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5. Future plans Compare 4 contact Greek dialects — 2 historically in contact with Turkish, 2 with Venetian — along chronological and synchronic axis. Track diachronic changes in intonation by comparing contemporary and older recordings from the beginning, middle and late decades of the 20th century. Develop a model of longitudinal change in prosody, the findings might be applicable to other contact varieties. The polynomial modelling of intonation allows less labour intensive/costly and more reliable analyses of large datasets, which is applicable to corpora work. Intonational variation and diachrony: Greek contact varieties Joanna Przedlacka, Mary Baltazani, John Coleman Oxford University Phonetics Laboratory Intonation and diachrony: a phonetic investigation of the effects of language contact on intonational patterns, funded by the UK ESRC (ES/R006148/1). https://greekincontact.phon.ox.ac.uk/ References [1] Baltazani, M., Przedlacka, J., Coleman, J. 2019. Intonation in contact: Athenian, Cretan and Venetian declaratives. Paper presented at 3 rd PaPE, Lecce, Italy. [2] Baltazani, M., Przedlacka, J., Coleman, J. 2019. Intonation in contact: Asia Minor Greek and Turkish. ICPhS2019. [3] Grabe, E., G. Kochanski & J. Coleman. 2007. Connecting intonation labels to mathematical descriptions of fundamental frequency. Language and Speech 50(3), 281– 310. [4] Göksel, A. & Kerslake, C. 2005. Turkish: A comprehensive grammar. Routledge. [5] Sato, K. 2009. The relation between prosody and focus in yes/no question of Turkish. In Turkologica 79: Proceedings of ICTL 2008, 23-29. [6] Ladd, D. R. 2008. Intonational Phonology. Cambridge. [7] Pierrehumbert, J. B. 1980. The phonology and phonetics of English intonation. PhD dissertation, MIT. 4. Diachrony: Cappadocian Greek over four generations Athenian is the exception with a fall-rise pattern L* L-H% [2], the nuclear syllable [i] has a trough followed by a rising boundary tone [tɾiˈada ˈatoma muˈipane] Thirty people told me…’ Cappadocian Greek [du ˈscafus ˈkahumisti] ‘We sit in their shadow…’ displays a rise- fall-rise pattern, like Turkish, illustrated below in [maˈsaja turmadan] ‘Before sitting at the table…’. Both have a H* on the nuclear vowel, [ka] and [tur] respectively, followed by a falling rising boundary tone LH- Results at Baltazani et al’s talk [2], Aug 9, 9:45 (Prosody: Contact and bilingual prosody) 2. The corpora Contemporary and archival audio corpora of 410 hours of speech from Asia Minor, Crete, Cyprus and Corfu, as well as Athens, Turkey and Veneto (see map). Recordings: reading passages, dialogues, map tasks and interviews with single or multiple informants, converted to 16 kHz, monophonic, uncompressed PCM .wav files. Informants’ ages: 20 to 94 years. Sources: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Endangered Languages Archive (SOAS), Humboldt Universität Lautarchiv, The Academy of Athens, The British Library and The Committee for Pontic Studies. We thank Mark Janse, Petros Karatsareas and Dimitris Papazachariou for sharing their field recordings. The utterances end with a low boundary tone, but there are differences in the shape of the fall and its alignment with phonological landmarks. Polynomial modelling allows us to quantify the shape of the ‘fall’ category. The sharp slope of the Athenian fall has a larger negative coefficient of the linear term (μ: - 5.7; σ: 13.4) than the Venetian slope (μ: - .29; σ: 13.4; p < .01) or the Cretan slope (μ: -3.7; σ: 29.2) [1]. 1. Introduction Is past language contact reflected in intonation patterns? We address this question in a 3 ½ year project investigating Greek dialectal speech from (a) Crete, Corfu and Cyprus, where Greeks lived alongside Venetian speakers; (b) mainland Greece communities whose ancestors lived in present-day Turkey. The tunes we investigate are declaratives, continuation rises and yes-no questions. Two dimensions: (1) synchronic comparison of contact dialects of Greek with their contextual languages and Athenian (see section 3 below) (2) Diachronic comparison testing the robustness of contact effects over 4 generations, born 1900s-1990s (see section 4 below) Veneto Corfu Cappadoccia Istanbul Cyprus Athens Crete Pontus Izmir Athenian Cretan Venetian Time (s) 0 1.209 Pitch (Hz) 90 390 Time (s) 240.9 242.3 Pitch (Hz) 160 360 Time (s) 0.3471 1.52 Pitch (Hz) 120 350 The start and end of a steep fall align with the nuclear vowel (V). The pre-nuclear vowel (P) has a low. In contrast to Athenian, in Cretan and Venetian the fall starts earlier, with the beginning of the pre-nuclear vowel. Athenian Continuation tunes Athenian Turkish Cappadocian Greek Declarative tunes Following the Lausanne Treaty on population exchanges (1923), the ethnically Greek speakers of the dialect were expelled from Turkey. Their descendants settled in northern Greece, no longer in contact with Turkish. Cappadocian Greek, as spoken today by heritage speakers, will be compared with Turkish and Athenian to establish distance between the varieties. A longitudinal study of the robustness of contact effects will be carried out over 4 generations. θa ˈθelate ˈenaŋ kaˈfe Would you like a coffee?Time (s) 0 1.43 Pitch (Hz) 150 450 Cappadocian Greek Athenian Rising slope [4,5] from the nucleus [joɾ] and [jo] followed by a final rise-fall. Audio, recorded 1927, at: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k129226q/f1.media Athenian: a downward slope from the nucleus [θe] and an upward rise near the boundary. Question particle /mI/, closely aligned with the nucleus. No yes-no question particle. Time (s) 2.396 3.64 Pitch (Hz) 120 420 biliˈjoɾ muˈsun ‘Do you know?Turkish 3. Synchrony: Turkish and Venetian traits in Greek regional speech We use phonological landmarks (e.g. nuclear vowel, utterance boundary) of the standard Autosegmental-Metrical model [6,7] to delimit the region of interest. The f 0 is measured every 10ms with ESPS get_f0 function and the intonation curves are modelled fitting a 4 th order Legendre polynomials [3]. This approach augments the abstract Autosegmental-Metrical analysis, allowing comparisons of entire pitch curves rather than merely their pre-categorised components such as pitch accents and edge tones.
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Intonational variation and diachrony: Greek contact varieties · The phonology and phonetics of English intonation. PhD dissertation, MIT. 4. Diachrony: Cappadocian Greek over four

Jul 16, 2020

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Page 1: Intonational variation and diachrony: Greek contact varieties · The phonology and phonetics of English intonation. PhD dissertation, MIT. 4. Diachrony: Cappadocian Greek over four

5. Future plansCompare 4 contact Greek dialects — 2 historically in contact with Turkish, 2 with Venetian — along chronological and synchronic axis.

Track diachronic changes in intonation by comparing contemporary and older recordings from the beginning, middle and late decades of the 20th century. Develop a model of longitudinal change in prosody, the findings might be applicable to other contact varieties.

The polynomial modelling of intonation allows less labour intensive/costly and more reliable analyses of large datasets, which is applicable to corpora work.

Intonational variation and diachrony: Greek contact varieties

Joanna Przedlacka, Mary Baltazani, John ColemanOxford University Phonetics Laboratory

Intonation and diachrony: a phonetic investigation of the effects of language contact on intonational patterns, funded by the UK ESRC (ES/R006148/1). https://greekincontact.phon.ox.ac.uk/

References [1] Baltazani, M., Przedlacka, J., Coleman, J. 2019.Intonation in contact: Athenian, Cretan and Venetiandeclaratives. Paper presented at 3rd PaPE, Lecce, Italy. [2]Baltazani, M., Przedlacka, J., Coleman, J. 2019. Intonation incontact: Asia Minor Greek and Turkish. ICPhS2019. [3]Grabe, E., G. Kochanski & J. Coleman. 2007. Connectingintonation labels to mathematical descriptions offundamental frequency. Language and Speech 50(3), 281–310. [4] Göksel, A. & Kerslake, C. 2005. Turkish: Acomprehensive grammar. Routledge. [5] Sato, K. 2009. Therelation between prosody and focus in yes/no question ofTurkish. In Turkologica 79: Proceedings of ICTL 2008, 23-29.[6] Ladd, D. R. 2008. Intonational Phonology. Cambridge.[7] Pierrehumbert, J. B. 1980. The phonology and phoneticsof English intonation. PhD dissertation, MIT.

4. Diachrony: Cappadocian Greek over four generations

Athenian is the exception with a fall-risepattern L* L-H% [2], the nuclear syllable [i]has a trough followed by a rising boundarytone [tɾiˈada ˈatoma muˈipane] ‘Thirtypeople told me…’

Cappadocian Greek [du ˈscafus ˈkahumisti]‘We sit in their shadow…’ displays a rise-fall-rise pattern, like Turkish, illustratedbelow in [maˈsaja oˈturmadan] ‘Beforesitting at the table…’. Both have a H* onthe nuclear vowel, [ka] and [tur]respectively, followed by a falling risingboundary tone LH-

Results at Baltazani et al’s talk [2], Aug 9,9:45 (Prosody: Contact and bilingualprosody)

2. The corporaContemporary and archival audio corpora of 410 hours ofspeech from Asia Minor, Crete, Cyprus and Corfu, as well asAthens, Turkey and Veneto (see map).

Recordings: reading passages, dialogues, map tasks andinterviews with single or multiple informants, converted to16 kHz, monophonic, uncompressed PCM .wav files.

Informants’ ages: 20 to 94 years.

Sources: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, EndangeredLanguages Archive (SOAS), Humboldt Universität Lautarchiv,The Academy of Athens, The British Library and TheCommittee for Pontic Studies.

We thank Mark Janse, Petros Karatsareas and DimitrisPapazachariou for sharing their field recordings.

The utterances end with a low boundary tone, but there aredifferences in the shape of the fall and its alignment withphonological landmarks.

Polynomial modellingallows us to quantifythe shape of the ‘fall’category. The sharpslope of the Athenianfall has a largernegative coefficient ofthe linear term (μ: -5.7; σ: 13.4) than theVenetian slope (μ: -.29; σ: 13.4; p < .01)or the Cretan slope(μ: -3.7; σ: 29.2) [1].

1. IntroductionIs past language contact reflected in intonation patterns?

We address this question in a 3 ½ year project investigatingGreek dialectal speech from (a) Crete, Corfu and Cyprus,where Greeks lived alongside Venetian speakers; (b) mainlandGreece communities whose ancestors lived in present-dayTurkey.

The tunes we investigate are declaratives, continuation risesand yes-no questions.

Two dimensions: (1) synchronic comparison of contactdialects of Greek with their contextual languages andAthenian (see section 3 below) (2) Diachronic comparisontesting the robustness of contact effects over 4 generations,born 1900s-1990s (see section 4 below)

Veneto

Corfu

Cappadoccia

Istanbul

Cyprus

Athens

Crete

Pontus

Izmir

Athenian

Cretan

Venetian

Time (s)0 1.209

Pitch

(H

z)

90

390

Time (s)240.9 242.3

Pitch

(H

z)

160

360 Time (s)0.3471 1.52

Pitch

(H

z)

120

350

The start and endof a steep fallalign with thenuclear vowel (V).The pre-nuclearvowel (P) has alow.

In contrast toAthenian, inCretan andVenetian the fallstarts earlier, withthe beginning ofthe pre-nuclearvowel.

Athenian

Continuation tunes

Athenian

Turkish

Cappadocian Greek

Declarative tunes

Following the Lausanne Treaty on population exchanges (1923), the ethnically Greek speakers of the dialect were expelled from Turkey. Their descendants settled in northernGreece, no longer in contact with Turkish. Cappadocian Greek, as spoken today by heritage speakers, will be compared with Turkish and Athenian to establish distance betweenthe varieties. A longitudinal study of the robustness of contact effects will be carried out over 4 generations.

θa ˈθelate ˈenaŋ kaˈfe ‘Would you like a coffee?’

Time (s)0 1.43

Pitch

(H

z)

150

450

Cappadocian GreekAthenianRising slope [4,5] from

the nucleus [joɾ] and[jo] followed by a finalrise-fall.

Audio, recorded 1927, at: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k129226q/f1.media

Athenian: a downward slope from the nucleus [θe] and an upward rise near the boundary.

Question particle /mI/, closely aligned with the nucleus.

No yes-noquestionparticle.

Time (s)2.396 3.64

Pitch

(H

z)

120

420

biliˈjoɾ muˈsun ‘Do you know?’

Turkish

3. Synchrony: Turkish and Venetian traits in Greek regional speechWe use phonological landmarks (e.g. nuclear vowel, utterance boundary) of the standardAutosegmental-Metrical model [6,7] to delimit the region of interest. The f0 is measured every 10mswith ESPS get_f0 function and the intonation curves are modelled fitting a 4th order Legendrepolynomials [3]. This approach augments the abstract Autosegmental-Metrical analysis, allowingcomparisons of entire pitch curves rather than merely their pre-categorised components such aspitch accents and edge tones.