He also says that even though the reaction of the August Coup was technically a failure, it had profound effects on the Soviet Union, since the August Coup was one of the main reasons for the reform of the Soviet Union falling apart soon after.

"News Hour Extra: History of Russian Coup - August 22, 2001." PBS: Public Broadcasting Service. 22 Aug. 2001. Web. 14 Sept. 2011.

This article explains Glasnost, Perestroika, and the August Coup in a broader sense, as a battle of the values of communism versus capitalism. The placement of Glasnost and Perestroika was a revolution, since it was a big step towards capitalism and a more liberal government. Also, the specific events of the reaction people had towards Glasnost and Perestroika and the actions communist conservatives did during the actual days of the August Coup. It also explains the profound effect Perestroika, Glasnost, and the August Coup had in the larger scheme of world history. Plus, the connection between the August Coup and the fall of the Soviet Union is explained.

O’Clery, Conor. Moscow December 25, 1991: The Last Day of the Soviet Union. New

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York City: PublicAffairs, 2011. Print.

Through a dual narrative, this book alternates between telling the story of the last day of the Soviet Union, December 25, 1991, and the events leading up to the day of the fall, beginning in 1985. It tells the story of these events from the two opposing perspectives of Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail Gorbachev, creating an in depth and impartial narrative of the last days of the Soviet Union. This book is extremely detailed and successfully synthesizes a myriad of first hand accounts to create a complex picture and narrative of what happen in Russia from 1985 to 1991. It is a clear and complete telling of what this project focuses on and gives an unparalleled look at what happened behind closed doors in the Moscow Power Structure leading up to the fall of the Soviet Union.

One Fine Morning.... Russian State Film & Photo Archive at Krasnogorsk, 1989. Film.

This is another video source that shows a news report relating to the Georgian demonstration against the Soviet Union. It is a report aired in 1989, and we hear the first hand account of someone at the peaceful protest for a Georgian state separate from the Soviet Union, where more than 15 people were killed by the Soviet army in an attempt to squash resistance. This source is interesting. It is a secondary source as it is a news report, however, the footage on it is all of primary sources. This source provides a useful insight on the state of a Soviet territory and its condition during the fragile time of the fall of the Soviet Union.

"Only 10% of Russians think putsch in August 1991 was democratic victory - poll." Russia & CIS Business and Financial Newswire 16 Aug. 2011. General Reference Center GOLD. Web. 10 Oct. 2011.

This source is an opinion poll that cites a number of different opinions about the August revolution. It shows incredibly low opinions of the August Revolution and of Yeltsin. It gives numbers like 49% of Russians think Russia is moving in the wrong direction, and 39% think the revolution was the national tragedy that has sent Russia moving down the wrong path (up from 27% in the past ten years). This study is a public and secondary source. The publication seems relatively reputable and the studies that it cites are from the Levada Center, a leading research center in Russia. These studies show the resentment of the change that has occurred in today’s Russia and the resentment of the coup and the leaders that incited it.

Perestroika: From Re-Building to Collapse. Russia Today. Russia Today, 17 Oct. 2010. Web. 25 Sept. 2011.

This news program shows how the people of the Soviet Union were effected by perestroika. Made by a reliable Russian-to-English station, regular citizens who lived during the times of the perestroika reforms are interviewed. People such as coal miners, who used the reforms to improve their working conditions, are asked to re-tell their story. This primary evidence is supplemented with secondary commentary from news reporters who were working in the Soviet Union at the time. This source is important as it gives voice to those who are generally not known in the history of the Soviet Union, and shows that the revolution of perestroika meant differing things to many groups of people.

"Perestroika Turns Twenty." Washington Profile. 1 Oct. 2001. Web. 23 Oct. 201

Five experts on Soviet History give their input and view on the revolutionary policy of Perestroika and their view on the actions of Mikhail Gorbachev after the twentieth anniversary of the initiation of Perestroika. They state that because of Perestroika, many people today in the countries that were part of the Soviet Union are much better off is some ways than they were before Perestroika was implemented. Perestroika opened democracy and created a sense of trust people could have with their government. However, according to Oleg Kalugin, former KGB General Lieutenant and current

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Russian resident, the great transformations that have occurred during that time have not only halted, but have even gone backwards some.

Pipes, Richard. "Misinterpreting the Cold War: The Hardliners Were Right." Foreign Affairs (1995).Foreignaffairs.com. Web. 16 Oct. 2011.

Pipes, a professor at Harvard, makes the argument as to why Raymond Garthoff, an expert on the cold war, was wrong in his interpretations about the end of communism.  Only four years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Pipes tries to make reason as to why Gorbachev was chosen in the first place to be leader, in a time when the American Presidents were more hard-line than ever. Gorbachev, on the other hand, was “a man committed to perestroika and disarmament”.  The article ends with Pipes stating, presumably in response to Garthoff, that political analysts should remember that politics comes from human beings.  With this in mind, perestroika seems even more revolutionary because it appears as if it came from a humanistic ideal more than a reform of the system.

Quinn-Judge, Paul. "Ethnic Unrest Flares in Soviet South as Protesters Denounce Shortages.” The Christian Science Monitor [Boston] 21 June 1989. The Christian Science Monitor. The First Church of Christ, Scientist. Web. 16 Oct. 2011.

An article describing four-day riots, which took, place in the Soviet Union, as a negative response to the perestroika reforms. These rioters were protesting against the separation of social classes, and the unequal compensation distributed to different types of laborers. Unlike many in the Soviet Union, the people of Novy Uzen wished to return to the Communist economic system, which they knew they could depend on. Though a Christian newspaper, which might provide a reason for bias, publishes this article the paper clearly states that its articles are uninfluenced by religion and entirely factual. Furthermore, the paper has won seven Pulitzer prizes for various articles, supporting its reliability. This article demonstrates that though many supported Gorbachev’s reforms, there were also opposition groups, which hoped to keep things as they were.

Remnick, David. (1993). Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire. New York: Random House.

Lenin’s Tomb describes how Gorbachev’s revolutionary economic changes with glasnost and perestroika were ultimately one of the major causes of the collapse of the Soviet Union. When glasnost allowed “openness” in the Soviet Union, people began to uncover and present the truth, leading to the August 1991 coup and eventually the collapse of the Soviet Union. Remnick explains how the events that led to Soviet collapse, and the collapse itself, are some of the most important and significant in world history.

Robertson, Ann E. "August 1991 Putsch." Encyclopedia of Russian History. Ed. James R. Millar. Vol. 1. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 96-99. Gale World History In Context. Web. 24 Sep. 2011.

From the Encyclopedia of Russian History by James R. Millar, an economics professor at George Washington University, this article, written by Anne Robertson, describes detailed events that occurred the actual days of the August 1991 Soviet Coup. The conservative communists plan to take down Gorbachev’s government and how their attempt failed is described. She also discusses the poor mental and physical condition of Gorbachev, and how that was a factor during and after the coup. Also, the effect that this reaction to glasnost and perestroika had on Soviet Russia and how it was one of the major factors of the collapse of the Soviet Union is explained in detail.

Rosefielde, Steven. "Should we aid Russia?: look before we lend.” Current 357 (1993): 16+. General OneFile. Web. 23 Sep. 2011.

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This source shows the economic confusion and insecurity of the world after the collapse of the Soviet Union and educates as to the reform that Russia took in the form of its collapse. This article is a secondary source. Steven Rosefielde published it in a magazine presumably named current. This article provides an interesting insight into Russia as it was published in 1993, a period when the world was still very much unsure about the future of the Soviet Union. This article is undoubtedly public as it was published in a magazine. Steven Rosefielde is a Harvard graduate in Economics, and is a member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences. He is currently a professor at Chapel Hill, North Carolina. As this is a secondary source and the author has a reputable past reputation, there is no reason to lie presented within this article. Thus, this article proves to a reliable source.

Rutland, Peter. "The Boris Yeltsin of History." Demokratizatsiya 6.4 (1998): 692. General Reference Center GOLD. Web. 10 Oct. 2011.

This article published in the Journal Demokratizatsiya on Eastern European studies covers Yeltsin’s effects in the formation of the new Russia. It also provides an interesting insight into how the policies of Yeltsin reveal his democratic hopes for Russia despite the inexperience in democracy. Peter Rutland is a professor of government at Wesleyan who specializes in Russian studies. This journal is a well-respected international publication centered on the changes in the former Soviet Union since 1985. This article is a public and secondary source that examines the interesting transition post-collapse due to the forward thinking policies of Yeltsin. Because of the reputation of the author, the journal, and the number of sources cited in this article, this source proves itself to be an authoritative and useful source.

Sebestyen, Victor. "The K.G.B.'s Bathhouse Plot." New York Times 21 Aug. 2011: 4(L). General Reference Center GOLD. Web. 23 Oct. 2011.

This article published by Hungarian journalist Victor Sebestyen gives an interesting recount of the events leading up to the subsequent dissolution of the Soviet Union. This article discusses the course of action that took place through the leaders of the KGB to begin the coup and the attempted overthrowing of the weak Boris Yeltsin. This is a secondary source, as it relies on knowledge gleaned through research by the journalist. This journalist is a widely respected figure on Russian history. This was published in the newspaper “The New York Times” and is thus a public source. The author has no reason to distort any of the information that he presents, and because of this the source seems to be an authoritative and useful source.

The Second Russian Revolution- Battle For Glasnost I & II. Dir. Angus Macqueen. 1991. Web. 2 Oct. 2011.

     A documentary, which evaluates the effect that the Chernobyl disaster had on the development of glasnost. Though this is not a primary source, it interviews Soviet Politburo members of the time such as Alexander Yakovlev and Yegor Ligachev, and contains primary video footage of the disaster. The documentary describes how the Chernobyl disaster was the first major test of the validity of glasnost, and it illuminates the conflicts between the Politburo members as they decided whether to continue the glasnost revolution, despite the threat it posed to the unity of the Soviet Union. This documentary has won the Royal Television Society Award for International Journalism, making it extremely authoritative.

Service, Robert. A History of Twentieth Century Russia. Great Britain, 1997. Print.

A broad context source about the modern history of Russia dating back to the early 1900’s. It contains a section about the events and new ideas brought out by glasnost and perestroika and the reactions that Yeltsin and the conservative communist Russians had against these new political systems, as well as

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the events leading to the August coup of 1991. It also has detailed descriptions of the events that took place during the reaction of the August coup between August 18-23, 1991. This book discusses the aftermath of the August coup and how that affected the fall of the Soviet Union.

Siegelbaum, Lewis. "The August Coup.” Seventeen Moments in Soviet History. n. page. Print.

This source provided a basic and broad insight into the attempted August 1991 Coup. The written essay describes the events of the reaction to Glasnost and Perestroika and Lewis Siegelbaum wrote it. This source is a secondary source, as a professor who is currently alive and did not witness the August Coup wrote it. The particular article that I read comes from the website “Seventeen Moments in Soviet History”. This website has been awarded the MERLOT award for Classic History. The MERLOT award is an award for useful tools in multimedia education. The Website cites well over 200 sources and provides various primary and secondary sources for use. Because it is a web publication that is meant to be read and used by college students and professionals, it is a public source. Lewis Siegelbaum is a professor at Michigan State University. He has taught Russian history for over Twenty-Five years, and more recently has shifted his attention to the late Soviet era. Because of the reputation of this publication, broad spectrum of sources cited in the creation of the website, the lack of a reason to distort, and the well-respected author of it, this source proves both authoritative and useful.

"Soviet Union Begins to Dissolve as Baltic States Become Independent." United Press International 25 Aug. 1991: 0825U0284. General OneFile. Web. 16 Oct. 2011.

This source is another news report from 1991, this one covering the secession of states from the Soviet Union. This is a news report that covers the reform associated with the collapse of the Soviet Union. It discusses the end of the official Soviet State and the changes that came with it. This was published in United Press International a reputable news source. This was intended to be public and is a secondary source. As it is presented with no reason to distort, and just gives straight factual information, it is a useful and authoritative source.

Steele, Jonathan. "Mikhail Gorbachev: I Should Have Abandoned the Communist Party Earlier." TheGuardian. 16 Aug. 2011. Web. 18 Oct. 2011.

In an interview given only two months ago, Gorbachev admits, in hindsight, that he made mistakes 20 years ago as the head of the failing Soviet Union.  He admits he should have left the party and started a new one much earlier than he did.  This is incredible hindsight, because it shows that what was once considered revolutionary reformations were in fact a big mistake.  Basically, Gorbachev feels as if he tried to hard to fight a losing battle, and that was to keep the Soviet Union in tact.  If anything, it is clear that Gorbachev was not trying to end the USSR with his Perestroika reforms, not trying to end communism, but to sustain it.

Tyle, Laura B. "Yegor Kuz'mich Ligachev." UXL Encyclopedia of World Biography. Detroit: UXL, 2003. 2003. Web. 2 Oct. 2011.

         A summary of the life of Yegor Ligachev, one of Gorbachev’s greatest allies, who turned into his

conservative opponent upon realizing the powers of perestroika. Published by a well-known encyclopedia for scholarly use, this article explains the viewpoints of Ligachev and the Communist Party, and how they conflicted with the ideas of Gorbachev’s revolution. While Gorbachev advocated for full democratic reform, Ligachev and the Communist Party desired reform, which would keep the Party in full control. This source is important as it explains the forces, which Gorbachev worked against while trying to reform the Soviet Union.

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“Viktor Grishin, Ex-Moscow Party Chief, Dies at 77." New York Times 27 May 1992. New York Times. Web. 9 Oct. 2011.

An obituary which reflects on the life of Old Guard member Viktor Grishin, one of Gorbachev’s main political opponents in the election of 1985. This article was published in the New York Times, and as it is an obituary, there is no reason for distortion. Grishin was a representation of the old Soviet system- he was extremely conservative, and he argued against Gorbachev’s ideas for reform. Defeating Grishin in the election, and eventually removing him from the Politburo altogether, was one of the first steps of Gorbachev’s revolution. Just as Grishin was defeated, many other conservatives were systematically removed from the Poltiburo, so that Gorbachev would face less resistance when enacting his reforms. The defeat of Grishin symbolizes the way in which Gorbachev alienated his conservative opposition, and foreshadowed the eventual August Coup of 1991.

Weir, Fred. "The Soviet August Coup still resonates 20 years later." Christian Science Monitor 19 Aug. 2011. Global Issues In Context. Web. 1 Oct. 2011.

Fred Weir, who is a Canadian journalist living in Moscow who specializes in Russian affairs, writes about the events that occurred during the August 1991 Coup, how it led to the fall of the Soviet Union, and why this immense reaction is relevant to history and today. Including quotes from people who witnessed the coup, members of the Soviet government at the time, and Gorbachev himself, this source is helpful as it explains the perspectives and thoughts both the common people and the nomenklatura about the Coup and its effects on Russia and the world in the years following the reaction of the coup and the reform of the Dissolution of the Soviet Union.

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"Despite all the difficulties and hardships that our people have known, the democratic process in our country has become broad-based and is irreversible. The peoples of Russia are becoming masters of

their destiny.” -Russian President Boris Yeltsin during the coup attempt, August 19,1991

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1. With the words of Boris Yeltsin and the defiance of a nation, the reactionary coup that would have reversed years of reform and restored Leninist communism to the Soviet Union fell apart. This defiance would not have been possible without Glasnost, meaning openness, and Perestroika, meaning restructuring. These reforms were implemented by Mikhail Gorbachev to fix the failing Soviet economy in 1985.

2. Glasnost and Perestroika failed to reform the Soviet Union, but uncovered the inherent flaws in the Soviet command economy and discredited the entire political system. Soviet citizens no longer trusted old institutions that were revealed to be corrupt and wasteful, and turned to nationalist leaders for stability and assurance. The conflict created by the rising tide of nationalism led to a violent reactionary coup by communist hardliners, the failure of which empowered nationalists to finish their growing revolution and dissolve the Soviet Union.

Glasnost and Perestroika: The Failed Reforms that Sparked a Revolution

3. The Russian Revolution in 1917, led by Vladimir Lenin, created the first communist state. In a part of the world traditionally divided by ethnicity, Lenin consolidated his power under the ideology of communism in order to unite the different ethnicities of the region. In order to prevent ethnic unrest, Lenin created a federalist system, where the twelve ethnic republics within the Soviet Union were put under the rule of the central Soviet structure, but were able to maintain a semblance of their ethnic identity. By the end of World War II, the Soviet Union became a superpower, but by 1975, with its population growth stagnating, and its ninth Five Year Plan not hitting its economic goals, it was clear that the Soviet system was fundamentally flawed.

4. Furthermore, American president Ronald Reagan ordered a massive defensive build up in allied countries around the Soviet Union and enacted policies that put enormous pressure on the already struggling Soviet economy, forcing the Soviet leadership to stretch its economic capacity beyond its means. With both internal and external pressures mounting, Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev did nothing to fix what was becoming an emergency situation. After his death in 1982, he was succeeded by two decrepit communists, Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko. After their deaths, the communist party had to find a young reformer who could save the now defunct Soviet economy. Mikhail Gorbachev was that leader.

“We can’t go on living like this.” -Mikhail Gorbachev, March 10, 1985

5. Upon taking office, Gorbachev called for Perestroika, or restructuring, of the Soviet system. Gorbachev did not want to fundamentally change the Soviet system. Instead, he believed that minor reforms could alleviate the problems facing the economy. However, because of the corruption and lies inherent to communism, Gorbachev was unaware of what was truly wrong with the economy. The only way to find out was to peel back the curtain of repression that had hung over the Soviet Union since the October Revolution.

6. Prior to Gorbachev’s rule, many industries lied about their production rates to give the government the illusion that they were fulfilling their mandatory production quotas. On February 25, 1986, Gorbachev called for Glasnost to stop this dishonesty and discover the underlying problems surrounding the Soviet economy. He arranged meetings to hear public opinion and debate over social problems, and appointed liberal editors to public newspapers to ensure honest news reports. He pardoned exiled political dissidents, abolishing the stigma against public discourse previously inherent to Soviet communism.

7. Gorbachev, however, could not predict the people’s response. Soviet citizens used their new voice to expose corruption in the government. Groups such as the “Memorial Society” devoted themselves to uncovering the bloody past of communism, and the critical works of political dissidents such as Anna

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Akhmatova were released, undermining the legitimacy of the Soviet Union with descriptions of atrocities committed under communism.

8. As people lost faith in Soviet power, they wanted to find another source of assurance and structure. Soviet power systematically eliminated the democratic ambitions of its citizens throughout its history. However, because the Soviet Union was a federalized system, it could never fully repress the national identity of its republics. Disillusioned citizens turned to ethnic leaders for stability in the now volatile union. Growing nationalist movements began to directly challenge Soviet power.

9. The nationalist movements in the Baltic states of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia were the first to cause widespread unrest. These nations believed that they had been illegally occupied by the Soviet Union, and yearned for independence. Glasnost gave these three republics the opportunity to organize themselves and demand independence.

10. With a political crisis unfolding in the Baltics and economic instability causing protests and strikes in the rest of the Union, Gorbachev announced that he could no longer support the communist governments of Eastern Europe, leading to their rapid collapse. On November 9th, 1989, the Berlin wall, the greatest symbol of authoritarian communism, came crashing down.

11. The inability of Gorbachev to control the fate of the eastern block further emboldened the nationalists, especially in the Baltics. In March of 1990, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia voted for secession from the Soviet Union. Over the next few months, while no other republics seceded, they all voted for sovereignty within the Soviet Union. Russia became a sovereign nation on June 12, 1990, with the Russian Supreme Soviet electing Boris Yeltsin as its leader. Yeltsin was formerly a communist leader who had been dismissed from his position on the Soviet central committee due to his radical nationalistic views. Though the central Soviet structure attempted to challenge Yeltsin’s declaration of sovereignty, they were unsuccessful in restraining what was turning into a union wide revolution.

12. In response, the influential neo-Stalinist Society for Unity, Leninism, and Communist Ideals published four resolutions criticizing Yeltsin and Gorbachev. The political upheaval caused by the four resolutions only highlighted the futility of Gorbachev’s reforms, and divided the nation between revolutionary nationalists and reactionary communists. The now irrelevant Gorbachev was stuck in the middle.

“Outrage against all state institutions is being incited. The country has in fact become ungovernable.” -Leaders of the 1991 coup attempt, August 18, 1991

13. On August 19th, 1991, in order to counter the rising tide of nationalism, eight members of the Central Committee instigated a coup in Moscow. The army took control of the Kremlin, surrounded the Russian parliament with tanks, and put Gorbachev under house arrest in Crimea. The coup leaders issued a statement saying that Glasnost and Perestroika were a mistake, and the Soviet Union had to revert to its pre-Glasnost ways.

14. The leaders of the coup did not anticipate the response from the people. Hundreds gathered outside the Russian Parliament to protest. On August 19, in a pivotal act of opposition, Yeltsin climbed atop a tank and declared the coup illegal. After this act, he became a symbol for freedom and nationhood. On August 21, the Alpha team, an elite Russian military force, was ordered to storm the barricaded parliament building. The team voted to defy the orders of the reactionaries, and the coup fell apart.

“We have achieved victory over the reactionary forces.” -Boris Yeltsin, 23 August 1991

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15. The failure of August coup delegitimized the Soviet government. After its failure, the Soviet Union lost all control. It lost the power to tax and Gorbachev became president in name only. Yeltsin held de-facto power over Russia, and each republic became independent. On December 25, 1991, Gorbachev resigned as president of the Soviet Union. Nationalist movements were successful in inspiring total revolution in the Soviet Union, leading to its complete collapse.

16. The ideological conflict between communism and capitalism that had dominated the twentieth century ended with the implosion of the communist world. The nationalism that destabilized the Soviet Union continues to cause conflicts in the region, as the former Soviet republics struggle to redefine themselves as independent nations. The central Asian republics continue to be dictatorships that maintain their power by promising political separateness from Moscow. The caucus nations are gripped with continuing ethnic conflicts. Azerbaijan and Georgia have fought several ethnic wars, and the Chechen people continue to fight a guerrilla war against Russian domination.

17. Ukraine and Belarus struggle to maintain their national identity against the power of Russia. The Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, nations that believed themselves illegally occupied by the Soviet Union until 1990, have all applied for membership in the European Union and have completely realigned themselves with NATO. Russia has reverted to its pre-soviet ways. The leader of Russia, Vladimir Putin, has enacted authoritarian policies that look less like those of a president and more like those of a czar.

18. Russian people are growing tired of their countries policies. The fall of the Soviet Union left Russian citizens poor, but left them with a voice. Recent demonstrations protesting Putin’s authoritarian rule show that Russia is beginning to rise out of the ashes of communism in an effort to become a free nation. Glasnost and Perestroika allowed nationalism to affect revolutionary change, but in the wake of that revolution, democracy has begun to emerge.

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