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MexicanSpanishIntonation

MexicanSpanishIntonation

CarmedelaMotaa,PedroMartnButragueobandPilarPrietoc

UniversitatAutnomadeBarcelonaandUniversitatPompeuFabraa

ElColegiodeMxicobInstituciCatalanadeRecercaiEstudisAvanatsandUniversitatPompeuFabrac

1.IntroductionThe goal of this chapter is to describe the basic intonational tunes found in Central

Mexican Spanish and specifically the variety ofMexican Spanish spoken in the DistritoFederal(orMxicoDF)andtopresenttheinventoryofnuclearpitchaccentsandboundarytones found in this Spanish variety using the Sp_ToBI labelling conventions proposed byBeckmanetal.(2002),FaceandPrieto2007and laterEstebasVilaplanaandPrieto(2008).AlthoughthereisprosodicdiversityinMexicanSpanish,thisarticlewillfocusonthevarietyspokeninMexicoDF,whosemetropolitanareaisinhabitedbyabouttwentymillionpeople(almost onefifth of the population of the country). By establishing a labelled dataset ofCentralMexican Spanish utteranceswhich includes themain intonation contours of thisvariety we will allow for further crossdialectal comparison among the tunes of severalvarieties.

Previous studiesonMexicanSpanish intonationhavedescribedavarietyof intonation

contoursfromaphoneticandaphonologicalpointofview(seeMatluck1951,Kvavic1974,1979,Sosa1999,Prietoetal.1995,vila2003,vila inpress,Beckmanetal.2002,MartnButragueo2003a,2003b,2004,2005,2006a,2006c,Velzquez2008a,2008b,andothers;seeMartnButragueo2006b forareview).Oneof themostpeculiar intonationcontoursfound in Mexican Spanish is the socalled circumflex nuclear configuration, a contourcharacterized by a particular risingfallingmovement. These contours were described asearly asMatluck (1951), later discussed byQuilis (1993) and Sosa (1999) and have beenrecentlyanalysed indepth inMartnButragueoswork (2004,2006a, inpress).However,littleattempthasbeenmadetoprovideaninventoryofallthepitchaccentsandboundarytonesofthedialect,an inventorywhichmust includeacharacterizationoftheF0contoursusedfordifferentpragmaticmeanings(yetseeMartnButragueo2006a,theDIMEproject

inLpez2005,workon interrogativesandrequestsbyvila2003andOrozco2008,2010,workonadverbsbyMora inpress,andanalysesofextrapredicativethemesanddiscourse

Theauthorsare indebtedtothespeakersKarlaYazminCamachoRiquenes, ItzelMorenoViteandMercedesOrestanoSnchez for theirparticipation in the interview,withparticular thanks to ItzelMoreno Vite for her help with conducting the interviews and interpreting themeanings of theutterances.We are also indebted to Valeria Arana, Laura Colantoni, Ingo Feldhausen, ChristophGabriel, Leopoldo Labasta, SuAr Lee, Andrea Pekov, Paolo Roseano and ErikWillis for theircommentsonapreviousversionof thischapter.This study likewisebenefitedgreatly fromusefulcommentsandquestions receivedat the4thSp_ToBIWorkshop:Transcriptionof Intonationof theSpanish Language (Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, June 2009). This research has been funded byprojects Glissando FFI200804982C00302, FFI200907648/FILO and CONSOLIDERINGENIO 2010ProgrammeCSD200700012(bothawardedbytheSpanishMinisteriodeCienciaeInnovacin)andbyproject2009SGR701(awardedbytheGeneralitatdeCatalunya).

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markers byMartn Butragueo 2003a, 2008). In this chapterwewould like to provide afurther contribution to the description ofMexican Spanish intonation by examining newempiricaldataandtypicaltunesofseveralsentencetypeswithinthetenetsoftheSp_ToBIframework in the AutosegmentalMetrical (AM) approach to intonational analysis (seeHualde2003andSosa2003forareview).

Thechapterisorganizedasfollows.Section2describestheproposedpitchaccentsandboundarytonesfoundinMexicanSpanish,section3presentsthebasicintonationcontoursforavarietyofsentencetypesand,finally,thelastsectionconcludeswithasummaryofthemainfindingsandachartofthebasicnuclearconfigurationsortonemas.

2.MexicanSpanishintonationalphonology

2.1.Thepitchaccents

Theanalysisoftheelicitedsentences inourcorpusofMexicanSpanishwascarriedoutusing the Sp_ToBI labelling system.The inventoryofpitch accents andboundary tones isbasedontheproposalsputforthinFaceandPrieto(2007)andEstebasVilaplanaandPrieto(2008).

Table1summarizesthe inventoryofpossiblepitchaccentsthathavebeenobserved inour corpus of Mexican Spanish. A schematic representation and description of thecorresponding contours and the utterances where they are commonly found is alsoincluded.

Table1: Inventoryofmonotonalandbitonalpitchaccents inMexicanSpanishand theirschematicrepresentations

Monotonalpitchaccents

L* This accent is phonetically realized as a low plateau at theminimumofthespeakersrange.Inourcorpus,itisfoundinthenuclear position of broad focus statements, contradictionstatements, informationseekingyesnoquestions,echoyesnoquestions, imperative yesno questions, polite invitation orrequestyesnoquestions,echowhquestionsandvocatives.

H* This accent is phonetically realized as a high plateauwith nopreceding F0 valley. In our data, it is attested in prenuclearposition in broad focus statements, contradiction statements,confirmation yesno questions, wh questions and invitationwhquestions.

Bitonalpitchaccents

L+H* Thisaccent isphonetically realizedasa risingpitchmovementduringtheaccentedsyllablewiththeF0peaklocatedattheendofthissyllable. It iscommonlyfound inthenuclearpositionofbroad and narrow focus statements, exclamative statements,statementsoftheobvious,whquestions,echowhquestions,exclamative wh questions, imperative wh questions,commands,gentlerequestsandvocatives.

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L+>H* Thisaccent isphonetically realizedasa risingpitchmovementon the accented syllable with the F0 peak aligned with thepostaccentual syllable. In our corpus it is attested in theprenuclear position of broad focus statements, exclamativestatementsandimperativeyesnoquestions.

L*+H This accent is phonetically realized as a F0 valley on theaccented syllablewitha subsequent riseon thepostaccentualsyllable.Inourcorpus,itisattestedintheprenuclearpositionofcounterexpectational echo yesno questions and echo whquestions.

H+L* This accent is phonetically realized as a F0 fall within theaccentedsyllable.Inourdata,thisaccentisfoundinprenuclearpositioninimperativewhquestions.

2.2.TheboundarytonesTable 2 below shows the inventory of attested boundary tones found at the end of

nuclear configurations. It is assumed that some final pitch movements can be betterdescribedbymeansofbitonalboundary tones (i.e.with two tonal targets).Themid toneM%proposedbyBeckmanetal.(2002)asapossibleboundaryforSp_ToBIisalsoconsideredusefultodescribethenuclearconfigurationsinourcorpus.

Table2:InventoryofmonotonalandbitonalboundarytonesinMexicanSpanishandtheirschematicrepresentations

Monotonalboundarytones

L% L% isphonetically realizedasa low sustained toneora fallingtoneatthebaselineofthespeaker. It isattestedattheendofbroad and narrow focus statements, exclamative statements,exclamative wh questions, imperative wh questions,commandsandvocatives.

M% M%isphoneticallyrealizedasarisingorfallingmovementtoatarget mid point. It is found in exhortative wh questions,uncertaintystatementsandvocatives.

H% H% isphonetically realizedasa risingpitchmovementcomingfroma loworhighpitchaccent. It isattested inconfirmationseekingyesnoquestions.

Bitonalboundarytones

HH% HH% isphonetically realizedasa sharp riseat theendof thephraseusuallyattainingthehighestlevelofthespeakersrange.Itistypicalofpoliteinvitationsandrequestyesnoquestions.

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LH% LH%isphoneticallyrealizedasaF0valleyfollowedbyarise.Itisattested in informationseeking yesnoquestions, echo yesnoquestionsandimperativeyesnoquestions.

HL% HL%isphoneticallyrealizedasaF0peakfollowedbyafall.Itisfoundincontradictionstatements,whquestions,requestsandvocatives.

LM% LM% is phonetically realized as a F0 valley followed by amovementtoatargetmidpoint.Itisfoundinstatementsoftheobvious.

3.BasicintonationalpatternsinMexicanSpanish

As inallotherchapters,theelicitationofthedatawasconducted insemispontaneous

fashion through a guided questionnaire based on that proposed by Prieto (2001) andadaptedfortheAtlas interactivode laentonacindelespaol(PrietoandRoseanocoords.20092010). In thismethodology the subject ispresentedwitha seriesof situations,eachintendedtoelicitaparticulartypeofutterancebyaninductivemethod.Thequestionnaireisdesigned to evoke everyday situations inwhich awide range of intonation contours arenaturallyproduced,contoursthatareotherwisedifficulttoproduceinlaboratoryconditions.Forinstance,thespeakershavetoproduceanutteranceasaresponsetopromptslike:Youenterthehouseofafriendofyours,Marina,topickherup.Butonce inside,youcantseeher.CallouthernametoseeifsheisthereorYouhaveneverbeensocoldinallyourlife.Whatdoyousay?Theguidedquestionnaireelicitsavarietyofsentencetypes(statements,yesno questions,wh questions, imperatives) that convey different pragmaticmeanings(incredulity,confirmation,obviousness,etc.).

Three female native speakers fromMxico DF aged 27 and 28 were recorded in a

soundproofed room at theUniversitatAutnoma de Barcelona using a PMD660Marantzprofessionalportabledigital recorderandaRodeNTG2condensermicrophone.The threespeakerswereyoungurbanwomenwithaMastersleveluniversityeducation.Theguidedquestionnaireswereadministeredbyanativespeakerofthedialect(ItzelMoreno)andoneof the authors. A total of 207 sentenceswere obtained and an acoustic and perceptualanalysiswascarriedout inorder toapply theToBIannotation.The resultsof theanalysiswerecomparedinMexicowiththeproductionofafemaleSpanishspeakerfromMxicoDFaged15respondingtoacontrol interview.Foreachsentence,waveforms,pitchtracksandwidebandspectrogramsweredisplayedwithPraatspeechanalysissoftware (BoersmaandWeenink2010)andthenannotatedmanuallyusingtheSp_ToBIlabellingconventions,whicharebasedonthefirstSp_ToBIproposal(Beckmanetal.2002)aswellas itsrevisedversion(FaceandPrieto2007,EstebasVilaplanaandPrieto2008).

Thissectiondescribesthebasicnuclearconfigurationsfound inMexicanSpanishwithin

theSp_ToBIframework.Weconsiderbroadandnarrowfocusstatements,yesnoquestions,wh questions, imperatives and vocatives. Some of the nonneutral (biased) intonationpatternsrelatedtotheelicitedmeaningsandnuancesobtainedfromthequestionnairesarealso discussed and exemplifiedwith new empirical data. This is done, for instance,withcontradictionstatements,statementsoftheobviousandinvitationquestions,amongothers.

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3.1.1.Broadfocusstatements

Figure 1 shows the waveform, spectrogram and F0 pitch track of the broad focus

statementAna tom limonada Anahad lemonadeproducedwithL+>H*prenuclearpitchaccentfollowedbyaL*L%nuclearconfiguration(seeQuilis1993:456,Prieto,VanSantenandHirschberg1995, Sosa1999:195).The final lownuclear configuration inbroad focusstatementsisquitecommoninotherdialectalvarietiesofSpanish.Forexample,ithasbeenfound inArgentinianSpanish (Gabrieletal. thisvolume),CantabrianSpanish (LpezBoboand CuevasAlonso this volume), Castilian Spanish (EstebasVilaplana and Prieto thisvolume), Ecuadorian Andean Spanish (ORourke this volume), and Venezuelan AndeanSpanish (Astrucetal.thisvolume).Yetaswewillseebelow,this isnotthemost frequentpatternfoundinMexicanSpanishspontaneousspeech.

PrenuclearL+>H*risingpitchaccentsinMexicanSpanishhavebeenstudiedindepthby

Prieto,vanSantenandHirschberg(1995),Prieto,ShihandNibert(1996)andPrieto(1998).TheirresultsrevealthattheLF0valleyisalignedneartheonsetofthestressedsyllableandthat the peak location depends on the position of the syllable within the utterance. Inprenuclearaccentsthepeakisnottemporallyalignedwiththeaccentedsyllablebutratherdisplacedforward.Althoughtherisestartsatthebeginningofthestressedsyllable,itusuallyends in the posttonic syllable (though the position depends on the righthand prosodicenvironment).ThisdelayedpeakcanbeanalysedasaL+>H*pitchaccent(FaceandPrieto2007).ThesefindingsarealsoconsistentwithresultsfromCastilianSpanish(NavarroToms1944, Llisterri,Machuca, delaMota, Riera and Ros 2003, delaMota 1995, 1997, 2005,Face1999,2003).Moreover,there isaprogressive lowering inbroadfocussentences,alsocalleddownstep,wherebyeachpeakusually falls toa lower F0 value than theprecedingone.

MexicanSpanishalsopresentsbroad focusstatementswithasocalledcircumflex final

pattern,whichmayalsobepresentinothersentences.Thecircumflexpatternconsistsofavarietyofcontourswitha risingpitchacentassociatedwith thenuclearaccented syllablefollowedbyasharpfallattheedge.Sosa(1999:189)remarksthat inMexicanSpanishthisconfigurationcanberelatedtostatementswithoutaparticularnarrowfocus.InhisanalysisofPueblaMexicanSpanish,Willis(2005)foundthatspeakersusedbothpatterns(circumflexand downward) in all contexts, although therewere individual preferences.Quilis (1993:456)pointsoutthatthisnuclearconfigurationisalsoattestedinCanarianandPuertoRicanSpanish.

Themostcommonandprototypicalcasesofstatement intonationpreviously foundby

Martn Butragueo (2004) in his analysis of sociolinguistic interviews end in circumflexconfigurations suchasL+H*L%andL+H*L% (witha smaller rising).Therearealsootherpossible configurations, namely L+H* LH%1, the absence of a fall after the tonal peak

1Notethatthe labelLH%describesanedgewithtwoboundarytones,onefromthe intermediatephraseandthenextfromtheintonationalphrase.InthemostrecentrevisionsofSp_ToBIitisarguedthatthiscomplexitycanbeavoidedandthereforejustonecomplexboundarytoneLH%isproposedattheendofintonationalphrases.

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(shownasM%,H%,H)andseveralotherdifferentpatterns,mostofthemdownwardL*L%.The prototypical pitch accent of a circumflex is considered to be L+H*,which is usuallyfollowed by a lowering in the boundary tone.Other similar configurationswhich can becloseror lessclosetotheprototypicalconfiguration(andwhichmaybegeneticallyrelatedvariants of same theme) can also be perceived as circumflex. Some of the circumflexpatternsdescribedbyMartnButragueoforMexicanSpanishwithdatafromsociolinguisticinterviews,however,were not attested in the corpuswe used here.Remember that thethree subjectswho participated in our interviewwere young urbanwomenwith highereducation,andthismightexplainthedifferences found incircumflexconfigurations.Someconfigurations,suchasL+H*LH%,mightbelesscommonamongwomen,amongspeakersfromahighsocialstatusandinformalspeech(seeMartnButragueo2004:30and2006a:28 for discussion). Taking into account data from men and women with differentsociolinguisticprofilesandages,MartnButragueo (inpress) shows that thereare socialdifferencesintheuseofintonationalpatternsinMexicanSpanishandpossiblyadiachronicchangeinprogress.

Inourcorpusofsemispontaneous interviews,theuseofcircumflexconfigurationswas

attested in both broad and narrow focus statements (among other types of sentences).Figure2showstheL+H*L%patternobservedinbroadfocusstatements.Thefinalcontourisa combination of a rising pitch accentwith the peak aligned at the end of the stressedsyllablefollowedbyafallingmovementtotheL%edgetone.Asimilarpatternhasalsobeenattested inCanarian Spanish (CabreraAbreuandVizcanoOrtega this volume),DomincanSpanish(Willis,thisvolumen)andChileanSpanish(Ortizetal.thisvolume).

As we will see below, similar circumflex movements have been found in other

utterances. Pragmatic correlates like focal interpretation, information status and speakercommitment(amongotherfactors)arerelatedtothevarietyofcircumflexcontours,whichcanbe slightorvery steep.Circumflexesareparticularly relevant from thepragmaticandsociolinguisticperspectiveandthevariationfoundinMexicanSpanishcanbeunderstoodastheeffectofaseriesoffactorsinvariationistterms.

3.1.2.Biasedstatements

3.1.2.1.Narrowfocusstatements

InCastilianSpanish,words innarrowcontrastive focusarehighlightedbyusingapitch

accentwherethepeakisreachedearlierwithinthesyllablethaninbroadfocusstatementswithoutaparticularemphasis.Moreover,thepitchexcursioniswide,sothereisadifferenceinpitchscaling,and there isalsoa longerdurationandhigher intensity (delaMota1995,1997, Face2002,CabreraAbreu andGarca Lecumberri2003). Thepragmaticinformativevalueof theseutterances can thusbedistinguishedbyusing such intonational cues. ThiscircumflexmovementhasalsobeenrelatedtoemphasismarkinginSpanish(Navarro1944:164,Quilis 1993,Machuca and delaMota 2006, delaMota and Rodero to appear, andothers).

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Figure1:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthebroadfocusstatementAnatomlimonada

AnahadlemonadeproducedwithaL*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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A pesar de la lluvia, pues fui al mdico

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Figure2:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthebroadfocusstatementApesardelalluvia,

puesfuialmdicoIwenttothedoctorsdespitetherainproducedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure3:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthenarrowfocusstatementNo,delimonesNo,I

wantlemonsproducedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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Yo estoy segura que se van a ir a Lima

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Figure4:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthecontradictionstatementYoestoyseguraque

sevanairaLimaIamsurethattheyaregoingtoLimaproducedwithaL*HL%nuclearconfiguration.

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In Mexican Spanish when the highlighted element is in final position the nuclearconfiguration isalsoL+H*L% (see figure3).Thisconfiguration is likewiseused inCanarianSpanish (CabreraAbreuandVizcanoOrtegathisvolume),CantabrianSpanish (LpezBoboand CuevasAlonso this volume), Castilian Spanish (EstebasVilaplana and Prieto thisvolume),ChileanSpanish (Ortizetal. thisvolume),EcuadorianAndeanSpanish (ORourke,this volume), Puerto Rican Spanish (Armstrong, this volume) and Venezuelan AndeanSpanish(Astrucetal.thisvolume).Thepeakassociatedwiththelastpitchaccentislocatedbefore the end of the stressed syllable, usually aligned at the end, and then falls to aminimuminthespeakersrange.Thefocusedelementalsoseemstohavealongerdurationandhigherintensity,since,asexpected,thecomplexityofthemovementistriggeringlongerdurations (see Kim andAvelino 2003 andMartnButragueo 2004 forMexican Spanish).Some variation involving scaling can be found among realizations, probably due todifferencesinthedegreeofemphasis.

There are some similarities between narrow focus correction statements andcontradiction statements like No, se van a ir a Lima No, they are going to Lima. Incategorical statementswithout anexplicit contradictionornegation, the speaker stronglyindicatesthattherecanbenoreservationsaboutwhatissaid,sinceitisknownforcertain.Figure4showsthewaveform,spectrogramandF0contourofthecategoricalstatementYoestoyseguraquesevanairaLimaIamsurethattheyaregoingtoLimarealizedwithaL*HL% nuclear configuration. The low tone is temporally alignedwith the stressed syllable,which isfollowedbyaHL%edgemovementrealized intheposttonicsyllable. Realizationswith the peak aligned at the end of the accented syllable are also possible inMexicanSpanish, since there is a degree of variation due to subtle differences inmeaning (seeEstebasVilaplanaandPrietothisvolumeaboutCastilianSpanish).

3.1.2.2.Exclamativestatements

The nuclear L+H* L% circumflex contour can also be found in exclamatives. Scalingdifferences due to the degree of emphasismentioned above for sentenceswith narrowfocusarealsopresentinexclamatives.Figure5illustratesacontourwithaL+>H*prenuclearaccent followed by a L+H* L% configuration. This nuclear contour is also found forexclamativesentences inCantabrianSpanish(LpezBoboandCuevasAlonsothisvolume),CastilianSpanish(EstebasVilaplanaandPrietothisvolume),ChileanSpanish(Ortizetal.thisvolume)andPuertoRicanSpanish(Armstrongthisvolume).

3.1.2.3.Statementsoftheobvious

Figure6shows thewaveform,spectrogramandF0pitch trackof thestatementof theobvious [Cmo que de quin?] Pues deGuillermo! Guillermos [of course]! producedwith a L+H* LM% nuclear configuration. This nuclear configuration expresses a strongconvictionon thepartof the speakerand isphonetically realizedbya risingpitchaccentassociated with the accented syllable followed by a complex LM% boundary toneconfiguration. Themotivation behind positing a LM% configuration is that some SpanishdialectshaveacontrastbetweentheL+H*LM%,whichexpressesastatementoftheobviousmeaning, and the L+H* LH% nuclear configuration, which expresses an insistent echoquestion.ThistypeofpitchconfigurationhasalsobeenfoundinCanarianSpanish(CabreraAbreuandVizcanoOrtegathisvolume),CantabrianSpanish(LpezBoboandCuevasAlonsothisvolume),CastilianSpanish(EstebasVilaplanaandPrietothisvolume)andPuertoRicanSpanish(Armstrongthisvolume).

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Whattastyenchiladas!producedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure6:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthestatementoftheobvious[Cmoquedequin?]PuesdeGuillermo!Guillermos[ofcourse]!producedwithaL+H*LM%nuclear

configuration.

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SentencesindicatingsomelackofsurenessonthespeakerspartlikeEsposiblequenole

gustemi regalo S/hemaynot likemypresent in figure7show thenuclearconfigurationL+!H*M%, like inmanyotherSpanishdialects.Ontheotherhand,uncertaintycanalsobeexpressed linguisticallybymeansofgrammaticalstructuresor lexical items(EsposibleIt ispossible)andbyprosodiclengthenings(thevocalicendofregalogift).3.2.Questions3.2.1.Yesnoquestions

Informationseeking yesnoquestions inMexican Spanish areusuallyproducedwith ahigh rise at the end of the utterance (vila 2003). Figure 8 shows the waveform,spectrogramandF0contouroftheinformationseekingyesnoquestionTienemermelada?Have you got jam?, producedwith a L* LH% nuclear pitch configuration. The last pitchaccentisrealizedwithalocalpitchminimumL*.Thislowtonecontinuesintotheposttonicsyllable and then rises dramatically at the end of the utterance. Thus the sentencefinalsyllable must be especially long in order to contain the two targets belonging to theboundary tone LH%.2Quilis (1993:471), Sosa (1999:200202) andvila (2003)have alsoreportedahigherand longer finalrise inMexicanyesnoquestions,aphenomenonwhichseemstobespecifictothisSpanishvariety.

Prenuclearpitchaccentsinquestionsareproducedwitharisingpitchaccent,eitherL*+

HorL+>H*.Thesepatternshavealsobeen found inCastilianSpanish (Sosa1999,Cantero2002,MartnezCeldrn,FernndezPlanasandFullanaRivera2003).ThepitchaccentwiththeHpeakalignedwiththeposttonicsyllable inquestionshasbeen identifiedasL+>H*bydelaMota(2009).SeealsoEcuadorianAndeanSpanish(ORourkethisvolume),ArgentinianSpanish (Gabrieletal. thisvolume),CanarianSpanish (CabreraAbreuandVizcanoOrtegathis volume), Cantabrian Spanish (LpezBobo and CuevasAlonso this volume), CastilianSpanish(EstebasVilaplanaandPrietothisvolume),ChileanSpanish(Ortizetal.thisvolume)andVenezuelanAndeanSpanish(Astrucetal.thisvolume).3.2.2.Biasedyesnoquestions3.2.2.1.Echoyesnoquestions

ThenuclearconfigurationL*LH%isalsoattestedinechoquestionsinMexicanSpanish,

when the speaker is repeating the time information and asking if it has been correctlyunderstood.ThisisthecaseofLasnueve?[At]nine?inFigure9.OneofthefeaturesthatcharacterizetheseechoquestionsistheextremeheightofthefinalboundarytoneH%.

2 This complex boundary tonewas proposed for Spanish byDaz Campos and Tevis (2002),whoanalysedonthebasisofatextreadaloudbyspeakersofeightSpanishdialects.TheyfoundthatLH%boundarytonesareoftenrelated indiscoursetocontinuativenonfinalsituations,as isthecase inMexicanSpanish.

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Figure7:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheuncertaintystatementEsposiblequenolegustemiregaloS/hemaynotlikemypresentproducedwithaL+!H*M%nuclearconfiguration.

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mermelada?Haveyougotjam?producedwithaL*LH%nuclearconfiguration.

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Counterexpectationalyesnoquestions show incredulityand surpriseabout something

that has happened or that has been stated earlier in the conversation. This incredulitymeaning is conveyed in the prenuclear accent by a low pitch alignedwith the accentedsyllableandfollowedbyarise,i.e.byaL*+Hprenuclearpitchaccent.Thiscontourisquitesimilartothepatternfoundattheendoftheutterance.Thephoneticdifferencebetweeninformationseekingononehandandechoandcounterexpectationalyesnoquestionsontheother lies in thedurationandpitchheightof theboundary tones,whichhavehighervaluesinechoquestions.Thisis,forinstance,thecaseofthesentenceTienesfro?!Yourecold?!showninfigure10.

Figures8and10 illustratetwotypesof interrogativesentencesasutteredbythesamespeaker (an informationseekingquestion and a counterexpectationalechoquestion) thatusethesamenuclearconfigurationL*LH%.Crucially,theutterancefinalposttonicsyllablerisesto590Hzintheinformationseekingquestion(figure8)butto674Hz(84Hzmore)intheechoquestion(figure10).Thereisalsoasignificantdifferenceinduration.Thedurationof the utterancefinal vowel [o] in the echo question (figure 10) is 298ms., while thedurationofthefinalvowel[a]intheinformationseekingquestion(figure8)isjust216ms.Thisisparticularlyrelevantsince[a]isconsideredtohavealongerintrinsicdurationthan[o].3.2.2.2.Imperativeyesnoquestions

Yesnoquestionscanalsobeused toexpresscommands.Again,amongotherpossible

realizations, the imperative yesnoquestion contour canbe realized as a L* LH%nuclearpitchconfiguration,that is,a lowpitchaccentfollowedbyafinalLH%rise.Crucially,figure11showsthatthehighestpeakintheimperativeyesnoquestionSepuedencallar?Wouldyoupleasebequiet? isassociatedwiththeprenuclearL+>H*pitchaccent.TheF0reaches561Hzinthesyllabledenbutjust496Hz(65Hzless)attheendoftheutterance.

Politeinvitationorrequestyesnoquestionsareusedtooffersomethingtothelistener

and are expressed bymeans of a different intonation contour (see EscandellVidal 1999,2002, and Thorson et al. 2009 for Castilian Spanish). Figure 12 shows the waveform,spectrogramandF0contouroftheinvitationyesnoquestionQuierencaramelos?Doyouwantsomesweets?producedwithaL*HH%nuclearconfiguration,whichconsistsofalowtoneduringthestressedsyllablefollowedbyahighriseintheposttonic.3

Although inMexicanSpanishboth invitationand informationseekingyesnoquestions

end inahigh rise, the startingpointof this rise seems tobe important fordistinguishingbetweenthetwomeanings.Whileanearlyrise inL*HH%seemsto indicatethe invitationmeaning,alateriseL*LH%isusedforinformationseekingquestions.Interestingly,asimilarkindofcontrasthasbeenfoundinCastilianSpanish(seeEscandellVidal1996,1999,Thorsonet al. 2009, EstebasVilaplana and Prieto this volume). In this variety, invitation yesnoquestionsshowaL+H*HH%contour,withanearlyrisewhichstartsatthebeginningofthestressed syllable, while the later alignment is found in informationseeking yesnoquestions,withaL*HH%configuration.

3Regardingthepotentialcontrastivedifferencesfound inCastilianSpanishbetweenH%,showingaweakrise,andHH%,withahigherpitchexcursion,seeEstebasVilaplanaandPrieto(2008).

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Figure9:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheechoyesnoquestionLasnueve?[At]nine?

producedwithaL*LH%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure10:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthe counterexpectationalechoquestionTienes

fro?!Yourecold?!producedwithaL*LH%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure11:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheimperativeyesnoquestionSepueden

callar?Wouldyoupleasebequiet?producedwithaL*LH%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure12:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheinvitationyesnoquestionQuierencaramelos?Doyouwantsomesweets?producedwithaL*HH%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure13 shows a schematic F0 representationof the typesofnuclear configurations

found in invitation yesno questions and informationseeking yesno questions, in bothCastilian (EstebasVilaplana and Prieto this volume) and Mexican Spanish. The diagramshowsthatthesameconfiguration,inthiscaseL*HH%,canbeattestedinbothvarietiesbutmay be used for differentmeanings. Further perceptual experiments should be able toelucidatewhetherthere isacategoricalphonologicalcontrastbetweenthesetwotypesofcontours.

L+H*HH% L*HH% L*LH%

Figure13:SchematicF0representationofthetypesofnuclearconfigurationsfoundininvitationyes

noquestionsandinformationseekingyesnoquestionsinCastilianandMexicanSpanish.3.2.2.3.Confirmationyesnoquestions

Inourcorpus,confirmationseekingsentencesareelicitedwithasituationthatprompts

the speaker to ask fora confirmationof something thatheor she already knows. In thisspecific case, the speaker is trying to confirmwhether the listener really isgoing tohavedinnerwithher,byaskingEntoncessvienesacenar?Soyouarecomingtodinner,then?Ascanbeseen infigure14,thepitchrisesattheedge,though itdoesnotreachashigh inthespeakersrangeas itcan insomeothertypesofquestions.Forthisreasonthenuclearconfigurationchosen isL*H%.Thesentences infigures8,10and14,utteredbythesamespeaker,canbecomparedtoillustratethisphenomenon.Thefinalboundarytonereachesaveryhighvalueinthecounterexpectationalechoyesnoquestion(674Hz,figure10),onlyamoderatelyhighvalueintheinformationseekingquestion(590Hz,figure8)andastilllowervalueintheconfirmationyesnoquestion(473Hz,figure14).

invitationyesnoquestions

MexicanSpanish

informationseekingyesnoquestions

CastilianSpanish

invitationyesnoquestions

informationseekingyesnoquestions

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MexicanSpanishIntonation3.2.3.Whquestions

As has been noted in previous studies, there is great variability inwh questions in

Spanishvarieties, includingMexicanSpanish, since rising, fallingand risingfallingpatternshaveallbeenfound(Quilis1993,Sosa1999,vila2003,Orozco2008,2010). Inthisstudy,themost common F0 contour found in wh questions was produced with a circumflexcontourL+H*HL%(fig.15).ThisnuclearpitchconfigurationconsistsofaF0riseassociatedwith the last stressed syllablewhich continuesduring theonsetof the following syllable.Afterthepeak,thepitch fallstoa lowthat isrealizedabithigherthanthe initial lowandwhichprobablyindicatespoliteness.AsimilarpitchcontourcanbefoundinChileanSpanish(Ortizetal.thisvolume).

Other circumflex configurations have also been attested in biased wh questions.

Exclamativeand imperativewhquestionsaresimilar,sincethenuclearconfigurationL+H*L%canbeused.

3.2.4.Biasedwhquestions3.2.4.1.Echowhquestions

TheechowhquestionQueadndevoy?YoureaskingmewhereImgoing? infigure16actsasakindofcomprehensionorperceptioncheckforanutterancewhichprecedes it inthediscourse.ItshowsaL*+HprenuclearaccentfollowedbytheunmarkedL*LH%nuclearconfiguration.The lastaccented syllable starts lowand then thepitch rises toaveryhightargetedge.

Counterexpectational wh questions such as that in figure 17 are similar to otheremphatic constructions likenarrow focus statements,where the L+H* L% configuration isalso used. The rising pitch accent L+H*,which can be realizedwith different degrees ofemphasis,isassociatedwiththefinalstressedsyllable,andtheboundarytoneislow.

3.2.4.2.Imperativewhquestions

Whenthespeakerproducesaninterrogativebutistryingtoinduceanactiononthepart

ofthe listenerasaresult,theutterancecanbeconsideredasortofcommand.This isthecaseofthesentenceOye,ycundomevasacolgar loscuadros?Listen,sowhenareyougoing to hang up the paintings? in figure 18. The nuclear configuration is phoneticallyrealizedasarisingpitchmovementwithapeakintheaccentedsyllablefollowedbyafalltoalowboundarytoneintheposttonic.

Figure 19 shows thewaveform, spectrogram and F0 pitch track of the invitationwh

questionPero,porqunovanavenir? Whyarentyougoingtocome?producedbythesame speakerwitha L+H*M%nuclear configuration inanexhortative context (trying tocajole some friends). Presumably, the finalM% tone in this configuration indicates theinvitationfunction.Insomeinvitationrealizations,theendoftheutterancecanbeloweredfurtherinthespeakersrange,withadropinthelocalpitchregisterandevenacreakyvoicetomarktheplea.

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Entonces s vienes a cenar?

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Figure14:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheconfirmationyesnoquestionEntoncessvienesacenar?Soyouarecomingtodinner,then?producedwithaL*H%nuclearconfiguration.

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Y t de qu pueblo vienes?

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Figure15:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheinformationseekingwhquestionYtdequpueblovienes?Andyou,whereaboutsareyoufrom?producedwithaL+H*HL%nuclear

configuration.

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Que adnde voy?

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Figure16:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheechowhquestionQueadndevoy?Youre

askingmewhereImgoing?producedwithaL*LH%nuclearconfiguration.

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Ih! Y a qu hora llegaste?

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Figure17:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthecounterexpectationalwhquestionIh!Yaquhorallegaste?Sowhattimedidyouarrive?producedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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Oye, y cundo me vas a colgar los cuadros?

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Figure18:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheimperativewhquestionOye,ycundomevasacolgarloscuadros?Listen,sowhenareyougoingtohangupthepaintings?producedwitha

L+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure19:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheinvitationwhquestionPero,porqunovan

avenir?Whyarentyougoingtocome?producedwithaL+H*M%nuclearconfiguration.

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MexicanSpanishIntonation3.3.Imperatives:commandsandrequests

Although imperative utterances are understood as directive speech acts inwhich thespeakerseekstoinducethelistenertodosomething,speakerscanusedifferentdegreesofstrengthtoexpresstheirobjective,withutterancesrangingfromstrongcommandstogentlerequests where the speaker uses a soft cajoling intonation. In Mexican Spanish, bothcommandsandrequestsareproducedwithcircumflexpatterns,buttheyemploydifferenttypes of boundary tones (see also Orozco 2008, 2010).While in commands the fallingmovementtriggeredbythelowboundarytonestartsduringtheaccentedsyllable,requestsareproducedusingabitonalHL%boundarytone,wherethehightoneisstillassociatedwiththeposttonicsyllable.3.3.1.Commands

As in other Spanish dialects (see Ortiz et al. this volume for Chilean Spanish, for

example), the nuclear configuration used to express commands is L+H* L% (sometimesproducedwith an emphatic upstepped accent). This is exemplified in figure 20with theutteranceVenaquahoritamismo!Comehererightnow!.SimilarpitchcontoursarefoundinCastilianSpanish(EstebasVilaplanaandPrietothisvolume),ChileanSpanish(Ortizetal.thisvolume)andVenezuelanAndeanSpanish(Astrucetal.thisvolume).

3.3.2.Requests

Requests communicate a softer illocutionary strength than commands and are

commonlyproducedwithaL+H*HL%tonalconfiguration.Thisisillustratedinfigure21withtheinsistentrequestAy,ya!Vamosalcine,[noseaspayaso]Comeon,[dontbeanidiot,]lets go to the cinema! The circumflex movement can appear at the end of both theintermediate (L+H* HL) and intonational phrase boundaries (L+H* HL%). In this pitchconfiguration, thehigh toneat theendof the stressed syllableci iskepthighduring theonsetof theposttonicsyllable neand then thepitch falls till theendof the intermediatephrase.ThispatternissimilartothepitchcontoursfoundinArgentinianSpanish(Gabrieletal. this volume), Cantabrian Spanish (LpezBobo and CuevasAlonso this volume) andChileanSpanish(Ortizetal.thisvolume).

3.4.Vocatives

Asiswellknown,vocativesareusedtocalltosomeone,commonlyoutofsight,bytrying

tocatchhisorherattention.Thespokenchantorstylisedvocativechanttypicallyconsistsofahightoneassociatedwiththestressedsyllablefollowedbyamidtoneassociatedwiththeposttonicsyllables.ThisfinalsustainedmidtoneiswidelyusedinvocativesinlanguageslikeEnglish(Ladd1978),Dutch(Gussenhoven1993),French(Fagyal1997),Portuguese(Frotainpress)andCatalan(Prietoinpress),anditisalsofoundinMexicanSpanish.However,asexpected, within this utterance type different contours can be used to convey subtledifferences inmeaning. The following three cases are instances of the same utterance,namelythepropernameMarina,usedasavocative.ThisvocativeisproducedwithaL+H*oraL*pitchaccentand followedbyoneof two typesofboundary tones,namelyM%orHL%, depending on the intendedmeaning. The last syllable is clearly lengthened. Thesecontoursaredescribedbelow.

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Ven aqu ahorita mismo!

3 3 1 4

L+H* H- L+H* H- L+H* L+H* L%

Figure20:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthecommandVenaquahoritamismo!Come

hererightnow!producedwithaL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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Ay, ya! Vamos al cine, no seas payaso

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Figure21:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortherequestAy,ya!Vamosalcine,noseaspayasoComeon,dontbeanidiot,letsgotothecinema!producedwithaL+H*HLnuclear

configuration.

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Whendemandingattentiongentlyandsoftlytosomeonewho isnotnecessarilyoutof

sightorfarawayitiscommontouseacontourwhichisusuallycalledvocativechant.Thistentativecallisusedwhenenteringahouseandcalling.Inthiscase,afterarise,thepeakislocatedrightattheonsetofthepostonicsyllable,which isfollowedbyapitch levelthat issustaineduntil theendof theutterance.This isexemplified in figure22with thevocativeMarina!

ThenuclearconfigurationL+H*M%hasalsobeenattestedforvocativesinotherSpanish

varieties like Argentinian Spanish (Gabriel et al. this volume), Cantabrian Spanish(LpezBoboandCuevasAlonsothisvolume),CastilianSpanish(EstebasVilaplanaandPrietothis volume), Chilean Spanish (Ortiz et al. this volume), Ecuadorian Andean Spanish(ORourke this volume), Puerto Rican Spanish (Armstrong this volume) and VenezuelanAndeanSpanish(Astrucetal.thisvolume).

Vocativesarealsousedwhentryingtogettheattentionofsomeonewhowillprobably

have difficulty hearing us because of distance or who has not answered a first call. InMexicanSpanish,thenuclearrisingpitchaccentofthesesortsof insistentcallingvocativesstartswiththeaccentedsyllable,risesfast,endsinahighplateauwhichspreadsacrosstheposttoniclengthenedsyllableandfinallysinksdownwardattheveryendtoalowlevel.ThisL+H*HL%contourisexemplifiedinfigure23.

The pattern L+H* HL% found in Mexican Spanish is similar to the one attested in

Argentinian Spanish (Gabriel et al. this volume), Canarian Sapnish (Cabrera Abreu andVizcanoOrtega thisvolume),CastilianSpanish (EstebasVilaplanaandPrieto thisvolume),CantabrianSpanish(LpezBoboandCuevasAlonsothisvolume),DomincanSpanish(Willisthis volumen), Puerto Rican Spanish (Armstrong this volume) and Venezuelan AndeanSpanish(Astrucetal.thisvolume).

Vocatives can also be used as insistent requests or recriminations,with a nuance of

admonition, in situations where a soft call would be inappropriate. Such recriminatingvocatives inMexican Spanish are related to a L*HL% tonal configuration. Thepitch risesgraduallytoahighlevelwhichisachievedlate,duringthelastvowel.Thenthereisafinalfalltothespeakersminimumrange.Figure24showsthiscontourinthesequenceMarina!

Finally, request vocatives can also be producedwith a L+H* L% nuclear configuration

withotherassociatedmeanings, suchasadmonition.Although thenuclearpitchaccent isthe same as in other vocative types, the low, long, flat ending might conceivably beresponsiblefortheadmonitorycontent.Thisutterancetypeisshowninfigure25.

Itwouldbeof interest toundertakeperceptual tests inorder todemonstrate that the

abovementioned changes in the nuclear and boundary tone regions of the nuclearconfigurationleadtosuchmeaningcontrastsinvocatives.

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Figure22:Waveform,spectrogramandF0traceforthetentativecallMarina!producedwithaL+H*

M%nuclearconfiguration.

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Marina!

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Figure23:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheinsistentcallingvocativeMarina!produced

withaL+H*HL%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure24:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortherecriminatoryvocativeMarina!produced

withaL*HL%nuclearconfiguration.

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Figure25:Waveform,spectrogramandF0tracefortheadmonitoryvocativeMarina!producedwith

aL+H*L%nuclearconfiguration.

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4.Conclusions

This chapter has presented a set of intonation contours that commonly occur in the

variety of Mexican Spanish spoken in Mxico DF. The description of the attestedconfigurations represents a further contribution to the analysis of the intonation of thisvarietyusingsemispontaneouselicitedspeech.OuranalysishasshownthattheintonationalcontrastsfoundinMexicanSpanishcanbeadequatelydescribedusingthestandardSp_ToBIlabellingconventions.ProvidingaunifiedaccountofMexicanSpanish intonationwithintheSp_ToBIframeworkisusefulbeacuseitcapturestherelevantempiricallyobservedpatternsattested so far and allows for further comparison betweenMexican Spanish intonationcontoursandtheintonationcontoursproducedinotherSpanishvarieties.Themainfindingscanbesummarizedasfollows.

ThoughcircumflexconfigurationsexistinothervarietiesofSpanish,asisthecaseofthe

very common L+H* L% contour, they have a wider pragmatic scope in this variety. InMexicanSpanish,circumflexnuclearconfigurationsarealsousedinbroadfocusstatementsandwhquestions,namelyL+H*L%,L+H*HL%,L+H*M%andL+H*LM%.Weunderstandthatthereisaprototypicalcircumflexconfigurationthatisrealizedthroughaseriesoftonalconfigurationswhicharerelatedtoseveral factorsandwhichdifferprogressively fromtheprototype.Broadfocussentences,however,canalsobeproducedwithaL*L%contour,thecommontonalpatternacrossdialects.

InformationseekingyesnoquestionsinthisvarietyareproducedasL*LH%,withalong

and very high final rise, and invitation yesno questions as L* HH%. A similar alignmentcontrasthasbeendescribed forCastilian Spanish,namely L*HH% versus L+H*HH% (seeEscandellVidal 1996, 1999, Thorson et al. 2009, and EstebasVilaplana and Prieto thisvolume).This isa clear caseofa specificdialectmarking the contrastbetweenutterancetypes through differences in alignment. Moreover, the same kind of contour can beimplementedwithdifferentdurationandpitchrangetoconveydifferentmeanings.This isthe case with informationseeking, counterexpectational echo and confirmation yesnoquestions,which are all producedwith a L* LH% configuration. However, the final hightarget incounterexpectationalechoyesnoquestions ishigherthan in informationseekingyesnoquestions,whichinturnendhigherthanconfirmationyesnoquestions.

The contrast between a command and a request is expressed in Mexican Spanish

through a different nuclear pitch configuration, namely L+H* L% for the expression of acommandandL+H*HL%fortheexpressionofarequest,togetherwithdurationalcues. Inaddition,apotentialcontrastwasfoundinthenuclearpitchaccentandheightofboundarytones in vocatives, whichmight be linked to differentmeanings. It would be useful toundertakeperceptualexperimentstotesttheeffectsoftonalalignmentandtonalscalingontheexpressionofdifferentdiscoursemeaningsaswellastoanalyse indepththevarietyofcontrastive pitch configurations present in the dialect, and their respective pragmaticmeanings.

Finally,asummaryofallthemainnuclearpitchconfigurationswiththeircorresponding

sentence types found ispresented in table3.These resultsprovideample reconfirmationthatnuclearpitchcontourscanbeusedtoconveyavarietyofmeanings.

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MexicanSpanishIntonationTable 3: Inventory of nuclear pitch configurations in Mexican Spanish and their schematicrepresentations

Statements

Broadfocusstatements L*L%

L+H*L%

Biasedstatements

Narrowfocusstatements L+H*L%

Contradictionstatements L*HL%

Exclamativestatements L+H*L%

Statementsoftheobvious L+H*LM%

L+H*M%Uncertaintystatements

Questions

Yesnoquestions

Informationseekingyesnoquestions

L*LH%

Biasedyesnoquestions

Echoandcounterexpectational

L*LH%

yesnoquestions

Imperativeyesnoquestions L*LH%

Invitationyesnoquestions L*HH%

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Confirmationyesnoquestions

L*H%

Whquestions

Informationseekingwhquestions

L+H*HL%

Biasedwhquestion

Echowhquestions

L*LH%

Counterexpectationalwhquestions

L+H*L%

Imperativewhquestions

L+H*L%

Invitationwhquestions

L+H*M%

Imperatives:commandsandrequests

Commands

L+H*L%

Requests

L+H*HL%

Vocatives

Tentativecalls L+H*M%

Insistentcallsandvocativesusedtocalloveralongdistance

L+H*HL%

Recriminatoryvocatives

L*HL%

Admonitoryvocatives

L+H*L%

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MexicanSpanishIntonationReferences

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