L1: What is American Foreign Policy? American Foreign Policy

L1: What is American Foreign Policy?American Foreign Policy

AgendaObjective:1. To explore the

themes/trends in American foreign policy from its founding to the present.

Schedule: 2. Intro to Unit3. Document & Theme

Exploration

Homework:Unit Work1. Constitution

Assignment Due L2 (G: Wed 4/9; Y: Mon 4/14)

2. Civic Literacy (Last Day: Tues 6/10)

3. Facilitation Prep! (Misc Dates)

Writing Portfolio4. Final Draft due any

time next week! (New Date for Both Classes!)

New Unit! American Foreign Policy• Class Citizenship Self-Assessment• New Unit Schedule• Facilitation Assignment– Rank your preferences now!

• Civic Literacy

What is American Foreign Policy?• This is the question we will be

grappling with this unit.• We want to explore this question in a

general way today.• In particular, we want to ask what

have been the themes/trends of American foreign policy since the founding period.

Tasks• Step One: Foreign Policy Exploration– Around the room you will find excerpts from

different documents dealing with American foreign policy from its founding to today.

– Go around and read each excerpt– For each, jot down notes about:

• What is the excerpt saying about American foreign policy?• Collectively, what are the trends/themes in

American policy?• Step Two: Whole Class Discussion

“Model of Christian Charity”John Winthrop

1630

For we must consider that we shall be as a city upon a hill. The eyes of all people are upon us. So

that if we shall deal falsely with our God in this work we have undertaken, and so cause Him to withdraw His present help from us, we shall be made a story

and a by-word through the world…. But if our hearts shall turn away, so that we will not obey, but shall be seduced, and worship other Gods, our pleasure and profits, and serve them; it is propounded unto us this day, we shall surely perish out of the good land whither we pass over this vast sea to possess

it.

“Farwell Address”George Washington

1796The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to

have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes

of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and

collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from

external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making

acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the

toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense.

But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

The Louisiana Purchase Treaty1803Summary:

In 1800, Spain secretly ceded the Louisiana territory--the area stretching from Canada to the Gulf Coast and from the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains--to France, which closed the port of

New Orleans to American farmers. Westerners, left without a port from which to export their goods, exploded with anger. Many demanded war. The prospect of French control of the

Mississippi River alarmed Jefferson. Jefferson feared the establishment of a French colonial empire in North America blocking American expansion. The president sent negotiators to France, with

instructions to purchase New Orleans and as much of the Gulf Coast as they could for $2 million.

Circumstances played into American hands when France failed to suppress a slave rebellion in Haiti. One hundred thousand slaves, inspired by the French Revolution, had revolted, destroying 1,200 coffee and 200 sugar plantations. In 1800, France sent troops to crush the insurrection and

re-conquer Haiti, but they met a determined resistance led by a former slave named Toussaint Louverture. Then, French forces were wiped out by mosquitoes carrying yellow fever. "Damn sugar, damn coffee, damn colonies," Napoleon, the French leader, exclaimed. Without Haiti,

Napoleon had little interest in keeping Louisiana.

France offered to sell not just New Orleans but all of Louisiana Province. The American negotiators agreed on a price of $15 million, or about 4 cents an acre. In a single stroke, Jefferson doubled the

size of the country.

Monroe DoctrineJames Monroe

1823In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to

themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights

are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in

this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all

enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect

from that of America.... We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United

States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system

to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.

Manifest DestinyJohn O’Sullivan

1845The far-reaching, the boundless future will be the era of American greatness. In its

magnificent domain of space and time, the nation of many nations is destined to manifest to mankind the excellence of divine principles; to establish on earth the noblest temple

ever dedicated to the worship of the Most High -- the Sacred and the True. Its floor shall be a hemisphere -- its roof the firmament of the star-studded heavens, and its congregation an Union of many Republics, comprising hundreds of happy millions, calling, owning no

man master, but governed by God's natural and moral law of equality, the law of brotherhood -- of "peace and good will amongst men.". . .

Yes, we are the nation of progress, of individual freedom, of universal enfranchisement. Equality of rights is the cynosure of our union of States, the grand exemplar of the correlative equality of individuals; and while truth sheds its effulgence, we cannot

retrograde, without dissolving the one and subverting the other. We must onward to the fulfilment of our mission -- to the entire development of the principle of our organization --

freedom of conscience, freedom of person, freedom of trade and business pursuits, universality of freedom and equality. This is our high destiny, and in nature's eternal, inevitable decree of cause and effect we must accomplish it. All this will be our future

history, to establish on earth the moral dignity and salvation of man -- the immutable truth and beneficence of God. For this blessed mission to the nations of the world, which are

shut out from the life-giving light of truth, has America been chosen

The Platt Amendment1901

III. That the government of Cuba consents that the United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation

of Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and for discharging the obligations with respect to

Cuba imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the government of Cuba.

VII. That to enable the United States to maintain the independence of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its own defense, the government of Cuba will sell or lease to the United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at certain specified points to be agreed upon

with the President of the United States.

“War Message”Woodrow Wilson

1917

We are now about to accept gage of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that

we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its

peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way

of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of

political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no

material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be

satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.

“Pearl Harbor Speech”Franklin Roosevelt

1941

Yesterday, Dec. 7, 1941 - a date which will live in infamy - the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately

attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan…

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with the

government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make very certain that this form of

treachery shall never endanger us again.

The Marshall PlanGeorge Marshall

1947Aside from the demoralizing effect on the world at large and the

possibilities of disturbances arising as a result of the desperation of the people concerned, the consequences to the economy of the United States should be apparent to all. It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal

economic health in the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace. Our policy is directed not against any

country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos. Its purpose should be the revival of working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free

institutions can exist. Such assistance, I am convinced, must not be on a piecemeal basis as various crises develop. Any assistance that this

Government may render in the future should provide a cure rather than a mere palliative. Any government that is willing to assist in the task of recovery will find full cooperation, I am sure, on the part of the United States Government. Any government which maneuvers to block the

recovery of other countries cannot expect help from us. Furthermore, governments, political parties, or groups which seek to perpetuate

human misery in order to profit therefrom politically or otherwise will encounter the opposition of the United States.

“Farewell Address”Dwight Eisenhower

1961Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry.

American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added

to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all

United States corporations.

American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions.

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence – economic, political, even spiritual – is

felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very

structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential

for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.

“Address to the Nation on National Security”

Ronald Reagan1983

I clearly recognize that defensive systems have limitations and raise certain problems and ambiguities. If paired with offensive systems, they can be

viewed as fostering an aggressive policy, and no one wants that. But with these considerations firmly in mind, I call upon the scientific community in

our country, those who gave us nuclear weapons, to turn their great talents now to the cause of mankind and world peace, to give us the means of

rendering these nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete.

Tonight, consistent with our obligations of the ABM treaty and recognizing the need for closer consultation with our allies, I'm taking an important first step. I am directing a comprehensive and intensive effort to define a long-term research and development program to begin to achieve our ultimate

goal of eliminating the threat posed by strategic nuclear missiles. This could pave the way for arms control measures to eliminate the weapons

themselves. We seek neither military superiority nor political advantage. Our only purpose--one all people share--is to search for ways to reduce the

danger of nuclear war.

“Graduation Speech at West Point”

George W. Bush2002Yet the war on terror will not be won on the defensive.

We must take the battle to the enemy, disrupt his plans and confront the worst threats before they emerge….In the world we have entered the only path to safety is the path of action. And this nation will act…Our security will require the best intelligence to reveal threats hidden in

caves and growing in laboratories. Our security will require modernizing domestic agencies, such as the

F.B.I., so they are prepared to act and act quickly against danger. Our security will require transforming the

military you will lead. A military that must be ready to strike at a moment's notice in any dark corner of the

world. And our security will require all Americans to be forward looking and resolute, to be ready for preemptive

action when necessary to defend our liberty and to defend our lives.