-
8/18/2019 FEB Editorials
1/24
CMYK
ND-ND
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2015
8 T H E H I N D U M O N D AY , F E BR UAR Y 2, 20 1
5NOIDA/DELHI
EDITORIAL
Union Minister and Bharatiya Janata Party
leader Ravi Shankar Prasad calling for a na-
tional debate on whether the words “socialist”
and “secular” should continue to be part of the
Preamble to the Constitution in the wake of the contro-
versy over the Central government using a “watermark
of
the original Preamble” in advertisements released in the
print media on the occasion of Republic Day — which did
not have those words — has set off a debate on a constitu-
tional amendment made during the period of the Emer-
gency. It followed the Shiv Sena’s demand that the two
key words be dropped altogether from the amended Pre-
amble. In conceptually adding the words to the Preamble
by means of the Constitution (42nd Amendment) Act,
1976, wherein the words “Sovereign Democratic Repub-
lic” were substituted with “Sovereign Socialist Secular
Democratic Republic”, the Statement of Objects and Rea-
sons appended to that Bill said it was to “spell out ex-
pressly the high ideals of socialism, secularism and the
integrity of the nation, to make the directive principles
more comprehensive and give them precedence over
those fundamental rights which have been allowed to berelied
upon to frustrate socio-economic reforms for im-
plementing the directive principles.” That the working
of
the Constitution shows shortcomings, that the insertion
of these two words was done during the period of the
Emergency under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and that
the Indian ethos is ‘inherently secular’, making the in-
clusion redundant, are the main arguments put forward
by the ruling dispensation now.
As many legal pundits have convincingly shown, the
Preamble embodies the “basic philosophy and funda-
mental values on which the Constitution is based”. The
inclusion of the words “socialist” and “secular” is best
seen as an explication of the ideals modern India has
drawn directly from the freedom struggle. Upendra Baxi,
citing the great constitutional historian Granville Austin
— despite his differences with him — recalls how the
“roots of the directive principles” could be traced to the
1931 Karachi Congress resolution, and to the “two
streams of socialist and nationalist sentiments in India
that had been flowing ever faster since the late 1920s.”
Even the Morarji Desai-led Janata Party government, in
which the Jan Sangh was a constituent, did not think itnecessary
to delist these two words when they enacted
the 44th Amendment to nullify the objectionable features
introduced in the 42nd Amendment Act. Political scien-
tists also emphasise that in the S.R. Bommai case, the
Supreme Court held that “secularism is an integral part”
of the Constitution’s basic structure. With or without the
amended Preamble, the Indian Constitution will remain
secular, but the signal the dropping of the words would
send will be disconcerting to the minorities.
A needlesscontroversy
President Barack Obama and PrimeMinister Narendra Modi
carefully omitted mentioning Pakistan dur-ing the U.S.
President’s recent visit
to India. But that did not stop Pakistanipoliticians and media
from “warning” Amer-ica against trying to “establish India’s
dom-inance” in South Asia. Amid talk of Pakistanexpanding security
ties with China and Rus-sia, its Foreign Office issued an official
state-ment complaining that an India-U.S.
partnership would alter South Asia’s “bal-ance of power” and
create a “regionalimbalance.”
In reality, the Pakistani reaction reflectsthe Pakistani
security establishment cling-ing to the notion of parity with
India. Foryears, Pakistan has ignored changes in theglobal
environment and accepted the heavy price of internal weakness
to project itself asIndia’s equal. Islamabad also insists on
reso-lution of the Kashmir dispute as the essen-tial prerequisite
for normal ties with itsmuch larger neighbour.
Equality and parity
The parity doctrine as well as the empha-sis on Kashmir are
rooted in ideology and thetwo-nation theory that was the basis of
Mu-hammad Ali Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan.For a country to base
its foreign policy forover 60 years on the same assumptions
isunusual. As the world around us changes, somust a nation’s
foreign policy. But Pakistanhas yet to embrace pragmatism as the
basisof its foreign and national security policies.
Pakistanis such as me realise that seeking
security in relation to a much larger neigh-bour is not the same
thing as insisting onparity with it. All nations are equal in
in-ternational law but sovereign equality is notsynonymous with
parity.
In any case, Pakistan is India’s rival in realterms only as much
as Belgium could rival
France or Germany and Vietnam could hope
to be on a par with China. India’s populationis six times larger
than Pakistan’s while itseconomy is 10 times the size of the
Pakistanieconomy. Notwithstanding internal prob-lems, India’s $2
trillion economy has man-aged consistent growth whereas
Pakistan’s$245 billion economy has grown sporadical-ly and is
undermined by jihadi terrorism anddomestic political
chaos.
Country comparisons
India is expanding by most measures of national power while
Pakistan has been ableto keep pace with it only in
manufacturing
nuclear weapons and their delivery systems.Pakistanis are often
not told of the wideninggap between the two countries in most
fields.
For example, 94 per cent of India’s chil-dren between five and
15 complete primary school compared with 54 per cent in
Pakis-tan. Every year, 8,900 Indians get a PhD inthe sciences
compared with the 8,142 docto-rates awarded by Pakistan’s
universitiessince Independence. The total number of
books published in any language on any sub-
ject in Pakistan in 2013, includi ng religioustitles and
children’s books, stood at 2,581,against 90,000 in India.
The parity doctrine also requires Pakista-nis to see India as an
existential enemy.Textbooks still tell Pakistani children thatHindu
India threatens Islamic Pakistan andseeks to terminate its
existence. Hardly any-one outside of Pakistan believes that to
betrue.
Nuclear deterrence and mutually assureddestruction usually
freeze conflicts and pavethe way for détente as they did between
theU.S. and the U.S.S.R. But little has changed in
the Pakistani ideology after the induction of nuclear
weapons on the subcontinent. Thereis little recognition that with
nuclear weap-
ons, Pakistan no longer has any reason tofeel insecure about
being overrun by a largerIndian conventional force.
Kashmir issue
The notion of an existential threat to Pa-kistan is now only
psycho-political and ide-
ological. Pakistan has already fought fourwars with India and
lost half its territory inthe process — the erstwhile East
Pakistan,which became Bangladesh in 1971.
As for Jammu and Kashmir, one need notdeny Pakistan’s
initial claims to recognisethat it might not be an issue that can
beresolved in the foreseeable future. Jihadi militancy, since
1989, has failed to wrestKashmir for Pakistan from India as has
warand military confrontation.
Islamabad should also evaluate realistical-ly its hope of
internationalising the Kashmir
issue. The last effective UN resolution onKashmir was passed by
the Security Councilin 1957, when the United Nations had 82members.
Last year, with 193 members, Pa-kistan’s Prime Minister was the
only worldleader who mentioned Jammu and Kashmirat the UN General
Assembly.
In the U.S.’s calculations
U.S. economic and military aid ($40 bil-lion to date since 1950)
encouraged the per-petuation of Pakistan’s doctrine of
parity with India. Pakistanis thought that with thesupport of
external allies, Pakistan couldcompensate for its inherent
disadvantage insize against India. But now Washington seesIndia as
America’s longer-term ally andpartner.
The size of India’s market and potentialfor greater trade,
investment and defencesales are important elements in recent
U.S.calculations. But even immediately after In-dependence, India
and not Pakistan wasdeemed to be America’s natural ally. A
1949Pentagon report described India as “the nat-ural political and
economic center of South
Asia” and the country with which the U.S.had greater
congruence of interests.India’s decision to stay non-aligned in
the
stand-off between the West and the Sovietbloc, benefited
Pakistan in its formativeyears. India argued that it needed to
benefitfrom both sides in the Cold War. Pakistan, anew state unsure
of its future and searchingfor aid to bolster its economy and
security,stepped in to become a part of U.S.-led mil-itary
alliances.
Pakistan’s old school diplomats, politic-ians and military
thinkers are now upset thatthey cannot count on the U.S. as the
equalis-er in their quest for equivalence with India.China is
already a close ally of Pakistan andcannot tip the balance in
Pakistan’s favouron its own. In any case, it is unlikely thatChina,
with its growing Uyghur problem,will remain unaffected by the
global percep-tion of Pakistan as an epicentre of
Islamistterrorism.
Voicing frustration with the major powersover their
redefinition of their national in-terest will not help Pakistan
advance its na-tional interests. Just as it has belatedly
started acknowledging its terrorist problem,my country would
benefit more by giving upthe quest for parity with India. We
shouldseek security and prosperity in the context of our size
for a territorial state, rather than anideological one. The process
could beginwith efforts to address Pakistan’s institu-tional
weaknesses, eliminate terrorism, im-prove infrastructure and
modernise itseconomy.
(Husain Haqqani, director for South and Central Asia at the
Hudson Institute inWashington DC, was Pakistan’s Ambassador to
the United States from2008-11. His latest book is
MagnificentDelusions: Pakistan, the United States andan Epic
History of Misunderstanding. )
Pakistan’s elusive quest for parity Pakistan’s strong
reaction to the Obama visit toIndia reflects its security
establishment clinging toa flawed notion of parity with India, when
for years it has ignored changes in the globalenvironment and
accepted the heavy price of internal weakness to project
itself as India’s equal
Husain Haqqani
“India is expanding by most measures of national power while
Pakistan has been able to keep pace with it only inmanufacturing
nuclear weapons and their delivery systems
”
Letter and aftermathThis refers to the report, “Congressgoes
quiet after Jayanthi storm”(Feb.1). Today, the Congress facesits
biggest crisis ever since it wasenveloped by corruption,
scandalsand several other administrativedeficiencies which resulted
in itscrushing defeat at the hands of theBJP in 2014. After the
“letterbomb” by party loyalist JayanthiNatarajan, one is sure that
severalmore Congressmen will now abandon the sinking ship of
theCongress. What prompted Ms.Natarajan to come up withinsinuations
against Rahul Gandhionly now? The timing and hermotives are indeed
questionable.Politics has only become a platformfor selfish and
self-centredpoliticians to secure power, aspecial status, wealth
and comforts.
M.Y. Shariff,Chennai
The fact that the Rahul Gandhi, thetarget of Ms. Natarajan’s
ire, hasnot responded to her letter showsthat there could be some
truth in
her charges levelled against him.The way the Environment
Ministry functions appears to be murky andlaced with
controversies and onehopes that there is a thoroughprobe into all
its deals andclearances.
C.K. Subramaniam, Navi Mumbai
It is the bane of Indian politics thatsycophancy is expected and
evenencouraged. Rather than exhibitingloyalty to individuals,
families andparties, when will our Ministersshow loyalty to the
law, theConstitution, morality and theirconscience?
S.V. Venkatakrishnan, Bengaluru
Gone are the days when our leaderswere idealistic and used to
stick toone form of political ideology. Theepisode, of Jayanti
Natarajanexiting the Congress, shows the
need for debate on internal party democracy and
interference of party leaders in the functioning of
the executive. The new India iswitnessing a shift in the
way politics will run. The time is ripe forall parties to
improve their innerparty workings.
Badal Jain, Jalgaon, Maharashtra
The fact that there was anextraconstitutional authority inUPA-I
and -II has now beenconfirmed by none other than a“staunch”
loyalist (Editorial, Jan.31). The case shows that thereneeds to be
a thorough probe intothe spectrum and coal allotments,the CWG, the
fleet purchase for Air India and d efence deals whichwere
clearly done ignoring thePrime Minister and his directives.The
BJP/NDA government shouldnow be proactive and enact a
toughanti-corruption law.
N. Ramamurthy,Chennai
Nowhere in her press conferencedid Ms. Natarajan allege that
RahulGandhi had interfered in thefunctioning of the
EnvironmentMinistry. It appears to be a case of
his office forwarding letters fromNGOs on environmental
matters. What is wrong in this? A carefulreading of her letter
shows thatthere is nothing explosive in itscontents.
C. Damodaran,Vilayankode, Kerala
Choosing satyagrahaThe people of Manipur aresandwiched between
the thrust of AFSPA on one side and the
equally dreadful threats of insurgency onthe other “Choosing
satyagrahaover spectacle,” (Jan.31). It isheartbreaking to mention
that evenafter a decade of rigorous protest,neither Irom Sharmila
nor any of her fervent supporters has yet tobring about change
as far as theinternal security of the state isconcerned. Peace will
prevail only when there is a genuine attempt towork towards
the development andwelfare of the people in Northeast
India. Yangthouba Mutum,
Imphal
It was interesting to have athought-provoking articlecontrasting
two visually compellingimages — loud military might andquiet, inner
strength. Nations, likeindividuals, can mask their truenature.
Pride in the form of thespectacle of weaponry is notnecessarily a
source of comfort forall. When the focus is on the ability to
bring about change through violence, the state can “mirror
the violence of the terrorists” againstits own people. We all
have theability to resist injustice by notaccepting it as a fact of
life and notamplifying it by reacting to it.
Velayudhan Menon, Batu Pahat, Malaysia
Tiger count One is happy that the editorial(Jan.23)
acknowledges the fact thatthe science of conserving tigers ismostly
focussed on saving “sourcepopulations” of the cat. However, amajor
challenge facing tigerreserves in India is the isolation
of the species ( Panthera tigris ) into 30to
40 groups of discontinuous tigerpopulations across six major
landscape complexes. A degree of isolation can lead to the
evolutionof local races.
The tiger has a very wideecogeographic range in Asia andseveral,
zoologically identifiablesubspecies have been
recognised. Again, if the “source population” isisolated, but
the environment isartificially rendered favourable by man,
then such a situation becomesconducive to the multiplication
of same and similar genotypes beyondthe carrying capacity of
theparticular area. This appears to bethe case of the fluctuating
tigerpopulation in India: 2,000 in 1998,1,411 in 2006, 1,706 in
2010 and2,226 in 2014. The interphaseincrease in the tiger
populationmay not guarantee itsconservation. Therefore, the
chief hurdle is inbreeding on account of fragmentation.
One way to increasethe genetic base is to have corridorsbetween
tiger reserves, so as to help
in gene flow. But this is notpractical due to a paucity of
land.The only alternative left is in the
introduction of a genetically viabletiger population from
otherhabitats to widen the extent andnature of genetic diversity
andwhich can be done based on datafrom genetic fingerprinting
acrossreserves.
The dictum “it all depends on thegreen” was perhaps
forgotten in theearlier programmes of conservation in India,
which beganwith “big cats and large mammals”due to their top
position in the foodchain. The “tiger-deer-grass-water” link is too
simplistic arelationship to be applied to thespectrum of diversity
andecosystems. In situ conservationhas to be attempted on a
holisticbasis, taking all forms of data intoaccount. In the
ultimate analysis, itis genetic diversity that matters.India, once
a tiger land, and now spending crores on ‘Project
Tiger’,should now make an attempt tofocus on the importance
of diversity in the science of savingtigers.
A.N. Henry,Coimbatore
Vanishing playgroundsIt is true that rapid urbanisation,with
gated communities andapartments, has now resulted inless open space
available forchildren to play and enjoy theirtime (‘Open Page’,
“Thosedisappearing playgrounds,” Feb.1).I know of a situation
whereeducational institutions have beeninstructed to have a
playground butschool managements find ways toget around this and
avoid thisinspection. I am sure that the rise of metabolic
diseases among childrendue to physical inactivity willeventually
jolt the authorities intoaction.
J.P. Reddy, Nalgonda, Telangana
It is unfortunate that a l ack of openspaces and playgrounds has
forcedchildren in cities to stay indoorsand remain glued to
computers andother electronic gadgets. The
current generation plays alloutdoor games like cricket,football,
tennis on computers!
Physical play is the best way torefresh the mind and is what
helpschildren maintain good health andconcentrate on their studies.
It is inplay that children learn some of life’s most important
lessons, likelearning to lose but not to be a loser,and not letting
success go to theirheads nor failure to their hearts. Italso
involves leadership and team-building skills, all of which cannotbe
taught in a classroom.
T.S. Karthik,Chennai
R.K. LaxmanR.K. Laxman’s spontaneity inrendering humour and
satire in asingle blend remains unmatched.In 1998, he visited an
Animation Academy at Hyderabad, of which Iwas the principal.
After his speciallecture to the students, we gatheredat the
conference hall for a coffeebreak. When he picked up his plateof
cashewnuts, a stray fly landed onhis hand. While trying to brush
itoff, he said, “See, this fellow isfollowing me wherever I go.”
One of the students asked: “Sir, how do youknow this one is
the same fly?” Pat
came the reply. “He was sitting nextto me in the aeroplane!”
S. Jayadev Babu,Chennai
I still remember a two-frameLaxman cartoon on how roadrepair is
done in India. The firstsaid: “Go slow,work in progress.” Inthe
second it was: “Go, slow work inprogress.” At times, the truth is
thebest joke!
J.K.V.R. Setty, Mysuru
I once had the fortune of meetingR.K. Laxman and asked him
why there was no common womaninstead of the “Common Man”.
Tothis he immediately took out asheet of paper from a pile, grabbed
apencil and drew his “CommonMan” standing in front of a mirrorthat
reflected the image of MotherTeresa. His explanation was thatthe
iconic image at the back of his
mind was the great lady.George John,
Dehradun
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to
[email protected] carry the fullpostal address and the
full name or the name with initials.
The inequities in infrastructure could not be
starker. While several schools continue to deny
the most basic sanitation facilities for poorer
children, a select band of them dangle air-con-
ditioned classrooms and dormitories and other accesso-
ries before the more affluent ones. Repeatedknuckle-rapping by
the Supreme Court over the years has
evidently had little effect on State administrations, as the
case of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana illustrates. In
October 2012, the Court had issued orders for the build-
ing of toilets in all schools within six months. That stric-
ture was a sequel to a similar kind of intervention the year
before. The Supreme Court had stepped in yet again last
year, but to little avail. Matters have got no further in
2015. In this latest instance, a two-judge Bench has been
constrained to spell out to the governments of the two
neighbouring States as to what type of structures were
acceptable as safe and clean toilets. That is proof enough
that official specifications were violated both in letter
and
spirit. Such complacency on the part of the authorities
would hopefully be history given the increase in funding
for the purpose ever since Prime Minister Narendra Mo-
di’s Independence day address.
Not unrelated to the situation in schools is the
equally
callous attitude of many States with respect to the en-
forcement of the ban on manual scavenging that was
legislated over two decades ago. Underlying the
indignity
heaped on public sanitation workers, as well as the insani-tary
conditions in schools, is a mindset of complete de-
nial; that, if anything, compounds the problem. The
detrimental long-term effects, especially upon girls,
of
prolonged lack of access to toilets have been well-docu-
mented. Where facilities exist, they are effectively ren-
dered dysfunctional because of the most unhygienic
conditions in which they are invariably found. This aspect
may be linked also to the ratio of toilet facility to user
of
1:40 for girls and 1:80 for boys, as per norms laid down
by
the Union Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation.
Conversely, the UNICEF standard provides one toilet for
25 girls and a toilet and urinal for 80 boys. The adoption
of
best practices in one area would critically influence beha-
viour with respect to other health and sanitation in-
dicators. Schools thus play a pivotal role in inculcating
clean and healthy habits among children, families and the
wider community. Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu
is a torch-bearer of the country’s information and tech-
nology revolution. His counterpart in Telangana, K.
Chandrasekhar Rao, won statehood on a promise of de-
velopment for the people. They have both committed
themselves to realising Mr. Modi’s mission of SwachhBharat. They
have their task cut out. A toilet is not a
luxury — not for human beings.
Sanitationin schools
CARTOONSCAPE
-
8/18/2019 FEB Editorials
2/24
CMYK
ND-ND
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 2015
8 T HE HI N D U T U E S D AY, F E B RU ARY 3 , 20 1
5NOIDA/DELHI
EDITORIAL
Bharatiya Janata Party president Amit Shahdid well to try and
quell the controversy overthe demands for dropping the words
‘secular’and ‘socialist’ from the Preamble of the Con-
stitution. In his interview to The Hindu, he could nothave been
more unequivocal: “The BJP believes thatthe Preamble, as it stands
today, should remain. Thereis no need to change it.” What is now
needed is forPrime Minister Narendra Modi to endorse his
politicalaide, Mr. Shah, and give a public assurance on
retainingthe two words, to remove any doubt about the stance
of the government on this issue. The point of concern isnot
whether India needed the word in the Preamble tobe secular, but as
noted in The Hindu’s editorial, “A needless controversy”
(February 2, 2015), the discon-certing signal that the dropping of
the word would sendto the minorities of the country. While there is
littledoubt that Mr. Shah’s thoughts on the subject arealigned with
those of Mr. Modi, the Prime Minister canmake a big difference by
distancing his government
from the controversy fanned by the BJP’s far right ally,the Shiv
Sena. Otherwise, Ministers and party func-tionaries would feel free
to stoke fresh controversies of this nature every now and
then.
While Mr. Shah seemed keen to end the
controversy over any change to the Preamble, he did not think
thepolitical storm over the ghar vapsi programme under-taken by
Hindutva outfits would derail the develop-ment agenda of the
government. Indeed, the BJPpresident was intent on using the heat
generated by theprogramme of reconversion to Hinduism as an
excuseto push for a specific law on banning forcible
religiousconversion. Mr. Shah, while defending U.S. PresidentBarack
Obama’s speech on religious freedom in India,stuck to the Hindutva
line that conversion is a problem,and sought support for an
anti-conversion legislationwithout seeing a need for any further
debate on thesubject. Actually, the divergence within the BJP
onthese crucial issues is becoming increasingly evidentwith Union
Home Minister Rajnath Singh saying thatghar vapsi had no place
in India, even while describingMr. Obama’s remarks on religious
divides in the coun-try as “unfortunate”. This is another reason
why Mr.Modi must step in with an assurance that his govern-ment has
no plans to bring in changes to the Preamble,or to encourage
communally divisive politics. Withouthis intervention, the
government and the party willappear to be speaking in different
voices on issues of national importance. Development cannot
bloom mi-raculously on a separate track insulated from the sub-
versive political challenges of the day.
End the
ambivalence
Pandemonium is the main currentfrom Libya to Iraq. U.S.
PresidentBarack Obama dashed off from New Delhi to greet King
Salman, the new
ruler of Saudi Arabia. Both had a great deal todiscuss. Neither
can be comforted with themess that their countries have made in
West Asia. Tragically, the only pathway they seemto favour is
the one that would create moredistress in the years to come.
Plainly, theirexample is Egypt, where both the U.S. and
Saudi Arabia backed the coup by General Ab-del Fattah el-Sisi,
and now back his govern-ment despite repression against
protests.
The murder of a young socialist, Shaimaael-Sabbagh, as she went
to lay a wreath of flowers in Tahrir Square on the fourth
anni- versary of the Revolution against Mubarak, isa sign of
the rot. It did not stop an “IslamicState” (IS) detachment from an
attack in theSinai Peninsula, killing over 30 security per-sonnel
and civilians. In Libya, the Saudis andthe U.S. favour the
strongman (Khalifa Haf-tar), as they did in Yemen (Abdullah Saleh).
InIraq and Syria, both the U.S. and Saudi Arabiadisliked the
dispensation and sought to undoit. The Saudis are driven by
sectarianism —against the rule of the Shia (and the influenceof
Iran). It is what turns them against thegovernments in Damascus and
Baghdad, aswell as the rebels in Yemen. Mr. Obama andKing Salman
cannot solve the problems in theregion. They have run out of ideas.
Others willhave to show the way.
Chaos in Libya
Libya. The Corinthia Hotel is Tripoli’s
most luxurious. It has been home to succes-sive Prime Ministers,
who fear for their livesin the fractious capital city (Prime
Minister Ali Zeidan was abducted from there in 2013).It is
also home to the United Nations mission,which held a Libya Dialogue
in Geneva. OnJanuary 27, gunmen entered the hotel andkilled guards
and foreign residents (includinga security contractor from the
U.S.). The Tri-poli branch of the IS took credit for
theoperation.
Chaos has been the governing mood in Li-bya since 2011. Two
governments claim to runthe country — each backed by militias,
eachwith foreign powers behind them. The U.N.mission — abandoned by
the West after itswar in 2011 — flounders to create a peaceprocess.
The internationally backed govern-ment of Prime Minister Abdullah
al-Thanisent a delegation to Geneva to join the U.N.-
backed peace process. His main muscle restswith the renegade
general, Khalifa Haftar,who has been running his own battle
against
Islamist militias in Benghazi under the nameof Operation Karama
(Dignity). But al-Tha-ni’s government is in the eastern city of
To-bruk, exiled from the capital (Tripoli) and themain cities
(Benghazi and Misrata). It sits inthe shadow of Egypt and Saudi
Arabia.
The government of al-Thani is a shell. It isthe heir to those
who inherited Libya fromthe West and the Gulf Arabs. Guns on
theground favour others. In Benghazi, the tideremains with a
radical Islamist outfit, Ansaral-Sharia, which was formed after the
fall of Colonel Qadhafi. In the western part of Libya,the
movement known as Fajr Libya (LibyanDawn) holds the cards. It
includes the power-ful Libyan Shield of Misrata and the remnantsof
the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group. Their
Prime Minister, Omar al-Hassi, lived in theCorinthia and had to
be spirited away by security guards. Libyan Dawn refused to go
tothe Geneva talks. The most powerful actorhas stayed away from the
anaemic processbacked by the West. It illustrates the
irrele- vance of the West in contemporary Libya (theU.S.
embassy to Libya is in Malta). Qatar andTurkey, the outside backers
of Libyan Dawn,call the shots.
It was only a matter of time for IS to estab-lish itself in
Libya. The city of Derna has longbeen a radical Islamist
recruitment centre.Its inhabitants joke that Derna has sent themost
fighters to Iraq and Syria of any othercity. Last June, the Majlis
Shura Shabab al-Islam, an offshoot of Ansar al-Sharia, joinedIS. It
declared that it would go after the mardaal-nafous (diseased souls)
that had hampered“this oppressed Islamic State.” Operational
links are not difficult to establish betweenDerna and
Syria-Iraq; fighters continue tofind their way back and forth via
Turkey.
Echoes of IS resound between Derna andBenghazi, where Ansar
al-Sharia fighters takecomfort in the audacity of Abu Bakr
al-Bagh-dadi’s pronouncements. From the gutters of defeat they
seek the sensation of victory.
No call for peace
Yemen. Old tribal fissures in Yemen thatisolated the Zaydi Shia
community led by theal-Houthi family have asserted themselves.In
the name of the War on Terror, the long-time autocrat of Yemen,
Abdullah Saleh be-trayed and killed the Zaydi leader,
HusseinBadreddin al-Houthi in 2004. A reasonablepolitical
settlement might have ended thatconflict, but Saleh would not have
it. Fully backed by the West, he used drone strikes and
disbursements to destroy his enemies. Risingto the bait, Saudi
Arabia — which once de-spised Saleh — gave in to its anti-Shia
preju-dice and backed Saleh’s war against theZaydis. Saleh treated
the Zaydis as the mainenemy, rather than al-Qaeda. The
terroristgroup had been wiped out of Yemen, but thenreappeared by
2004 through recruitment inprisons, experience in the Iraqi
insurgency and anger at the U.S. drone war. But Saleh didnot
turn his full fire on al-Qaeda. His enemieswere elsewhere.
Operation Scorched Earth in2009 led to a Saudi invasion of Yemen to
putdown the Zaydi insurgency. Tens of thou-sands of refugees fled
the area; the death tollis unknown. There was no call for a
peaceprocess. It was a fight to the end.
The Arab Spring in Yemen allowed theHouthi rebels to join in the
protests againstthe Saleh regime. Al-Qaeda, meanwhile,
took
control of the cities of Jaar and al-Husn. A national
dialogue went nowhere. The Houth-is wanted a political settlement.
Saudi Arabiaand Yemen’s government succeeded in get-ting the West
to believe that the Houthis werean Iranian proxy. Attention on
keeping themfrom the reins of power seemed paramount.It is
precisely what has failed, as the Houthishave now seized control of
Sana’a. Whetherthe Houthis would be willing to be magnani-mous in
victory is to be seen; equally, wouldthe Saudis and the West accept
any gesturefrom them?
Part of a larger war
Syria. On the day that the Saudi King, Ab-dullah, died, the
Saudi proxy force in Syria —Zahran Alloush’s Jaish al-Islam — fired
rock-ets into Damascus. Alloush had announced onTwitter that he
would “shower the capitalwith hundreds of rockets a day in response
tothe regime’s barbaric air strikes on Ghouta.”The fight between
Alloush and the govern-ment of Bashar al-Assad has become a
minor,but nonetheless deadly, skirmish in the largerwar in Iraq and
Syria. Assad’s aircraft andhelicopters continue to drop barrel
bombs,killing civilians and combatants — adding upthe dead in this
ghastly war. His enemies arenone the kinder, with their ruthless
assaulton civilian areas now commonplace.
Israeli assaults inside Syria against the Le-banese resistance
group, Hezbollah, threat-ened to complicate matters. A skirmish in
theShebaa Farms, a part of Lebanon occupied by Israel, could
have turned into another warbetween Israel and Lebanon. While
rocketsflew back and forth, IS released a statementthat the
declaration of an emirate in Lebanon
would be “premature.” Beirut breathed a sighof relief. Good news
is rare in the region.Further north, IS has suffered two
military
defeats. In Kobane, the Stalingrad of theKurds, the Kurdish
People’s Protection Units(YPG) finally ejected IS fighters. Air
strikesfrom the U.S. coalition helped weaken thesupply lines for
IS, although the porous Turk-ish border provided them with so me
succour.It was not enough. In Iraq, the Badr Brigade, aShia
militia, struck IS in the province of Diya-la, which they
liberated. Neither the Iraqi northe Syrian armies had any role in
these twodefeats of IS. IS, however, is undaunted. Itslinked out of
these areas and found otherplaces to nestle. An IS dash into Kirkuk
took the life of a beloved Iraqi Kurdish leader,Brig.-Gen.
Sherko Shwany; IS proved it re-mains in the game. Squeezed in Iraq
andnorthern Syria, it might finally make its pushinto northern
Jordan. IS has held a Jordanianpilot, Lt. Mu’ath al-Kaseasbeh, for
a month,and threatened to execute him only after thefall of Kobane
and Diyala. It has said it wouldspare his life if Jordan releases a
jailed Iraqisuicide bomber Sajida al-Rishawi (her bomb
did not go off in a 2005 attack in Amman,Jordan); negotiations
over her release brokedown and IS executed two Japanese
hostages.The Jordanian pilot, it is believed, remainswith IS.
Tensions rise in Jordan over thekingdom’s role in the coalition
against IS.This is precisely the kind of fissure that ISseeks in
Jordan. A move south would setalarm bells ringing in Saudi
Arabia.
Meanwhile, a senior intelligence officerfrom Jordan informs me
that the U.S. attemptto create a moderate force against IS
hasfallen apart. The CIA’s Müşterek OperasyonMerkezi, set up with
its allies in Turkey, isnow threadbare. One after the other,
rebeloutfits have abandoned the CIA for other for-mations — most
recently, the Mujahedin Ar-my joined the Islamic Front, a group
thatincludes the al-Qaeda affiliates, Ahrar al-Sham and Jabhat
al-Nusra. Neither the U.S.nor Saudi Arabia have a coherent agenda
inSyria. They remain committed to the over-throw of the Assad
regime, but are alsoalarmed by the growth of IS. The more
auda-cious IS can be in its heartland, the louder theecho it sends
to Libya and deep into the Ara-bian Peninsula.
(Vijay Prashad is the Chief Editor atLeftWord Books, New Delhi.
He is acolumnist for al-Araby al-Jadeed
and Frontline.)
The architects of West Asia’s chaosNeither U.S. President Barack
Obama nor King Salman of Saudi Arabia can be comforted with
themess that their countries have made in West Asia.Tragically, the
only pathway they seem to favour isthe one that would create more
distress
Vijay Prashad
“The more audacious IS can be in its heartland, the louder
the echo it sends to Libya and deep into the
ArabianPeninsula.
”
Amit Shah interviewBJP president Amit Shah’sstatement that there
is no need tochange the Preamble (“No need tochange Preamble:
Shah,” Feb.2) isindeed a politically wise one, andlong overdue. His
statement thatthere should be a law against“forced” religious
conversion willonly lead to controversies. Instead,religious
organisations shouldintrospect over why some peopleconvert to
another religion, and inthe process try to look into thereasons why
they do so. Caste, in my view, is one such factor that
still
dogs us. Though poverty andexploitation may be the mainreasons,
the state should step in andimplement programmes for theremoval of
these factors, as part of aconstitutional agenda. It is
only then that political and religiousorganisations exploiting
religionwill take a back seat. This should bethe real governance
that NarendraModi promised.
N.G.R. Prasad,Chennai
Ever since the BJP came to power, itappears to be courting
numerouscontroversies and encounteringmany issues and problems. It
is butnatural to question the governmenton its proclaimed
developmentagenda as it seems to be spendingmore time on solving
theseproblems. The recent controversy over ghar vapsi is
one such example.One must not forget the words of U.S.
President Barack Obama on the
need to uphold religious freedom. Itwould be good for the ruling
party toconcentrate more on constructive
matters rather than indulge in petty cavils.
Meenakshi Pattabiraman, Madurai
Doctrine of parityThe article, “Pakistan’s elusivequest for
parity” (Feb.2), coming asit does from a seasoned diplomat
of Pakistan, presents an enlightened view — one that very
few Pakistanismight accept. Mr. Haqqani’s articleis a very
pragmatic comparisonbetween our two countries, rightfrom parity on
the number of bookspublished, to the Kashmir issuewhich is a thorn
in our relationship.
If such a view is embraced by thestate of Pakistan, there would
be nodisputes at all. Pakistan needs to“grow up” not only for its
own sake,but also for the overall stability andpeace of South
Asia.
Dhanush Kumar, Bengaluru
The diplomat has rightly outlinedthe problems that are
holdingPakistan back. Since Independence,Pakistan has been trying
to targetIndia for various reasons. Itsdeliberate quest to retard
India’sequilibrium can be seen from itsactivities and policies,
past andpresent. It appears to have investeda huge quantum of
energy in thewrong directions to counter anddestabilise India.
Being envious of our growth and of new alliances inthe
neighbourhood will not solve itsstaggering problems. It is sad
tonote that Pakistan has weak parameters of development. In
the
South Asian region, there must be agenuine balance among nations
toboost economic ties and usher in an
era of peace and amity. For this,Islamabad must stop the
ever-pervasive hate campaign againstIndia and realign its
asymmetricexternal and internal policies inorder to enable its
rapiddevelopment and progress in various spheres. It must also
closedown the “breeding grounds of terror” which collectively
poseproblems to the whole world. Morethan this, the establishment
muststop being in denial, take moralresponsibility for any
weaknessesand correct them. There is no pointin engaging in futile
hostilities andwasting valuable energy on things
that should be invested in theoverall development of
Pakistan.
Arjun R. Shankar,Thiruvananthapuram
Ironically, our neighbour is stillclinging to this perilous
ideology,while its economy is in ruins andradical elements are
threatening todestabilise the country. In order toremain relevant
in an ever-changing world, Pakistan has tofocus on rejuvenating its
economy,infrastructure and its educationsystem that appears to be p
reachingonly hatred against India. Pakistanshould view India as a
friend andnot as a foe; that will be a movebeneficial to both
countries.
Vishal Banga, Ambala
It is not so common to find articlesquite pragmatic and frank,
and froma Pakistani diplomat! Pakistanshould shed its delusion of
being on
a par with India. India is firmly onthe path to progress
anddevelopment despite Pakistan. It
wouldn’t hurt Pakistan to take thecue from India. Enlightened
peoplelike Mr. Haqqani should helpPakistan get out of its ivory
tower.
Haritha Chaganti, Hyderabad
Sanitation in schoolsThe construction of a toilet is
only the first step in a process (Editorial,Feb. 2). Thought
has to be given tomaintenance and its emptying, aswell as the safe
confinement andeventual treatment of waste. Iwould like to use this
space tohighlight the work done by acolleague, S. Paramasivan
at
‘Wherever the Need India Services’based in Puducherry, which
hasresulted in over 26,000schoolchildren, many of them girls,now
having access to eco-toiletsthat should have an indefinite
lifecycle due to the way they have beenconstructed and managed.
Thechildren will become agents of change for
families/villages, and thehygiene message cast even wider.
David Crosweller,Westbury, U.K.
At admission time and just after theboard examinations,
one comesacross lists of an ever-increasingnumber of schools and
educationalinstitutes being opened onsprawling campuses with
every classroom fitted out with dozens of fans/lights,
and toilets on every floor. At the same time, and
away from the media glare, there areschools in many parts of
the country where buildings are non-existent,
and where there are no propersanitation facilities or
evenelectricity. The government’s
initiative to build more toilets islaudable, but merely
constructingmore structures is not going to beworthwhile if they
cannot be used,and only add to statistics.It is important to keep
existingtoilets clean and usable. At the sametime, there must be
education onhygiene and regular awarenesscampaigns so that
people’sbehaviour changes. Toilet use mustbe encouraged, which will
helpIndia achieve its goal of becomingopen defecation free (ODF) by
2019.Good sanitation will ensure thatchildren inculcate good
sanitationhabits early in life and bring about a
positive change.T.S. Karthik,
Chennai
Glory in tennis To accomplish what Leander Paeshas done at
age 41 is an incrediblefeat of human perseverance anddurability. In
a sport where one whois “30-something” will beconsidered “old”,
this is almostsurreal. This is even moreincredible coming as it
does from asportsman who is not from atraditional tennis-playing
nation.Even though he has bagged 15 titlesin the doubles format it
doesn’tmake it any less anaccomplishment. Paes achievedglory with
Martina Navratilova andhas now achieved another with theother
Martina and the formerqueen of tennis — Martina Hingis.It’s time we
gave him his due andspoke of him in the same breath as aTendulkar
or a Dhyan Chand. He is
the icon of Indian tennis. Anoop Hosmath,
Mysuru
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to
[email protected] carry the fullpostal address and the
full name or the name with initials.
India’s intercontinental ballistic missile, Agni V,has been
turned into an even more potent weap-on of war. On Saturday, the
Defence Researchand Development Organisation (DRDO)demon-
strated that this missile, capable of sending a nuclear
warhead to targets over 5,000 km away — thereby bringing
much of China within its reach — could belaunched from a
truck-mounted canister. The ability tomove ballistic missiles
around makes it difficult for anenemy to locate and destroy them.
Placed in canisters,the missiles can be easily transported and
launchedwith great rapidity in all sorts of weather conditions.The
canisters have another advantage as well — they make decoys
possible. While these large truck-bornemissile containers can be
detected by spy satellitespassing overhead and may well be noticed
by observerson the ground, it will be impossible to tell those
thatactually carry missiles from ones that are empty. Thus,any
attempt at a first strike to take out India’s nuclear-armed
missiles becomes far more uncertain and there-fore a risky
undertaking for any adversary.
However, launching a missile from a canister is moredifficult,
especially when it involves a large missile likethe Agni V. The
missile must be ejected from thecontainer, using a gas generator,
before its first stagecan be ignited. Although the DRDO had
previously carried out canister launches with the BrahMos
super-
sonic cruise missile and the 700-km-range Shouryamissile,
launching the Agni V in a similar fashion wasstill a considerable
technological challenge. Hurlingthis 17-metre-long, 50-tonne
missile clear of its con-tainer requires far greater force, which
must be provid-ed by large amounts of gas produced very rapidly.
Indoing so, neither the missile nor its launch systemshould be
damaged. Saturday’s flawless launch showsthat the country’s defence
scientists have indeed mas-tered this complex technology. Three
successive Agni V flight tests have gone without a hitch over
the last threeyears and DRDO officials say the missile will be
ready for induction into service after just one more
trial,which will be carried out later this year. However,India’s
strategic planners will need to bear in mind thefact that Pakistan
and China have deployed nuclearweapons on their missiles in a way
that goes beyondconventional nuclear deterrence. Rather, their
strategy appears to create ambiguities over the escalation of
aconventional conflict into a nuclear one. Consequently,enhancement
of this country’s long-range ballistic mis-sile capabilities must
go hand-in-hand with proper
planning to deal with situations that might lead to
suchapocalyptic weapons of mass destruction beinglaunched.
An ICBM becomes
more versatile
CARTOONSCAPE
-
8/18/2019 FEB Editorials
3/24
CMYK
ND-ND
WE DN ES DA Y, FE BR UA RY 4, 20 15
8 T HE HI N D U WE D N E SD A Y, F E B RU A RY 4, 20 1
5NOIDA/DELHI
EDITORIAL
A fortnight after surprising the markets with a
0.25 percentage point cut in benchmark in-
terest rates, the Reserve Bank of India has
opted for a standstill policy on rates in its
bimonthly monetary policy review, which is along ex-
pected lines. When it cut rates on January 15, the RBI
had clearly said that any further easing would be con-
tingent upon data confirming the disinflationary trend
and sustained high-quality fiscal consolidation. Given
that there has been no significant development on
either front, the central bank has decided to maintain
an unchanged stance on interest rates. However, to
improve liquidity, and in line with its policy of lowering
the Statutory Liquidity Ratio to increase availability
of
funds for infrastructure lending, the RBI has reduced
SLR by 0.50 percentage points to 21.50 per cent. This is
expected to release about Rs.45,000 crore into the
system. While the RBI is doing its bit to reduce lending
cost and increase funds availability, banks seem reluc-
tant to pass on the benefit to borrowers. After the RBI
reduced rates last fortnight, only a couple of banks have
so far attempted to reduce their lending rates. Though
the transmission of policy rates by banks is always
sluggish in the down-cycle, the current reluctance by
banks is striking and is a direct result of the strain
caused on their balance-sheets by non-performing as-
sets (NPAs).
Meanwhile, the RBI’s bias towards further easing of
rates is very clear, but the downward momentum will
be determined by the pace of disinflation and the gov-
ernment’s fiscal stance in the coming Budget. Though
inflationary expectations are at their lowest in 21
months, the risks stem from the traditional upswing in
food prices at the onset of summer, the progress of the
monsoon and a turnaround in global crude oil prices
that have already rebounded from their lows in the last
couple of days. The RBI will also be closely watching
the government’s fiscal math and its commitment to
keep the deficit within targeted levels. While the cur-
rent account deficit is projected at a very comfortable
1.3 per cent of GDP for 2014-15, exports could suffer in
the coming months thanks to the problems in the
eurozone, which is India’s largest trading partner. The
central bank also has reasons to be wary about the
effects of the quantitative easing programme of the
European Central Bank on India’s financial and cur-
rency markets. The projection of 6.5 per cent growth in
GDP in 2015-16 is realistic, but a lot depends on the
return of investment momentum and increase in con-
sumption, both of which are sluggish at this point in
time. Cautious optimism could well be the catchphrase
to describe the country’s economic prospects in the
near-term.
On expected
lines
Since it was passed by Parliament inSeptember 2013, the Right to
FairCompensation and Transparency inLand Acquisition,
Rehabilitation
and Resettlement Act (LARR) has been crit-icised from all sides.
Farmers and socialmovements have argued that LARR failed
toadequately compensate land losers, con-tained large loopholes
such as exemptingirrigation projects, and, most
importantly,continued to allow land acquisition for pri-
vate companies. Industrialists, developers,and State
governments, on the other hand,have complained that the bill would
delay projects, increase the costs of land acquisi-tion, and
impede economic growth. It was nosecret that the government shared
the latter view, and it was no surprise when it dilutedmany of
LARR’s key provisions through anordinance issued on December
31.
The ordinance effectively eliminates themain features of LARR
that gave rural peoplesome protection from arbitrary
disposses-sion. First, it removes the requirement thatthe
government must obtain the consent of 80 per cent of affected
people before takingtheir land for a private project and, and 70per
cent of affected people for public-privatepartnership project. The
ordinance thus re-stores the ability of the government to ac-quire
land for any private purpose it likes,with no need to win the
support of the affect-ed. Second, the ordinance eliminates the
So-cial Impact Assessments (SIA) that LARR had mandated as a
precondition for proceed-ing with land acquisition. This restores
theability of the government to dispossess land
from people without even assessing its nega-tive consequences,
much less weighing themagainst projected benefits.
Without SIAs, there is no way to evendetermine who is
affected, thus under-mining the bill’s promise that non-land
own-ers — such as labourers, sharecroppers,artisans, and
fishworkers — will also be com-pensated. In addition to these major
chang-es, the ordinance increases the amount of time that a
government or company cankeep unutilised land, and removes
LARR’sstrong penalties for non-complying officials.By making these
sweeping changes throughan ordinance, the government has
under-mined, by executive fiat, the spirit of a legis-lative act
that was passed with bipartisansupport after seven years of public
debateand revision.
What is surprising is the justificationsome academics have
offered for this un-democratic move. Defending the ordinancein
these pages (“Improving an unworkablelaw,” January 7, 2015), the
writer, Sanjoy Chakravorty, argued that it would
helpfully keep down the cost of land acquisition,
which LARR had raised to “unsustainablelevels.” Claiming that
LARR had created a
“windfall for land-losers” by doubling orquadrupling land
prices, Mr. Chakravorty argued that the ordinance, while
keepinggenerous compensation levels in place,would helpfully reduce
the indirect costsentailed by conducting SIAs and obtainingconsent
from affected people. With India’speri-urban land prices among the
highest inthe world, he still worries that compensationlevels are
too high, and “may make many public projects unaffordable and
privateprojects uncompetitive.” His solution is tolet States come
up with their own policesbased on “clear analysis and hard,
detailedwork.”
Calculating compensation
But there are several problems with hisanalysis. The first is
that it paints a mislead-ing picture of how compensation is
calculat-ed under LARR. While Mr. Chakravorty is
right that land prices have skyrocketed inrecent years, he is
wrong to suggest that thisforms the basis of how farmers are
compen-sated under LARR. Like the Land Acquisi-tion Act that
preceded it, LARR takes as itsstarting point the land’s assessed
market val-ue — what is known as the “circle rate.” Thecircle rate
is based on the land’s past agricul-tural value and not its
potential value asindustrial, commercial, or residential land.It is
no secret that it is kept deliberately low to minimise stamp
duty. The difference be-tween the circle rate and the market rate
isusually vast. The Greater Noida IndustrialDevelopment Authority
(GNIDA), for exam-ple, became notorious for acquiring land atRs.820
per square metre and reselling it todevelopers at Rs.35,000. This
itself was afraction of the ultimate price of the high-endflats to
be built on the land. But GNIDA wasnot alone — this is the common
practice of urban development authorities and indus-
trial development corporations across thecountry.
Capturing the huge gap between marketprices and compensation
prices is, in fact,the primary motive behind much land acqui-sition
in India today. We might call this gapthe “dispossession windfall”
— it exists only because the government is willing to
forcefarmers into selling, and provides a subsidy to whoever
receives the land. The transpar-ent injustice of this practice was
one factorbehind widespread farmer protests that fi-nally pressured
the United Progressive Alli-ance (UPA) into passing LARR. But it
isimportant to note that LARR did not elim-inate the dispossession
windfall. LARR’scompensation formula involves multiplyingthe circle
rate — not the market rate — by two in urban areas and four in
rural areas (adistinction, moreover, it leaves for States
toestablish). Although one might argue thatthis multiplier is
arbitrary, it certainly doesnot bring compensation prices up to
market
prices. To argue that farmers are reaping awindfall from LARR,
and that the govern-ment must reduce the costs for private
de- velopers is to reverse reality. It is still
privatecompanies — and government agencies —that are reaping the
dispossession windfall.Mr. Chakravorty’s argument amounts to
adefence of using eminent domain to gener-ate corporate
super-profits.
In the name of development
The second problem in this analysis is thatby focussing on
prices, it evades the morefundamental question of politics:
why should a democratic government forcibly take land
from farmers and give it to privatecompanies? Since at least the
English enclo-sures, governments have justified takingland from one
group to give to another (usu-ally wealthier) group with claims to
be fulfill-ing a “public” or “national” purpose. In thelast
century, this has usually been done in
the name of development. Most economistsassume that any “higher
value” land use thanagriculture constitutes development andthus a
public purpose. But what constitutesdevelopment, and whether that
develop-ment is a “public purpose” worthy of dis-possessing
farmers, is not a technical or evena legal question, but a
political one. And it is apolitical question that should be put in
his-torical perspective.
During the post-Independence years, theIndian state mostly
acquired land for publicsector projects. Land acquisition for
private
companies was legal under the Land Acqui-sition Act, but was
limited in practice due tothe prevalence of a development model
inwhich the public sector built infrastructureand controlled the
“commanding heights” of the economy. Most land acquisition was
forpublic sector dams, mines, and industry. While tens of
millions of people were dis-possessed of their land for these
projects, theNehruvian state was fairly effective at
con- vincing the public that these projects servedthe national
interest in state-led develop-ment. Eventually, people began to
point outthat this development involved dispossess-ing farmers and
Adivasis with scandalously little compensation. And by the
1980s,groups like the Narmada Bachao Andolanbegan to pose the more
fundamental ques-tion: development for whom?
Climate of dispossession
This question has only become more rele- vant since
economic liberalisation promptedState governments to start
acquiring land forprivate companies on a large scale. The re-forms
of the early 1990s gave greater impor-
tance to the private sector, which begandemanding land not just
for manufacturing(which remained fairly stagnant), but for re-al
estate, mineral extraction, and all mannerof infrastructure under
public–private part-nership (PPP) agreements. State govern-ments,
now competing with each other forthis investment, began
systematically ac-quiring land for private companies for al-most
any private purpose that constituted“growth,” whether elite housing
colonies,hotels, private colleges, or Formula 1 racetracks. This
new regime of dispossession re-ached scale in the mid-2000s with
SpecialEconomic Zones and the practice of urbandevelopment
authorities simply auctioningoff acquired land to private
developers. Cap-turing the dispossession windfall itself be-came
the purpose of land acquisition as Stategovernments quietly morphed
into land bro-kers for private capital. The flagrant injustic-es of
this land brokering produced the “landwars” of the last 10 years,
and generated thepolitical pressure for LARR.
The question now facing India is aboutpolitics, not prices:
should the government
systematically redistribute land from thepoor to the wealthy?
Advocates of liberal-isation say yes, ironically conceding
thatgrowth in a “free market” economy requiresgovernment
expropriation of private prop-erty. They claim that this growth
will trickledown to the poor, including those rural peo-ple asked
to give their land for it. They areoften not squeamish in admitting
that de-mocracy is an impediment to this economicmodel. Farmers, on
the other hand, have voiced their scepticism, arguing not
only that they are undercompensated but alsothat the profit of
private companies is not apublic purpose. They express doubt that
spe-cial economic zones (SEZ), hi-tech parks andreal estate
colonies represent “develop-ment” that will provide them with jobs
orother benefits. And they have used the in-stitutions of electoral
democracy to chal-lenge their dispossession. The farmerprotests of
the last decade, in short, repre-sent a basic disagreement over the
meaningof both development and democracy.
The current government has ambitiousplans to push forward rapid
growth throughprivate investment in mega-projects such asindustrial
corridors, smart cities, and thelike. It has now shown that it is
willing tosubvert the democratic process to get theland for it. The
most worrying question isthis: when the next round of farmer
protesterupts, what other threats to democracy arein store?
(Michael Levien is assistant professor of sociology
at Johns Hopkins University,Baltimore, U.S.)
Dispossession, development and democracy While
liberalisation’s backers are not squeamishin admitting that
democracy is an impediment tothe free market economic model,
farmers who aredispossessed of land argue that they
areundercompensated and that the profit of privatecompanies is not
a public purpose
Michael Levien
“Capturing the dispossession windfall itself became the
purpose of land acquisition as State governments quietly
morphed into land brokers for private capital.
”
Vandalism in DelhiThis is the kind of news that disturbsyou and
makes you insecure in yourown country (“Another Delhichurch
vandalised”, Feb.3). As aChristian, I wish to express
my strong grief and fear as the silence of the Prime
Minister on such growingacts of intolerance is both grave
andfrightening. I wonder how one
cannot say anything when one’sparty men come out withstatements
aimed at polarisingcommunities in India. It is diversity that
has made India stand tall allthis while. Leaders who makeignorant
and vicious statements forshort-term political gains mustremember
that the venom they areinjecting today into people’s mindswill
continue to cause grave hurt forgenerations together.
Ambili Thomas, New Delhi
I feel the media are being toosensationalist. Have the media
everraised the same level of concernthey have over this attack
whentemples were destroyed? I feel themedia are only attempting to
exploitminority sentiments by makingunwarranted statements
implyingthat under the BJP, minorities areunsafe. There is
absolutely noevidence of this. Hinduism, by
virtue of its values, is secular.Satheesh Kumar R.,
Mangaluru
BJP on AAPThe BJP is apparently gettingunnerved by the AAP’s
confidenceand hence is being relentless in itsattack, the latest
salvo being that“AAP sourced hawala money”(Feb.3). One has to pose
thisquestion to the BJP. Has anyonedared question the crores of
rupeesspent by the BJP on its election
campaign in 2014? It was “carpetbombing” in terms
of advertisements, media coverage,back-to-back campaigning
andmoney spent. Even the ElectionCommission was wonderstruck asthe
amount of money spent wasmuch higher than the limits set. Why
target only the AAP? It is alsoevident that the governmentmachinery
is being utilised by theBJP to make an impact in the
Delhi Assembly election. Is it desperation,nervousness or
supreme arrogancethat is driving the BJP’s actions?
Balasubramaniam Pavani, Secunderabad
Probing 1984 riotsThis refers to reports of thegovernment being
open to areopening of the 1984 Sikh riotscases. I am deeply
aggrieved to seethat the carnage that shattered theentire country
from within has beenpoliticised by successive
governments only to gain politicalmileage. The Congress has
already inflicted many festering wounds on
the Sikh psyche. Under noextenuating circumstance can
themassacre be condoned. It has notonly besmirched the fair face
of India but also opened a Pandora’sbox of issues about the
intent of political leaders who haveattempted to further their
interestsby politicising the riots. Thedecision to probe the riots
afresh isheartening, and it is hoped that the
perpetrators will get befittingretribution, and their hubris
will bedemolished. But if the step has only been taken to
propitiate Sikhs as anelection gimmick, then it will only add
insult to the injury of those whohave borne the deadly brunt
of the riots.
Shiv Sethi, Ferozpur, Punjab
Ranipet tragedyEven today we talk emotionally about the
Bhopal gas tragedy —rightly so — and lament theinadequacy of
compensation. Butnearer home, we appear to be
totally indifferent to the enormous damagecaused by
unacceptable levels of pollution. It was shocking to
know how chromium-bearing waste fromthe leather industry
hascontaminated the water table inRanipet, causing irreparable
healthhazards to residents (Some editions,“Two decades of
callousness,”
Feb.3). How will they be evercompensated? One can recollect
thelone and valiant battle by an
advocate in Vellore, ‘Shri PS’, intrying to stop the pollution
fromtanneries and chemical factories in Vellore district.
Ranipet has thedubious distinction of being one of the most
polluted regions on earth. Iwonder how residents haveaccepted this
without any protest.
V. Balasubramanian, Bengaluru
As a former scientist with theCentral Leather Research
Institute,Chennai and Editor of Leather Markets
Monthly journal, I wish tosay that newspaper reports
give theimpression that tanners in TamilNadu have been callous,
have nottaken sufficient measures and thatthe Tamil Nadu Pollution
ControlBoard has not followed stringentrules and regulations. It is
the otherway round. Of all the tanners inIndia, it is the tanners
in TamilNadu who have spent huge amountsin treating tannery
effluents. As aresult of the huge cost incurred intreating tannery
effluent, the cost of tanning is very high in Tamil Nadu.
The Central government hasdeclared leather to be a “focus
area”under the “Make in India”campaign, and the industry isgetting
ready to reach an exporttarget of $27 billion in the next
fiveyears. Tanning is at the core of theleather industry. It is the
Central
government that must bear 50 percent of the cost of construction
andmaintenance of effluent treatment
plants. The current method of aeration of effluents needs
to bechanged to a marine outlet modewhich is less expensive and
easier toadapt. In Italy, tannery effluents arelet out into the
sea, after dilution,two or three kilometres away fromthe shore.
Gujarat follows thismethod for its chemical andpharmaceutical
industrial effluents.
V.N. Mohamed Hussain,
Chennai
The Chemical Industries Association, based in Chennai,
andof which I am the secretary, wouldlike to express its concern
overfrequent instances of industrialaccidents in Tamil Nadu. Almost
allsuch accidents take place due to thenon-observance of even
minimalsafety standards. Workers are rarely trained in safety
measures and onmany occasions are not provided thenecessary safety
uniforms and kits.Industrial safety regulations arewell
standardised and carefully developed over the years.Government
departments like theelectrical, boiler and
factory inspectorates, health departmentand pollution control
board areduty-bound to monitor factoriesand ensure that the rules
andprocedures are followed. The case inRanipet shows that
enforcementofficials should also be held
responsible for accidents.N.S. Venkataraman,
Chennai
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to
[email protected] carry the fullpostal address and the
full name or the name with initials.
The purported beheading by Islamic State (IS)
of two Japanese journalists, and its warning
that Japan would be one of its military targets
in future, pose a challenge to Prime Minister
Shinzo Abe’s government. Its impact would perhapsmark a critical
shift in Japanese foreign policy and
public opinion. Japan has largely been insulated from
international terrorism in the past decade and radical
Islam has little or almost nil hold in the country. Ja-
pan’s pacifism is embodied in its Constitution of 1946,
through which it has renounced war and outlawed
belligerent responses to international disputes. Japan
does not maintain an army with war potential, except
for the de facto Japan Self-Defence Forces (JSDF) that
is intended to maintain peace and order. With a pacifist
foreign policy that strongly distances itself from mil-
itaristic ventures, why is Japan now a target of Islamic
terrorism?
The fact is that Japan’s foreign policy has been un-
dergoing several changes in the past few years. Prime
Minister Abe, a conservative-nationalist, has been
gradually rewriting the pacifist Constitution,
especially
since his 2012 re-election. The defence budget was
considerably enhanced, the ban on arms exports was
lifted and the capabilities of the JSDF were expanded.
A reinterpretation of Article 9 of the Constitution
now
allows Japan to use force to defend its allies underattack.
Also, Japan’s relations with the Middle East are
becoming more central — and controversial. Being a
resource-poor country, it is one of the largest impor-
ters of crude oil from the region. Political stability in
the Middle East is in Japan’s own interests. Mr. Abe,
during his recent visits to Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon,
Israel and Palestine, pledged $200 million in non-
military aid for countries fighting IS. He also promised
humanitarian and infrastructure assistance for those
fighting terrorism, as well as for refugees displaced
from Syria and Iraq following IS activity. Mr. Abe’s
attempts to gain prominence on the international stage
by playing a bigger role in the West’s counter-terrorism
policy has clearly drawn bitter reactions from IS, as
reflected in the outrageous beheadings. With the wide-
spread shock at these recent events, the Japanese pub-
lic will be faced with important questions on how to
judge Prime Minister Abe’s proactive and
gradually
militarised foreign policy. Regardless, Mr. Abe has u ne-
quivocally stated that the country “will not give in to
terrorism” and will “work alongside the international
community to make them pay for their sins.” It isevident that
Japan’s emerging foreign policy is in for
some testing times.
Terrorismthreatens Japan
CARTOONSCAPE
-
8/18/2019 FEB Editorials
4/24
CMYK
ND-ND
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 2015
8 T HE HI N D U T HU RS D AY, F E B RU A RY 5 , 20 1
5NOIDA/DELHI
EDITORIAL
The government can justifiably feel a sense of
relief at the success of the recent round of
Coal India Limited (CIL) disinvestment
which has brought in some much-needed
funds to its anaemic coffers. In what was the biggest
equity offering ever in the country, the offer for sale
of
10 per cent of its stake in CIL fetched the government a
whopping Rs.24,557 crore, more than half of the bud-
geted proceeds of Rs.43,425 crore from disinvestment
this fiscal year. To put the CIL sale in perspective, the
government had managed to raise just Rs.1,719 crore
until now in this fiscal through the sale of shares in
Steel Authority of India. If the government is to keep its
promise of keeping the fiscal deficit at 4.1 per cent
of
GDP in 2014-15, achieving the budgeted revenues from
disinvestment is crucial. The budgeted fiscal deficit for
the entire year was exceeded in the first nine months
until December 2014 since tax revenues did not grow at
the expected pace. The government will also have to
look at non-tax revenues such as from disinvestment to
fill the fiscal hole. Hence the spectrum auction, coming
up in March, and the disinvestment in other PSUs such
as ONGC and NHPC, assume great importance.
The CIL disinvestment may not have been so suc-
cessful but for some generous help from domestic in-
stitutional investors, particularly insurance
companies. As much as Rs.11,360 crore, which is half
of
the total sum raised, came from insurance companies
led by the LIC, with the latter accounting for a bulk
of
the applications in this category. Of course, the LIC
may have seen genuine promise in CIL while investing
its money. Yet, this is nothing more than money mov-
ing from one hand of the government to the other given
that the LIC is wholly owned by the Centre. Of course,
foreign institutional investors (FIIs) have also put in
Rs.5,919 crore in the CIL offer, which is encouraging.
The government would do well to reappraise the entire
disinvestment programme which has so far, disap-
pointingly, amounted to nothing more than selling off a
few pieces of family silver to tide over difficult times.
What is required is a privatisation programme whose
objective will not merely be to raise funds for the
exchequer but to reform the public sector space. The
government should identify public sector units that are
languishing for want of capital and technology and
bring in strategic private partners to rejuvenate them.
The trade unions too will be on board to support such
schemes that will safeguard jobs in these companies.
Eventually, the Central government should divest it-
self of enterprises in sectors such as steel and cement
production, focussing instead on improving social ser-
vices such as health care and education.
Coal India success
and after
The data on national income re-leased recently give a new twist
toIndia’s growth story. The most sig-nificant change is with
respect to
the growth rate for 2013-14. While the earli-er estimate showed
a growth rate of 4.7 percent, the growth rate according to the
new estimate is 6.6 per cent. Much of the pessi-mism seen in
the Indian economy during2013-14 is not vindicated by the new
data. While the investment rate did show a sharp
decline during the last three years, a greaterpart of it was due
to the decline in the in- vestment rate of households rather
than thecorporate sector. Thus, the slowdown in theeconomy was not
as severe or extended aswas feared earlier. Nevertheless, it is
usefulto review the developments so that the er-rors can be
corrected and the country canmove on to the high growth path.
Slowdown and its causes
Under the impact of the financial crisis,the Indian economy
registered a growth of 6.7 per cent in 2008-09, after having
posted agrowth rate exceeding 9 per cent for threeconsecutive
years. The recovery from theimpact of the global crisis was however
swiftand sharp. The economy achieved a growthrate of 8.6 per cent
in 2009-10, despite asevere drought. The growth rate rose furtherto
8.9 per cent in 2010-11. Then the declinebegan. In 2012-13, the
growth rate camedown to 4.5 per cent according to the oldestimate
and 4.9 per cent as per the new estimate. In 2013-14 the
growth rate was 4.7per cent and 6.6 per cent according to old
and new estimates respectively.The slowdown has been attributed
to sup-ply side bottlenecks, price shocks and weak investment
demand. Agricultural output de-clined in 2009-10. Coal output fell
and theoutput of iron ore also fell, partly because of certain
court decisions. International com-modity prices, particularly that
of oil re-mained high, despite the poor performanceof the advanced
economies. The investmentsentiment was affected by various
factorsincluding non-economic. Perhaps one policy action which
affected investors was the deci-
sion to apply certain tax laws with retro-
spective effect. The stability of the taxsystem became a cause
of concern. More-over, many good decisions of the govern-ment were
either delayed or postponed. Theenergies of the government were
also ab-sorbed in dealing with issues such as graft. All these
created an element of uncertainty in the minds of
investors.
However, recent data do not show a de-cline in corporate
investment rate. Whileearlier data showed the Corporate GrossFixed
Capital Formation rate going down to8.5 per cent in 2012-13, the
new data show the rate at 11.8 per cent in 2012-13 and 11.4per
cent in 2013-14. However there is some
evidence that new projects slowed down. According to a
study done by the ReserveBank of India, the total project cost of
new
investments in 2011-12, 2012-13 and 2013-14were Rs.2,120
billion, Rs.1,963 billion andRs.1,340 billion respectively.
Contrast thiswith new investments of Rs.5,560 billion
in2009-10.
Short and medium-term solutions
The fact that stands out is that the declinein the output growth
was much strongerthan the decline in investment. The invest-ment
rate in 2007-08 was 38.1 per cent of GDP. By 2013-14, it had
come down to 32.3per cent, even according to revised esti-
mates. With the incremental capital output
ratio of 4, which has been normal for almosta decade even, this
lower investment rateshould have given us a growth rate of 8
percent. But the actual growth rate turned outto be less. The rise
in the incremental capitaloutput ratio could have been either
becauseprojects were not completed in time or be-cause
complementary investments were notforthcoming. In some cases, this
could alsobe due to non-availability of critical inputssuch as coal
and power. This then points tothe fact that, in the short run,
speedy com-pletion of projects by itself can raise thegrowth rate.
In the medium term, we howev-er need to ensure that the investment
rate
goes up and the productivity of capital re-mains high. Only then
can the country getback to the high growth rate path.
Speedy completion of projects requires at-tention at the micro
and at the policy levels. While every effort should be made to
removeadministrative bottlenecks, issues relatingto the environment
and land acquisition alsoneed attention. The concerns relating to
en- vironment and land acquisition are genuine.They cannot be
wished away. We need towork out an acceptable compromise be-tween
the compulsions of growth and theconcerns relating to environment
and landacquisition. A process of consensus buildingneeds to be
initiated.
Sustained high growth requires macroec-onomic stability which
has three dimensions— low inflation, low current account deficitand
modest fiscal deficit. In one sense, all thethree are interrelated.
We have had difficul-ties on all these fronts in recent years.
Themoderation in inflation has occurred only recently. The
Current Account Deficit hasagain come under control. We will be
thebeneficiaries of the fall in oil prices. Thefiscal deficit
continues to remain above thelevel mandated in the Fiscal
Responsibility and Budget Management (FRMB) Act. The
commitment to bring down the fiscal deficitmust be honoured. It
is in this context thatsubsidies require a relook. The subsidy
re-gime needs reform in three directions. First,there has to be a
fix on the total quantum of subsidies as a proportion of GDP,
second,they need to be targeted and only directedtowards vulnerable
groups and, third, therehas to be a rethink on the appropriate
deliv-ery system. Government’s expendituresneed to be reoriented
more towards invest-ments and less towards subsidies.
‘Make in India’
Going ahead, “Make in India” is a goodguiding principle. It
should imply producingfor India and for the world. Making only
forIndia will convert it into a form of importsubstitution. Making
for the world makesthe system more efficient. On the otherhand,
people wonder whether making for theworld is even meaningful in the
changedworld context. It is true that extreme de-pendence on the
external world can causeserious repercussions on the domestic
econ-omy, when the world environment suddenly
changes, as in 2008 and 2009. India howeveris not in any such
danger. India’s exports as apercentage of GDP is still modest at 25
percent. Besides, India’s exports of goods do notconstitute more
than 2 per cent of theworld’s exports. In this situation,
makingIndia the base for the production of goodsand services for
exportto other countries isnot a bad idea. But to convert this idea
intoreality, the Indian economy has to be muchstronger in terms of
infrastructure and theavailability of good human capital.
Produc-tivity of capital must increase which impliesa more
efficient system of production.
Reform agenda
Reforms must be part of a continuingagenda. The basic principle
guiding reformsmust be to create a competitive environmentwith a
stress on efficiency. There are stillseveral segments where
controls dominate. A classic example is the sugar industry.
Weneed to dismantle controls in a phased man-ner. The pricing of
products should normally be done by markets. Exceptions should
bemade transparent and must be clearly
articulated.In many ways the coming decade will becrucial for
India. If India grows at 8 to 9percent per annum, it is estimated
that percapita GDP will increase from the currentlevel of $1,600 to
$ 8,000-10,000 by 2025.Then, India will transit from being a
low income to a middle income country. Weneed to overcome the
low growth phase asquickly as possible. In the recent period,
anumber of schemes have been launchedaimed at broadening the scope
of social safe-ty nets. These include the employment guar-antee
scheme, universalisation of education,expansion of rural health,
and providingfood security. It has been possible to fundthese
programmes only because of thestrong growth that we have seen in
recentyears. Growth is and must be the answer tomany of our
socio-economic problems.
(Dr. C. Rangarajan is former Chairman of the Economic
Advisory Council to the Prime Minister.)
The twist in the growth story Reforms must be part of a
continuing agenda.The basic principle guiding reforms must be
tocreate a competitive environment with a stress onefficiency. In
many ways the coming decade will be crucial for India as
growth is the answer tomany of its socio-economic problems
C. Rangarajan
“‘Making India the base for the production of goods and
services for export is not a bad idea. But to convert this
ideainto reality, the Indian economy has to be much stronger….
”
Donation row With the BJP accusing the Aam Aadmi Party
of money-laundering,the electoral battle for Delhi hasbeen taken to
the next level.However, the party levelling thecharge in this
instance must ponderhow it is spending money on mediaadvertisements
— in this instance,huge money. There have beenfront-page
advertisements for 20days. Where is all this money coming
from?
The ugly incident (“AAP throwsprobe gauntlet, Modi mocks
it,”Feb.4) shows that all parties mustbe transparent about their
financialassets and open to public scrutiny. At the end of
this, one hopes thepeople of Delhi get the governmentthey
deserve.
Praneet Kumar, Ranchi
Collection of funds to fight or standfor elections has become
the orderof the day. Can Mr. Modi or the BJPprovide us a source to
the crores of rupees that have been ploughedinto
electioneering in every election? Mr. Kejriwal’s demandsounds
reasonable. Therefore, why single out AAP? All parties must
beopen to investigation. Anotherreport, “Most parties have
norecords of donors” (Feb.4) isinteresting given that most
partiesappear not to have records of donors and that more than
75 percent of funds raised by partiesbetween 2009-2010 and
2010-11have come from unknown sources.
K. Malikul Azeez,Chennai
The BJP government appears to bedoing all that it can to win the
Delhielections even if it means thelevelling of ugly allegations.
As thePrime Minister himself is
spearheading the campaign inDelhi, he must check the facts as
faras his government and party is
concerned before launching atirade against other parties.
Eventhough it is common to hear aboutsuch accusations and
allegations atelection time, one wonders aboutthe extent to which
politicians willgo to stay on in power.
Manju V.N., Secunderabad
The Delhi Assembly election is anacid test for AAP — will
Delhi-iteshave new loyalties and will they stillback Arvind
Kejriwal? As the othermain national party seems to befast sinking
and with regionalparties marginalised with the riseand further
ascent of the NarendraModi-led BJP in the last Lok Sabhaelection,
the results of this electionare vital to other parties too. It is
amatter of great interest to seewhether the AAP can stall the
BJP’sascendancy.
Buddhadev Nandi,
Bankura, West Bengal
A party that claims its “exclusivehonesty” amid murky
politics istreading on thin ice when it says itis open to
investigation onallegations of mysterious andillegal funding. The
party whichmakes a show of its internaldemocracy, transparency
andaccountability cannot hide behindsuch a defence.
Mr. Kejriwal is a former memberof the Indian Revenue Service
andmust be well aware of the nitty-gritty of finance.
Therefore,profound statements will only giverise to suspicion. It
is quite clever of AAP to shift the onus on to
thegovernment.
Anoop Suri, New Delhi
On dispossessionLand acquisition is clearly a majortask before
the government
(“Dispossession, development anddemocracy,” Feb.4) as the
conflictbetween balancing the democratic
ethos with developmental aims isonly bound to grow.
Dispossession should be treatedas “constructive destruction” and
itis incumbent on the governmentand private players to help
providedue compensation as well asmeaningful livelihood avenues
tofarmers who face dislocation anddisplacement. In the long run,
faircompensation and successfulrehabilitation will be morerewarding
than short-termwindfall gains in land acquisition.The sooner the
governmentrealises this the better.
Divyank Yaduvendu, Bhopal
The article highlighted the neglectof social impact assessments
whichassume serious dimensions giventhat most of India’s
populationcomprises unskilled labourers. Any compensation is a
short-term
solution and does nothing aboutinclusive long-term growth.
Eventhough one cannot ignore thebenefits of industrialisation,
thegovernment would do well not toacquire contiguous stretches
of land but allocate small parcels of land in a cluster
for the purpose of industrialisation, reducing thesocial
impact.
Vikram Sundaramurthy,Chennai
Though LARR in itself was nopanacea for the high-handedapproach
of the state towards itscitizens in the matter of landacquisition,
the ordinance is clearly intended to favour private
capital.People are well within their rightsto differ with the
powers-that-beon the meaning of developmentand democracy as the
Constitutionguarantees their right to differ andalso their right to
own property.The state acquiring land for public
purposes is understandable, but tosay that private industrial
growthserves a public purpose as it
generates jobs is far-fetched andseldom results in intended
benefits.
A.P. Govindankutty,Cheruthuruthy, Kerala
Instead of having land acquisitionin the Concurrent List, it is
betterto shift it to the State List. India is a vast and
diverse country and it willbe a stretch for the centralgovernment
to know in detail whatthe basic regional problems are. Onthe other
hand, State governmentshave the authority and are betterplaced to
negotiate things.
Shivakumar Hiremath, Bagalkot
Before acquiring land for any purpose, there is the
imperativeneed to identify land that is fertileand rich enough for
cultivation.Farmers also have to be providedaid to procure seeds
and manureand get proper irrigation facilities.
They have to be encouraged to takeup natural farming with
quality seeds, organic manure and, mostimportant of all, good
all-weatherstorage facilities.There are farmers who own
largestretches of land but who do nothave the financial means to
plancultivation. It is in such a situationthat the politician steps
in with hisagenda. There has to be a regularplan by which farmers
are helped tomanage their affairs. Today they are left to fend
for themselves. Why are we neglecting them when they are
such an integral part of oureconomy? Dispossessing them andmaking
them jobless and “income-less” is not good governance.
Sheela Chandrachudan, Bengaluru
Forex limitThe move to increase remittancelimits is welcome, but
it must beremembered that such increases
seem to be arbitrary. Instead, itwould be appropriate to
setstatutory limits with gold as an
equivalent. In order for FDI flowsto become attractive,
theremittance limit should be raisedfurther to about $4.3 million
(theequivalent of 100 kg of gold). It willalso improve for small
businessesthe ease of doing business withminimal bureaucratic
hurdles.
Mohamed Anwar Sadat,Chennai
IS and execution After the beheading of the
Japanesecitizens, IS militants havecommitted another heinous
act(‘International’, “Most brutalexecution yet of a foreign
hostage,”Feb.4). Leaders in the westernworld are just providing
lipsympathy to the bereaved familiesof the victims of inhuman
killings.
Jordan has done the right thingin retaliating by executing
twomilitants held in its prison for actsof terrorism. Such a
strong
response will send out a strongsignal to terrorists across
thew