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    Livia Knaul

    The Habit of PerfectionA Summary of Fukunaga Mitsuji's

    Studies on the Chuang-tzu TraditionIn: Cahiers d'Extrme-Asie, Vol. 1, 1985. pp. 71-85.

    Citer ce document / Cite this document :

    Knaul Livia. The Habit of PerfectionA Summary of Fukunaga Mitsuji's Studies on the Chuang-tzu Tradition. In: Cahiersd'Extrme-Asie, Vol. 1, 1985. pp. 71-85.

    doi : 10.3406/asie.1985.860

    http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/asie_0766-1177_1985_num_1_1_860

    http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_asie_70http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/asie.1985.860http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/asie_0766-1177_1985_num_1_1_860http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/asie_0766-1177_1985_num_1_1_860http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/asie.1985.860http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_asie_70
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    Rapport de recherche 71THE HABIT OF PERFECTION

    A Summary of Fukunaga's Studies on the Chuang-tzu TraditionLIVIA KNAUL

    In 1982, Fukunaga Mitsuji fg^c^W] retired from the Institute of HumanisticResearch at the University of Kyoto at the age of 63. During a distinguishedcareer at various Japanese universities, he has taught and discussed the Chuang-tzu %-?' text and its varying interpretations throughout Chinese history ofthought. He is the author of a long list of outstanding works and will certainlycontinue his productivity. Aside from numerous articles, popular lectures, andscholarly papers, his major work is a complete translation of the Chuang-tzu,1which served as a basis for Burton Watson's English translation of the text. Anumber of his interpretations in this work have also been translated into modernChinese.2In his Sshi $-?, Fukunaga gives the original text conveniently arranged inshort paragraphs, followed by its Japanese kambun M~$C reading and a very freetranslation into modern Japanese. Therein he explains in contemporary languagethe concepts and stories contained in the text. Like Kuo Hsiang MM, the greathuang-tzu commentator of the 4th century, Fukunaga attempts to understandthe Chuang-tzu as one meaningful whole, while keeping the different layers of thetext in mind.3 In his notes he includes explanations based on later commentaries,especially the one by Lin Hsi-i ffi^M of the Sung which greatly influenced theChuang-tzu reception in Japan.4 In addition, Fukunaga provides copious cross-references so that one can easily check whether a term was similarly used in theTao-te-ching MMlM. or in other important philosophical works of the WarringStates period.He tries to systematise central concepts, to explore their origin and trace theirdevelopment in later schools, especially in the Chinese Buddhist tradition ofCh'an pp.5 In a postface to his translation, Fukunaga reveals that his interest inthe Chuang-tzu is not merely of a philosophical nature, but based on a deeperinvolvement. By providing a particular way of dealing with life and death come

    Fukunaga's articles are listed separately in the bibliography below. The notes refer to them bytheir year of publication.1) Fukunaga Mitsuji, Sushi Wf; (Tokyo: Asahi, 1978), orig. 1956.2) Burton Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang-tzu, (New York: Columbia, 1968); FukunagaMitsuji, Chung-kuo ts'un-tsai chu-i 't'IlliFfcit (Taipei: San-min, 1975).3) Fukunaga wrote two articles on the subject (195^ and 1964). On the textual problems of theChuang-tzu see A.G. Graham, "How much of Chuang-tzu did Chuang-tzu Write?", Journal of theAmerican Academy of Religions 47 , 35 (1980), 459.4) For Lin Hsi-i's commentary see Ch'u Po-hsiu ttfS^?, Nan hua ihen-ching i-hai tsuan-wei ^$K&&&X1K Tao-tsang, fasc. 467-87.5) See especially his article on "No-mind" in both traditions, 1969.

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    72what may, the Chuang-tzu for him has a religious significance.6This attitude together with his knowledge of the Chinese tradition and thefacilities provided by the research institutes where he worked gave Fukunaga'sChuang-tzu scholarship its direction. His work as a whole can be divided intothree parts:1 . The understanding of the Chuang-tzu by poets and thinkers in the Wei, Chin,and Six Dynasties' periods. The ideas of the Chuang-tzu as a way of life forman in the whole of the cosmos.2. The role of the Chuang-tzu in the introduction and adaptation of MahynaBuddhism: Chinese Buddhism as a continuation of the Chuang-tzu, or Lao-Chuang %$t, tradition.73. The study of the Tao-tsang JHjc is his more recent field of study (since 1970);

    especially Taoist religious symbols and major deities as seen in their relationto Buddhism and Japanese Shinto ftf jH.In this paper, I intend to concentrate on the first part of Fukunaga's scholarship.Before examing the role of the Chuang-tzu in the world-view of various poets,let us now look at Fukunaga's understanding of the Chuang-tzu as such.Salvation la Chuang-tzu

    For Fukunaga, the Chuang-tzu belongs into the category of shky tetsugaku2j?#fcHf#j "religious philosophy", a term he defines as not only denoting religionas a body of beliefs and rituals, but more generally as a concern and strivingfor the Absolute, a yearning for harmony and unity, for being "at-one".8 In thissense, the Chuang-tzu is the classical Chinese "religious philosophy", a fact whichis made very clear in comparison with the Tao-te-ching. Here Fukunaga seesiive major points of difference:91. The "Inner Chapters" of the Chuang-tzu stress the individual's developmentand conspicuously lack any political or social concern. Words dealing withpolitics occur only in a negative sense. The sage, the ideal man, is the one whorealizes himself as a "True Man" (chen-jen M), rather than as the sage (sheng-jen E) of the Tao-te-ching, who primarily is the ideal ruler.2. The Tao M is understood in the Tao-te-ching in the sense of the 'mother ofthe world', the basic force responsible for the harmonious working of nature andas such concretely implies the perfect, good old, quiet life of antiquity to whichman and society should return (fu-kuei ^M)- In the Chuang-tzu, the concept ismore abstract, the Tao is not an entity underlying existence, but the very flowof being as such, the principle of the universe. The aim consequently is to becomeone with this flow, to float along with the rhythm of the world (yu-hsin M').

    6) Sshi (1978), I, 341.7) On this part of Fukunaga's work see my paper, "Chuang-tzu, the Father of Ch'an Buddhism?", forthcoming.8) Fukunaga on T'ao Yan-ming, 1963, 74, note 3.9) Sshi (1978), I, 16 ; Fukunaga, 1946, 42 .

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    733. Similarly the concept of history differs. In the Tao-te-ching one finds theassumption of an ideal past, a mythical age. The historical development is seen

    as a decline leading down to the present. It should be reversed back towardsoriginal harmony. In the Chuang-tzu, there is no reversion, but only the ongoingflow, a never ceasing change. Harmony is reached by realizing the presentmoment as it is, to go along with whatever comes.4. Non-action (wu-wei MM) in the Tao-te-ching is a way of dealing with thethings of this world, with government, material goods, and culture. In theChuang-tzu it appears as an inner state, the True Man's quality is one of wu-wei,he is self-less, and always acts with no-mind (wu-hsin M') in response to thepresent.5. Human consciousness according to the Tao-te-ching is one result of thehistorical decline in the universal development from One to Two and on tothe Myriad Beings (ch. 42). Return to original harmony is therefore achieved bylessening knowledge and increasing simplicity of thought and culture. TheChuang-tzu, on the other hand, holds that any consciousness as such is evil. Oneshould dissolve one's conscious mind into chaos (hun-tun W$L), one should forgetoneself completely (wu-chi $S), one should let go of life (wang-sheng iS^) andthereby realize no-mind.In summary, Fukunaga states that in the Chuang-tzu a shift has taken placefrom the outside to the inside, making the structure of the human being thecenter of concern. Man is separate from the Absolute not because of his actions,but because of his mind, his dualistic concepts. He is unhappy because he sets upcategories to deal with life and thereby distorts life, which in reality is nothing buta process of change. Man thus comes to hate death and love life, to shift betweenextremes, emotionally and intellectually. Good and bad, joy and anger, rightand wrong, striving for the one and trying to avoid the otherthis representsthe basic error of human existence. The solution to this predicament is the identification with all, the complete acceptance of whatever there is, i.e., "makingall things equal" (ch'i-wu ^%). Fukunaga thus concludes that "this Chuang-tzuconcept is not to be understood as a mere theory of looking at the world in anindiscriminate way, but was rather born from an intense experience of all thesuffering brought about by dualistic thinking. As such it represents a way toovercome suffering."10In the Chuang-tzu, the first step to overcome suffering is again a mental one:to realize the error of passing judgement, of having positive or negative feelingsabout things, and the error of conceiving oneself as separate from the Absolute.In reality one is part of this very Absolute now and here and everywhere.11With this realization one can go deeper and examine the source of the distortions. Overcoming the latter one gains a new and unified vision of the universe.The source of the distortions lies in the tendency to split up one's identity bycomparison and choice. There is the I that is richer than X, the I that is not as

    10) Fukunaga on Sun Cho, 1961, 45; Sshi (1978), I, 58 .11) Fukunaga, 1946, 48 .

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    74smart as Y. There is the I that wants to live on and on, and yet another I thatwill die. Any conscious ego identity will merely be a one-sided definition in relationto others or to various experiences. This s Fukunaga understands the Chuang-tzu s the bond of suffering which fetters man. By freeing oneselffrom perceivingbeings (wu %) on the outside and categories (lei H) on the inside one will beenabled to go along with everything and merge one's mind with chaos.The gradual merging with chaos is a disintegration of the conscious mind.First there is no more clear distinction of dream and reality, then the delineationof man and animal will become vague.12 The butterfly-dream of Chuang-tzu is anillustration of this chaotified consciousness, there is no more knowing, no moreclinging, no more definite identity. With the end of the distortions of perception,life and death cease to exist. Fully at-one with the flow of existence, with theTao, one is then able to enjoy everything as it is. For Fukunaga this is the actualmeaning of the "Perfect Happiness" (chih-lo 3s^) and of the "Free and Easyandering" {hsiao-yao-yu tjM) of the Chuang-tzu. Since "wandering" is thusunderstood as a mystical state and "seeing things as equal" as a practical method, ukunaga comes to describe the Chuang-tzu as shky tetsugaku S^ik^l^"religious philosophy", a system of thought not only describing the world, butalso showing a way to salvation. The unique philosophy of the Chuang-tzu is easilycompatible with other social and political trends of thought inasmuch as it concentrates largely on the individual and his perception of reality. This compatibilityay serve to explain the near omnipresence of the Chuang-tzu in metaphor,phrasing, and concepts in various Chinese traditions of thought.The Chuang-tzu in medieval Chinese thoughtIn order to answer the question of what position a religious salvational teachinglike the Chuang-tzu occupied in the world-view of a Chinese literati, Fukunagaexamined the lives and works of several famous poets, thinkers, and artistsJuan Chi gc$fHsi K'ang S0Wang Hsi-chih EEtiSun Cho MBT'ao Yuan-ming |M^Hsieh Ling-yn MMMThese six men lived in a period of over 200 years, Juan Chi being born in 210and Hsieh Ling-yiin having died in 433. As has already been pointed out byE. Balazs and D. Holzman,13 this particular period was one of intense politicalinstability and unrest, so that sons of good family aspiring to office and rank couldnever be sure for how long a particular government would last. Well educated

    12) ibid., 64 .13 ) E. Balazs, "Entre rvolte nihilistique et vasion mystique", Asiatische Studien tudes Asiatiques 1/2 (1948), 27; D. Holzman, La vi e et la pense de Hi K'ang, (Leiden: E. Brill, 1957); D.Holzman, Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works of Juan C/ii(Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press,1976).

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    75and trained to see official service as the main fulfilment of life, many men thenhad to cope with a life without public functions and therefore without obviousmeaning. Taking refuge in music, poetry, nature, or alcohol, they neverthelesssought for philosophical explanations of the situation in which they found themselves, and tried to develop ideal ways towards a better, more stable society. In thetheoretical endeavors of the six men described by Fukunaga, the Chuang-tzuserved as the major framework of concept and metaphor. Thus one can understand their eclectic thinking by looking at their respective interpretation anduse of the Chuang-tzu.In their time, the Chuang-tzu was seen as part of the Lao-Chuang tradition as itwas interpreted by the philosophers of "Dark Learning" (hsan-hseh ^^).Lao-Chuang, Confucianism, and ince the 4th centuryBuddhism were calledthe three doctrines (san-chiao Hfjc) and together constituted the basic frameworkof thought in the Six Dynasties' period. Whereas Juan Chi, Hsi K'ang, and WangHsi-chih found their philosophical home in different combinations of Confucianismnd Lao-Chuang, with Sun Cho, in the middle of the 4th century, Buddhismbegan to play a significant role of its own. Early Chinese Buddhists used theChuang-tzu to explain the concepts of Buddhism to the Chinese elite,14 andtraditionally educated Chinese poets and thinkers raised on Chuang-tzu terminologynd imagery were drawn to Buddhism. The same process of interaction thatlead Seng-chao to identify prajM with the unknowing or non-knowledge (wu-chih $n) of the Chuang-tzu15 (and caused Fukunaga to find close similarities inthe concept of no-mind in Chuang-tzu and Ch'an16) is at work when Hsieh Ling-yiin identifies Chuang-tzu's "accordance with spontaneity" (tzu-shih gM) withthe enlightenment of the Buddha, and when he propagates the doctrine of suddenenlightenment as well as the concept that the Buddha-Nature (alias the Lao-Chuang 'Principle', li M.) is inherent even in the most unenlightened person.Each interpretation of the Chuang-tzu by these poets and thinkers in their attempts to find a viable philosophy of life can therefore be understood as a furtherstep in the Chuang-tzu's adaptation to the changing intellectual scene of China,changes which ultimately resulted in a near complete merging of the Chuang-tzuand Buddhism in Ch'an Buddhism, as well as in Taoist mysticism.Juan Chi Um (210-63)Going first through various disappointments in his official career, Juan Chi thenattempted to find a lasting identity within the framework of the religious andsocial models of his time. He passed through six phases, outlined by Fukunagaas follows:17

    14) Richard Robinson, Early Madhyamika in India and China, (Milwaukee: Univ. of Wisconsin,.1967), 99 .15 ) Walter Liebenthal, Chao-lun, the Treatise of Seng-chao, (Hongkong: Hongkong Univ. Press,1968), 64 .16 ) Fukunaga, 1969, 9.17) Fukunaga, 1958, 155.

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    761 . The Confucian ideal of the steadfast gentleman (chiin-tzu Hrf) whose behavior was solidly rooted in moral principles had been the heritage he received

    from his family.18 But its realization was rendered impossible by the fact thathe could not serve in the government without betraying his legitimate ruler.Also, the decay of Confucian morality, the distortion of the old ritual systemgrown rigid and exploited for personal profit alienated him from his propertasks (Collected Poems 39, 60, 62, 67).2. Above all formal relations, truth should be found in the close friendshipwith other men. Though rejecting Confucian formality, Juan Chi still remainedwithin the orthodox pattern, as this ideal of informal friendship was still orientedtowards social relations (Coll. Poems 37, 62). But rather than finding trust andcloseness, he discovered only hypocrisy and treason.3. Next he withdrew completely from society, making the birds and beastshis companions in his efforts to realize the simplistic life-style of the men of old.However, he found no escape from the restlessness of his heartand returnedto the world (Coll. Poems 42, 59, 72; Ta-jen hsien-sheng chuan j^hJt^M)-4. Occupying now the position of an aloof and unconcerned observer, he beganto realize the constant flux of everything, the principle of change. The I-chingJ?$S, where he found the consolation that nothing lasts forever, became his fa

    vorite classic. In order to perfectly agree with the principle of change, he alwayssought the right time for any action. Yet in due course it dawned on him thatwaiting for the right moment was no self-realization in the here and now, sincehe still relied on something outside himself (Coll. Poems 18, 24, 30, 66; T'ung-i-lun MJyfjra).5. He then found true realization of himself in complete transcendence ofall dimensions, in a "far journey" (yiian-yu -&M) to the remotest ends of theuniverse, to a paradise without suffering. He aspired to a mystical freedom,symbolized by the divine immortals (shen-hsien jpf-ftll). Their eternal happinessin the Heaven of Great Purity Juan Chi frequently celebrated in his poems (Coll.Poems 10 , 24, 32, 40, 45, 57, 80, 81 ; Ta-jen hsien-sheng chuan; Ch'ing-ssu-fu fft&f).However, in his actual life, they remained inaccessible, and he found himselfhelpless and able only to dream of the divine.6. Finally he did find a way to catch a glimpse of true transcendence andreally leave all worldly distress behind in an ecstatic union with the universe,an ascent to the divine immortals. Through music he reached complete forget-fulness, the ultimate of spiritual harmony. Playing the zither, he sat in a trance-like state, his spirit purified and floating in chaos (Teh-lun ^W&; Ta-chuang-lunjUjffilm; Ch'ing-ssu-fu). Music served as his personal vehicle to the state of "wandering" and "at-oneness with the spontaneous process of nature" (tzu-te [=!#)He thus fully realized freedom from the conscious ego and experienced a mysticalunion with the Tao.As Fukunaga remarks, the Chuang-tzu served Juan Chi as a source of transcend-

    18) Holzman, Poetry and Politics, 2-9 and 110.

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    77ence and ecstacy, as a given pattern through which he was able to conceiveand express his personal mystical experience. Yet he had to pass through manydifferent models of intellectual identity before he accomplished the transformationfrom an orthodox Confucian into a mystical ecstatic. Music, especially the zither,was one of the six arts requisite for a good Confucian, and a favorite pastimeof the literati.19 It was this conventional medium which Juan Chi used to achievehis mystical states, which he then expressed in the language of the Chuang-tzu.The special concoction Juan Chi mixed for himself from a traditional Confucianart, paradise ideals, and mystical union certainly shows the great adaptabilityof the Chuang-tzu world-view to individual needs and personal tastes.Hsi K'ang jg| (223-62)Fukunaga analyzes Hsi K'ang's situation in terms of an alienation manifest onthree different levels:

    1. Political alienationhis personal failure in the official world.2. Moral alienation his concern with the ideal human society.3. Religious alienation his belief that the ultimate true life was an eternallife.Hsi K'ang resolved this alienation as follows:1. His famous wanderings in the Bamboo Grove accompanied by a group offreely minded literati constituted the realization of his social aspirations. Here,the Chuang-tzu concept of "wandering" was concretely understood as a way ofbehavior, a freedom among others and within nature.20 In activities such ashunting, hiking, garden parties, etc. the natural feelings and needs of one's soulwere satisfied (Tang-sheng-lun ^f; Ssu-chiu-fu ig^K; Chiu-hui-shih *g#ff).21Hsi K'ang's objective being withdrawal from the corrupt world of the rulingclique, he cultivated the friendship of famous recluses like Sun Teng ^l inthis period. The Bamboo Grove gave him the security he had lacked in thepolitical world as well as the possibility of realizing an ideal society. What couldnot be achieved in the political state as a whole he realized for himself in alimited time and space.

    2. Similarly he overcame his moral alienation within the setting of the liberatedsociety of the Bamboo Grove. Like Juan Chi, Hsi K'ang rejected all establishedmoral values and propagated his own inner naturalness.22 This he formulatedinto a theory of morality, saying that as the innermost part of man does notknow good and bad, real goodness is selfless. Categories appear only when feelings {ch'ing f^f) are related to an egotistically conceived reality (Nan tzu-jan hao19) R.H. van Gulik, The Lore of the Chinese Lute, (Tokyo: Sophia Univ., 1940).20) Fukunaga, 1962, 22 .21) ibid., 24; cf . also Holzman, La vie et la pense, 83, 97 .22) ibid., 26. On the issue of morality cf . R.B. Mather, "The Controversy over Conformity andNaturalness during the Six Dynasties", History of Religions 9 (1969), 166.

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    78hseh lun Hg^Jffpff; Chn-tzu-lun WlJ-ff).Acting with pure feeling, the sage's no-mind mirrors the old Chuang-tzu concept of the True Man who is not ensnared by his emotions. Hsi K'ang addedthe concept of "opening one's inner truth" {hsien-ch'ing IHtef), or "obstructingthe inner truth" (jo-ch'ing BE'Ipf). The former, the gentleman's way, is good foreveryone (kung and shan H), the latter, the way of the petty man, is goodonly for oneself (tzu %. and shan H) Highest morality therefore lies in the truthfulollowing of one's inner feelings. But as people differ, only the ideal, exceptionalan (chih-jen MA) can realize this without any particular exertion on hispart. The average person, however, must make some effort. This reflects theConfucian concept of the possible improvement of man. All is there in potential,the realization of truth can be acquired by means of learning and self-cultivation.Hsi K'ang claimed that a conscious effort was necessary to realize one's nature(tzu-jan i$S). This nature is not just there to be returned to , but it must be developed. This was a major addition to the philosophy of the Lao-Chuang tradition, to which he otherwise remained faithful in logic and phrasing {Shih-tzu-lunW%Wa; Ming-tan-lun WMWa).3. As concerns his religious alienation, Hsi K'ang postulated that everybodyhad the latent potential to live truly, i.e., forever. But the divine immortalspossessed a special energy or breath {ch'i H,) whereas others must practice immortal ity techniques for a long time. These techniques include dietary andmedical practices as well as meditative ones.23 Their ultimate goal was a complete transcendence of all worldly relations. His formulation of this ideal showsa Buddhist tinge, yet it is difficult to determine whether and to what extent hewas influenced by Buddhism.24 Salvation takes place in two phases. First, onehas to put "oneself in order" (hsiu-shen |^#, a term from the Ta-hsueh ^C#).For Hsi K'ang, this includes bodily health as well as the effort to live one's lifein harmony with the changes (Tang-sheng-lun; Ta Nan Yang-sheng-lun ^fHifr^fejNjf)*Only then can one set out on the path of purification and progress towards therealization of the true, eternal life. Like Juan Chi, Hsi K'ang thought highlyof playing the zither as a vehicle to exaltation the truth (ch'ing fpf ) is alreadywithin man and the impulse from an outer agent, in this case music, can makeemotions {ch'ing fpf) arise. Perfect music will stimulate complete harmony andtranquillity of emotions, i.e., a state of "perfect happiness". Then one rests innon-action and realizes one's natural being in utter forgetfulness (Ch'in-fu i^K;.Sheng wu ai-lo lun S^jS^lra) 25

    23) Fukunaga, 1962, 41 .24 ) Fukunaga discusses this problem in his article 1962a. He lists the various occasions whenHsi K'ang might have met with foreign monks (96ff) as well as the astonishing similiarities between his Shih-tzu-lun and Hsi Ch'ao's fM Feng-fa-yao $ftl? of over a century later (102). Heconcludes, however, that even though Hsi K'ang certainly knew of Buddhism, it is impossible to-gauge exactly to what extent his world-view was influenced by it. Similarly Holzman considers.Buddhist influence as "peu probable"; La vi e et la pense, 78.25) For the Ch'in-fu cf . R.H. van Gulik, Hsi K'ang and His Poetical Fssay on the Lute, (TokyoSophia Univ., 1941) ; for the Sheng wu ai-lo lu n see Holzman, La vi e et la pense, 68 .

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    79Chuang-tzu Criticism around A.D. 300The Chuang-tzu^ world-view as a substitute for the degenerated traditional valuesbecame very fashionable in the 3rd century philosophical school of Dark Learning. his trend culminated in the Chuang-tzu commentary by Kuo Hsiang, whoformulated a coherent system along the lines of the original text integrating thephilosophical tendencies of his age as well as a concern for social applicability.26Simultaneously there developed a wave of Chuang-tzu criticism which gainedmomentum in the 4th century. A combination of Confucianism and the Tao-te-ching evolved, with a search for return to a simpler society.27 Tai K'uei WML(ca. 335-96), for instance, accused the "Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove" ofusing the Chuang-tzu as an excuse for laziness and moral laxity (Fang-ta wei-feitao-lun ik'MM^ilm) P'ei Wei Ufg (267-300), one of the earlier critics, rejectedthe endless hairsplitting disputes on non-being (wu $ ) and contended that oneshould take reality seriously and not shy away from responsibility (Ch'ung-yu-lun ^^Ws, "In Praise of Being").28 Both these critics upheld the Tao-te-ching'sideal of simplicity and combined it with the Confucian belief in the GoldenAge of the past that was to be restored. Though the Tao-te-ching also mentioned'non-being', it had been completely misunderstood by the "Pure Talk (ch'ing-t'an flflf) disputants and by commentators like Wang Pi zED. The uselessnessof the Chuang-tzu in the practical life of politics and its lack of directives as tothe conduct of a good official were the major points of criticism raised by WangTan-chih l. (330-75) in his Fei-chuang-lun MMM and by Fan Ning f^(ca. 280-340) in his Wang Pi Ho Ten lun ^{5J#it Liu Kun gl|3S (271-318),in his Ta Lu Chen shu ^SUSUr, on the other hand, and Ko Hung J|$^, in the"Ying-ch'ao-p'ien" MMM of his Pao-p'u-tzu J/f^S rejected especially the secondchapter of the Chuang-tzu, "Seeing Things as Equal" (Ch'i-wu-lun ^%/J|b). According to them, it was too sophisticated, theoretical, and irrelevant for practicalreality. It only encouraged the excesses of effeminate and pampered aristocrats.As the voices raised against the Chuang-tzu gained influence, its religious meaningor the individual disappeared from sight. The Kuo Hsiang system wasaccepted by the literati as the most adequate Chuang-tzu understanding. Thisis the reason why most of the earlier Chuang-tzu commentaries and editions arelost today.29 Kuo Hsiang's commentary to the Chuang-tzu, a classic of the DarkLearning, was soon turned into the theoretical basis for the integration of Mah-yna (Prajfi-parmit) Buddhism. The Chuang-tzu as a religious system didnot survive in the main stream of aristocratic thinking which was then too preoccupied with the problems of society, nor as a valid life-style for disappointedliterati or pious Taoists. It survived in an almost complete merging with Bud-

    26) Fukunaga 1954 and 1964.27) Fukunaga, 1960, 632.28) Mather, "The Controversy . . .", 173; Balazs, "Entre rvolte . . .", 51 .29) On the problem of Chuang-tzu editions, cf . my paper "Lost Chuang-tzu Passages", Journal ofChinese Religions 10 (1982), 53 .

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    80dhist doctrines, for which it had prepared the way in Chinese minds.Wang Hsi-chih 3^2. (307-65)

    Wang Hsi-chih, the father of Chinese calligraphy, shows similar tendenciesregarding his philosophy of life as those mentioned above. Fukunaga distinguishessix features :301. While serving as a government official, Wang Hsi-chih was very concernedwith society. The desire to help his era never left him, even though he retiredearly in 335.2. He harshly criticised the emptiness and loftiness of the Pure Talk and theChuang-tzu as useless for practical and political life (Shih-shuo hsin-y, "Ten-yu-p ten \>Lt]XiW\tm> nnffij-3. On the other hand, he put a strong emphasis on emotion, postulating itsnecessity and naturalness. Thus one should feel sadness, if a close friend dies,and not, like Chuang-tzu in the famous story about the death of his wife, singand beat the drum.31 Wang Hsi-chih regarded this as repressing one's naturalinstincts and feelings (Lan-t'ing shih-hsu W^fWPf)- This particular point of Chuang-tzu criticism had also been raised by Sun Ch'u ^JeI (?293) in his Chuang Choutsan lEH^. Wang Hsi-chih postulated that one should always partake in natureas apparent in the seasons as well as in the joys and sorrows of man's heart.4. Likewise one should live with nature. He considered landscape to be theultimate symbol of harmony and tranquility. One could realize this by with

    drawing to the country and living the contemplative life of a recluse (Pao TinHao shu ^tWC^^l Fa-shu yao-lu f*^i| 2, 40, 101, 273).5. Though death is a natural part of life, life as such is enjoyable and shouldbe preserved. Wang Hsi-chih's family was connected with Taoism, and he himself took great interest in medicine and drugs, not only to assuage the rheumaticpain in his legs, but also to ensure a longer, more intense life (Tung-shu-t'angt'ieh jJCftgf).6. He found his greatest joy in a complete absorption in landscape. Unableto walk, he was frequently carried out in order to savor the breath of natureand to experience the here and now in its greatest concentration {Fa-shu yao-lu74, 273, 372, 357).In these tendencies one can already glimpse the strong nature mysticism ofSun Cho and, later, of Hsieh Ling-yiin. The connection with Taoism and therecluse ideal stem from this time. Whereas before nature had represented theopposite of culture, simplicity versus complexity, tranquility versus involvement,it now began to symbolize the ideal of trancending both and the means of becomingne with the universal Tao. The major ideal was naturalness, like in theearlier philosophy of the Dark Learning. Only there nature (tzu-jan i!$&) had30) Fukunaga, 1960, 638.31) Chuang-tzu 18 ; Watson, The Complete Works, 192.

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    81been defined as the ever changing and unceasing course of the universe, includingall opposites and transcending them. Now thought and emotions as such wereidentified with naturalness, the so-being of the world one is most natural whenone experiences all ups and downs intensely. Landscape in this context cameto be regarded as the concrete realization of the principle of Nature with whichone wants to identify. The Chuang-tzu is still present in this trend of thought,in the wish to "wander", to roam freely through nature, to leave all restrictionsbehind. Yet the emphasis placed on emotions and the gratification of instinctsreveals some hedonist touch; attention turned away from abstract metaphysicsand towards concrete pleasure.Sun Cho WM (ca. 310-90)Unlike Wang Hsi-chih, Sun Cho integrated Buddhism into his system of beliefs.He combined Confucian social responsibility, the Lao-Chuang ideal of contemplation, and Buddhist enlightenment. He was the first to make a conscious attempt at integrating the three doctrines into one system.33 In doing so he rein-terpretated all of them. Fukunaga describes his synthesis as follows1. Confucianism. The sage or ideal ruler for Sun Cho is a True Man (chen-jenJj|A) who has overcome all distinctions and realized no-mind. This conceptis taken from Kuo Hsiang's Chuang-tzu commentary. Yet the sage is concernedwith the world, feels compassion for the suffering of the people and educatesthem. He achieves his sainthood through a hard and painful process of learningand purification. This latter point shows Buddhist influence (see his commentaryon the Lun-yil !h!b as quoted in Huang K'an's jUlfS, Lun-y i-shu filnitii;)2. Lao-Chuang. To withdraw from the world into pure nature is justified forSun Cho because reality is only dust and grime in which a realized life is notpossible. For him, Mount T'ien-t'ai represented the paradisiacal abode of theimmortals. Ascending this mountain Sun Cho was lead to a "mystical experienceof identity with the non-actual reality embodied in mountains and streams"34(T'ien-t'ai-shan fu ^l-UiS; Lao-tzu tsan ^-f-^; Wang-hai fu ^^^; T'ai-p'ing-shan ming A^lU^S).3. Buddhism. Sun Cho sees the Buddha as an enlightened teacher who, likeConfucius, strove to save mankind. Their teachings are essentially one, differingonly in expression because of the different audiences addressed. The sage maykill, according to Sun Cho, because his action is performed in a state of no-mind,and therefore will leave no trace, i.e., will not result in any karma. Similarly,the sage embodies utmost filial piety since "the greatest filial piety is the completeforgetfulness of filial piety", an idea expressed in ch. 2 of the Chuang-tzu in regard32) The exact dates of Sun Cho's life are difficult to determine. Mather gives 310-379 in his.article "The Mystical Ascent of the T'ien-t'ai Mountains: Sun Cho's Tu T'ien-t' i-shan fu" Monu-menta Serica 20 (1961), 226.33) Fukunaga, 1961, 35 .34) Mather, "The Mystical Ascent. . .", 231.

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    82to benevolence {T-tao-lun %MMsm, Ju-fo i-chih lunSun Cho's system resolved the tensions between political activity and religiouspurification in the figure of the True Man, the sagethe enlightened teacherand ruler. His morality is perfected into non-morality, i.e., one may leave thefamily or society because this is the ultimate of filial piety or loyalty. Absorptioninto nature effects the realization of life as such in a state of mystical union. Thepath to such enlightenment leads through an experience of suffering in a dual-istic world to an understanding of the principles of the universe. Illuminationis the realization that "the tension-ridden dichotomy between Actual and Non-actual is all delusion".36 Fukunaga sees this system as a Lao-Chuang way froma Confucian basis to a Buddhist goal.T'ao Tan-ming MWM (365-427)Fukunaga studies T'ao Yuan-ming's personal beliefs by examining the meaningof his central concept of "truth" (chen M), of which he sees five different aspects:371 . The inner workings of the universe, the continuous process of existence assuch (tzu-jan |J$) where all is revolving and yet without life and death, are"true" (Shih tso chen-chun ts'an-chn ^fFili^Sp-).2. This intact whole declined with the passing ages, and only in nature aslandscape and in human emotions has "truth" survived. Thus the harmoniouslife of following one's inner feelings and savoring the simplicity and beauty ofnature means "truth" for oneself (Kuei ch'u-lai hsi tz'u M^^^1$)-

    3. In daily life, however, interaction with people and affairs causes one's heartto be moved and to receive all kinds of impulses. To mind the affairs of one'severyday life and enjoy them as they come along is a "true" life (Shih-yiln ^M',Kuei yan-t'ien chu HrpilEHjgj).4. Yet another "truth" is found through complete forgetfulness of oneself andthe world in the blessed state of drunkenness. Wine, T'ao Yuan-ming's great passion, helped him to gain the "truth" of ecstacy {Tin-chiu $M; Hsing-ying-shen5. The feeling of being at-one can also be reached through absorption innature. T'ao Yuan-ming strove to atune the "truth" of natural processes withhis own inner "truth", thus creating the "true" state of no-mind, of realizedoneness (Tu tsung-ti ching-yan l^'$zW>kML\ Chiu-jih chien-chu ^LBHHH).The ultimate "truth" for T'ao Yuan-ming is reached in a state of utter di

    ssolution of all annoyances and unpleasant feelings. In such a state he felt freeto feel and realize the Tao underlying all opposites. His striving to eliminateunpleasant experiences sounds hedonist, but his need to concentrate on every35) Cf. A. Link and T. Lee, "Sun Cho's T-tao-lun: A Clarification of the Way", MonumentaSerica 25 (1966), 169; H. Schmidt-Glintzer, Das Hung-ming-chi und di e Aufnahme des Buddhismus in-China, (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1976), 57 .36) Mather, "The Mystical Ascent. . .", 233.37 ) Fukunaga, 1963, 54 .

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    83detail of reality in the ideal state reflects the ideal of the Chuang-tzu as interpretedby Kuo Hsiang.38Hsieh Ling-yiin Hfllpll (385433)To name the ultimate reality within the human heart, Hsieh Ling-yiin usedthe Chuang-tzu term tzu-shih Bj, "accordance with spontaneity". He calledthe wish for absorption in nature an instinct to purify and rectify oneself ( Turning shan-chih M^\U]^).S9 The final illumination, however, is not given to everyone, either can one learn to reach that stage. The ultimate Tao or "Principle"(H M.) is there within one's personal nature, which includes all emotions, butone can realize one's identity with the cosmos only in a sudden experience ofenlightenment (Pien-tsung-lun ^^?|m).40

    All formal religious practices and techniques as well as all devotional beliefsbecome completely superfluous once mystical union is achieved. Buddhism,Lao-Chuang, and Confucianism are one. They only try to delineate a way tothe ultimate, but never really reach it . The realized one or the Buddha interestsHsieh Ling-yiin only because of his enlightenment, never because of his teaching.Teachings are necessary for the ignorant masses, especially for the slow-witted"barbarian" Indians, who are inferior to the civilized Chinese (Pien-tsung-lun;Wei-mo-ching shih-p'i ts'an W-W^rV^W.\ Fo-ying-ming #f^|).Increasingly disappointed towards the end of his life, Hsieh Ling-yiin beganto acknowledge the value of a doctrine not centered solely on the present life.He came to accept the belief in the three worlds, past, present, and future. Furthermore, he started to see emotions as obstructions to enlightenment and r

    ecogn i z ed the religious value of self-denial, thus altering his concept of inbornnature. Since the ultimate Principle was free from all opposites, all dualism,emotions and strife, all these have to be rejected in favor of purity and intuitivewisdom, prajfi (Shan-ch-fu \UJB$$,)- From a very strong involvement with thehedonistic tendencies in the Chuang-tzu, Hsieh Ling-yiin developed into a straightfollower of Buddhism, but stayed a lay donor, unwilling to give up materialsecurity and the ideal of participation in politics.ConclusionFukunaga values the Chuang-tzu as the source of a religious tradition, the finalgoal of which is the state of no-mind and the experience of "wandering" freelythrough the universe along with the continuous process of existence. Since thisreligious philosophy, as Fukunaga calls it (shky tetsugaku tk%MW)> postulated

    38) ibid., 69; see also Fukunaga, 1969, 16..39) Fukunaga, 1958a, 33; see also R.B. Mather, "The Landscape Buddhism of the Fifth Century Poet Hsieh Ling-yn", Journal of Asian Studies 18/1 (1958), 67; J. P. Frodsham, The MurmuringStream: The Life and Works of Hsieh Ling-yiin, (Kuala Lumpur: Univ. of Malaya Press, 1967).40) Fukunaga, 1958a, 39.

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    84neither specified rules of behavior nor devotional beliefs, nor even demandeda strict personal discipline, it was easily compatible with different life-styles,social positions, and philosophical persuasions. On the other hand, it had a.strong appeal mainly for the educated elite serving to complement traditionalConfucian morality. Very often it provided self-confidence to disappointedliterati. Since it allowed complete eclectic freedom, one finds varied mixturesof attitudes often combining a frustrated wish to serve in office with the strivingfor an ecstatic union with the Tao.Whether individual literati then held an office or not, whether they believedin physical immortality and practised Taoist techniques or not, did not alterthis pattern in any decisive way. Their eclecticism makes it difficult to assignthem to any of the major intellectual traditions of Chinese history. Yet theirmystical endeavors and experiences reached through music, wine, or absorptionin nature are an important part of the native Chinese religious tradition. Whilethe Chuang-tzu, on the one hand, served them in formulation of their respectivenotions and ideals, on the other hand, they also contributed to the developmentof Chuang-tzu thought in the described period. In this sense they can be seenas part of an intellectual lineage leading from the Chuang-tzu all the way to Ch'an,Buddhism. As Fukunaga points out, the doctrine of sudden enlightenment hasits four major characteristics in common with the tradition of the Chuang-tzu :41

    1 . the full reliance on non-action and naturalness2. the impossibility to convey the experience in words;3. the full and intense realization of this life here and now, without postponingsalvation to some future;4. the concept that the Tao/Buddha is present in everyone and everything.

    41) Fukunaga, 1946, 208.

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    85Bibliography of Fukunaga'sArticles

    1946 "So Shu no y ni tsuite" ffl