activists. At one time, they succeeded - …...activists. At one time, they succeeded splitting us in two groups, and clashes broke out as people tried to break through their lines

activists. At one time, they succeededsplitting us in two groups, and clashesbroke out as people tried to break throughtheir lines of separation. They answeredwith tear gas and truncheon blows.Nevertheless, their attacks didn’t stop us.In the end, we succeeded in breaking theirlines, and once again we weredemonstrating together, heading to ourobjective. Finally, after approximately 30minutes marked by clashes with the police,we arrived at the Place de la République,which was full of people who had come onthat Sunday afternoon to lay flowers andpay homage to the victims of the attacks.

The success of this spontaneousdemonstration in defying the “state ofemergency” shows that we can still act onour own strength, refusing to surrender tothe general state of fear and to the newlaws imposed in the name of nationalsecurity. More than ever, we must help andtake care of each other, we must keeporganising, we must stay focused andcontinue defying authority. This is what weshould keep in mind as the COP 21 willstart in few days in Paris. The strugglecontinues.

Confronting the “state of emergency” onNovember 22.

We received the following report from thesome French comrades. They describe thesituation in Paris before and after theattacks of November 13: theintensification of xenophobic discourse,the repression of homeless refugees, thedeclaration of a “state of emergency” asa way to clamp down on dissent, thepreparations for the COP 21 summit atwhich demonstrations are now banned,and what people are doing to counter allthis. It offers an eyewitness account fromthe front lines of the struggle against theopportunists who hope to use the tragedyof November 13 to advance their agendaof racism and autocracy. Withdemonstrations forbidden and the COP21 summit around the corner, whathappens in Paris will set an importantprecedent for whether governments canuse the spectre of terrorism to suppressefforts to change the disastrous course onwhich they are steering us.

Escalating XenophobiaThe attacks that took place in Paris severaldays ago, tragic as they are, areunfortunately not an isolated event. Thecapital city of France was simply anothertarget in a string of bombings in Suruç,Ankara, and Beirut; it represents thecontinuation and expansion of the strategyISIS initiated in the Middle East.

In France, these attacks exacerbate apolitical context that was already fraught.Following the attacks of September 11,2001 and the participation of the far-rightparty Front National in the second round ofthe 2002 presidential election, the politicaldiscourse has taken an increasinglyconservative tone. For example, NicolasSarkozy, as Ministre de l’Intérieur from2002 to 2007 and President from 2007 to2012, openly adopted some arguments,topics, and symbols that were previouslyonly used by the Front National. Thesediscourses of “identity” and “security”have especially stigmatised Arabic andMuslim communities. In 2010, for example,a law was passed stipulating that it wasforbidden to cover your face in publicplaces in France. While not explicitlydirected at those wearing a niqab or hijab,it resulted in more controls targetingMuslim women.

During this same time period, lawenforcement groups were given newequipment such as Flash-balls (supposedlynon-lethal anti-riot weapons) and Taserguns. The national DNA file, used since1998 to collect the DNA of sexual offenders

and abusers, has been extended to everyperson convicted of an offense. The “PlanVigipirate,” a governmental anti-terrorismsecurity plan established in 1995 afterseveral bombing attacks in France, was alsoupdated three times between 2002 and2006, and more recently in 2014 undercurrent President François Hollande.

Before the AttacksFor years, refugees have been fleeing theircountries to escape death, militaryconflicts, and constant political instability.Until last summer, the French governmentand its European counterparts didn’t careabout the refugee issue—witness thecountless tragic deaths of people trying tocross the Mediterranean sea. In Paris,several groups of refugees have been livingon the streets in precarious conditions formonths.

Nevertheless, due to accelerating waves ofimmigration, the French governmentstarted to change its policy, taking part inthe European political initiative “WelcomeRefugees.” This was more of a politicalmove than an expression of solidarity.During this period, refugees and migrants,left alone by authorities, began to createtheir own camps in several locations inParis. They received some assistance fromNGOs, collectives, activists, and othersconcerned about their difficult situation.

However, refugees faced aggressive staterepression, as they still do. They areregularly harassed by police whointimidate, beat, evict, and arrest them or

some Halal butcheries have also beentargeted. In Marseilles, a Jewish professorand a woman wearing a headscarf wereassaulted.

Adsav demonstrating in Pontivy onSaturday, November 14.

The attacks also reinforced Frenchnationalism. The “Marseillaise,” the Frenchnational anthem, has been sung duringmany gatherings since the attacks; thenational flag has been ubiquitous, even onsocial media profile pictures. All thisnationalist momentum produced a spike inapplications to join the French military, assome recruiters explained to journalists. Allthese events offer a great opportunity forthe Front National to increase its influenceonce more across the French politicalspectrum, and to gain more electors duringthe municipal elections in December.

It is alarming how readily the majority ofthe French population accepts the policiesof the “state of emergency” and therestriction of their movement and liberties.For anarchists and activists, theseemergency measures raise severalquestions: What will happen if we violatethe state of emergency by demonstrating?How will the police forces react? Will the

government end up using this “exceptionallaw” to repress anarchists and other radicalactivists and carry out mass arrests? Onething is certain: since the attacks of thepast January in Paris, most of the policeforces haven’t been able to take vacationsdue to a lack of personnel. Some high-ranking members of the police explain thattheir troops are exhausted and on edge,which means that the tension during futureactions including the COP 21 protests willbe extremely high.

Nevertheless, it is important to rememberthat nothing is ever written in advance. Asindividuals, we have the capacity to makechoices that could change the currentinertia of the world.

On Sunday, November 22, several hundredpeople gathered in the Place de la Bastilleto express solidarity with refugees and tocontest the “state of emergency” declaredby the government, despite the gatheringhaving been prohibited following theattacks. When we arrived, police forceswere present but were standing back fromthe increasing group of activists. We tookthis opportunity and started walking in themiddle of the road, determined todemonstrate no matter what. Police forcesran after us, faced us in a line, and tried toturn us away from our principal objectiveof taking a major boulevard to reach Placede la République. Their first attempt failed,as some activists got around the police lineand kept walking on the boulevard,chanting “Solidarity with all refugees!”There followed a chase between police and

decided to increase their military strikes onISIS positions in Syria; they are trying nowto form a coalition with the US, GreatBritain, Germany, and Russia to wage atotal war against “terrorism.” Then ourAssemblée Nationale, the official buildingwhere our deputies discuss and make laws,voted almost unanimously (551 pros vs. 6cons) to extend the “state of emergency.”Now it will last three months, untilFebruary 26, 2016. Of course, it could beextended again after that.

Moreover, the government decided to keepthe COP 21 in Paris—at least its officialmeeting and discussions—but forbade thedemonstrations and activities organized byanti-COP activists. This can be seen as anattempt to muzzle the people taking part inthe social movement to counter thesemeaningless meetings and politicalnegotiations. It is also interesting to note,considering the three-month extension ofthe state of emergency, that in 2016, theconstruction of the new airport at NotreDame des Landes is scheduled to resume—the airport that has thus far been blockedby the occupation known internationally asla ZAD. The authorities might try to controlthe opponents of the airport under thissupposedly “exceptional” law.

During the past few days, the authoritieshave made some other major decisions:starting now, our police officers areallowed to keep their weapons with themeven after working hours in the name ofnational safety. The government has alsoasserted a closer surveillance of online

activity. In addition, President FrançoisHollande is trying to add new elements tothe law governing the state of emergency,including policies such as stripping Frenchcitizenship from people recognized as athreat to national security, or closingmosques preaching a conservativeinterpretation of Islam.

People gathering at the Place de laRépublique after the attacks.

Dark Days, Unwritten FuturesIn the aftermath of the Paris’ attacks, weare sure to face even darker days thanbefore between the increasing power ofthe government, the crushing of ourliberties, and intensifying xenophobic andracist discourses among politicians and partof the population. Indeed, only a few hourshad passed after the attacks before thefirst racist attacks took place in severaltowns around France. For example, onSaturday, November 14 in Pontivy, Brittany,while taking part in a demonstration,members of “Adsav,” a fascist groupdefending Breton identity, beat an Arabicman. The weekend following the attacks inParis, mosques were tagged with redChristian crosses and racist sentences;

destroy their camps. In June 2015, thefascist group Génération Identitaire(Identity Generation) attacked a refugeecamp in Austerlitz with stones and bottles.The Austerlitz camps were removed by theauthorities in September.

At the end of July, another group ofrefugees and migrants decided to squat anold and abandoned high school in the 19thdistrict of Paris: the Lycée Jean Quarré.Collectives and activists came to offer help;together, they began organisingdemonstrations to defend refugees’ rights.On the morning of October 23, policeevicted the squat. Some of the migrantswho occupied it have been relocated tocentres or shelters in the suburbs or evenfurther outside Paris. Others remainedwithout a place to sleep, so they camped infront of the Hotel de Ville, the City Hall ofParis.

Police officers and migrants at thesquatted Lycée Jean Quarré.

The day after the eviction, demonstrationswere planned at the same time in Englandand in France under the slogan of“Freedom for the three migrantsimprisoned in England—Papers andhousing for all—Freedom of movement, no

borders.” At the end of the demonstration,some refugees were determined to blockthe streets until the Mayor found asolution to relocate everyone. Theyoccupied a major intersection forapproximately 45 minutes. Then, as usual,police showed up in riot gear. Afterdiscussing the possible consequences, theparticipants shifted to occupying a nearbytheatre. As they were forcing the doors,the police charged in a surprisinglydisorganised and chaotic manner. Somedemonstrators continued to confront thepolice as they were pushed back to a mainstreet.

A few hours after the demo, some refugeesand migrants, still without a place to sleepfor the night, occupied the Place de laRépublique, one of the major squares indowntown Paris. Since that day, they havebeen evicted several times and their campsand personal belongings have beendestroyed and seized by the police. Severalgatherings took place to help refugees anddefend the square against eviction. Thetension was always high during thoseactions and police forces were numerous.A few weeks ago, at one such gathering, anAfghan refugee explained to us that he andsome of his friends have finally receivedhousing for at least six months.Nevertheless, he also told us that newerrefugees who had just arrived fromGermany would sleep outside in the campthat night. On Friday, November 13, thepolice evicted the camp again just a fewhours before the ISIS attacks took place inthe same district.

At the same time, the authorities havebeen directing increasing surveillancetowards anarchists and their spaces.Several anarchists have recently beenarrested in the Paris area, demonstratingthe European common political agenda ofincreasing repression against anarchists—as we have seen recently, on a larger scale,in Greece, Spain, and even Czech Republic.Members of La Discordia, a new anarchistlibrary in the 19th district of Paris thatopened in spring 2015, published an articlein October showing that the police weremonitoring and recording their activities. Adevice was found hidden in a room at theschool facing the library, as its director hadagreed to assist the police in theirsurveillance.

Meanwhile, the COP 21 was coming up.From November 28 to December 12,politicians from around the world willgather in Paris to pretend to discussenvironmental issues; severaldemonstrations and events were plannedby worldwide organisations to oppose thisinternational masquerade. An appeal toparticipate to the anti-COP 21 in Paris hasappeared in several languages and Paris isexpecting an international mobilisation.

The French government took steps tocontrol and contain popular oppositioneven before the November 13 attacks.First, they decided to close the borders:contrary to ordinary Shengen practice,France will enforce border controls andrefuse some people entry. The governmenthas also refused visas to foreign activists

and members of organisations.Furthermore, the police administrationsent a message to all their employees at anational level asking them not to takevacations during the COP 21 in case theyneed to mobilise everyone against activistsand “black blocks” (French media andpoliticians still misunderstand black blocsto be a distinct organisation, not areproducible tactic). In other words, theauthorities fear that this internationalmeeting will occasion fierce resistance.

Paris the night of the attacks: the armytakes the streets.

After the AttacksAs soon as the attacks took place, andespecially when people were taken hostageat the Bataclan, a major venue, Parisbecame an “urban warfare” zone: policeforces were on alert everywhere along withspecial forces and tactical groups, whilesoldiers, emergency personnel, andfiremen blocked all the streets around thesites of the attacks. Everyone in these areaswas searched, had their IDs checked, andtold to leave the streets and go home.Those who were at bars were forced to stayinside for hours before police orderedthem to leave, some with their hands ontheir heads. In the moment, the violence of

the images and events let us speechless,confused, and scared—not only about theattacks but even more so about whatwould come next.

Shortly afterwards, President FrançoisHollande made an official statement ontelevision saying that France was now atwar against the terrorists, against ISIS.Hollande used the same rhetoric andvocabulary George W. Bush did in hisspeech after September 11, 2001. Hollandealso explained that France was nowincreasing its emergency alert level to justbelow the ultimate level of war within theFrench territory. In the name of the “stateof emergency” and in order to reinforceand maintain national “security,” Hollandeasked to deploy about 10,000 soldiers tohelp police officers carry out surveillanceand control.

The “state of emergency” is a peculiar lawpassed on April 3, 1955 that provides civilauthorities of a specific geographical areawith exceptional police powers to regulatepeople’s movement and residence, closepublic places, and requisition weapons. Itenables the authorities to take all thedecisions they want and to drasticallyreduce liberties and freedom. This law wascreated and used primarily during the waragainst Algeria. Between 1955 and 1961,the “state of emergency” was imposedseveral times on the Franco-Algerianterritory. Later, it was used in NewCaledonia in 1984-1985. Finally, and for thefirst time in the French metropolis, thestate of emergency was imposed in 2005

after the uprisings that took place in oursuburbs.

Once applied, this state of emergency cantake several forms. The President andprefects can use it to impose curfews ontheir population. Car traffic can beforbidden in certain districts or zones atspecific hours. Prefects can determinewhere people are permitted to go,establishing restricted areas and safetyzones and even forbidding someone fromgoing to or living in a specific zone if thatperson is considered a threat. Indeed,every person considered “dangerous” canbe forced to stay at home without anyoption of going out, or only allowed to goout within extremely precise conditionssuch as being monitored by an electronicbracelet. Movie theatres, venues, or anyother place where people gather like barsand restaurants can be forced to close.Police officers can stop and check youwithout a specific reason—something theyalready do anyway—and any oppositioncan be considered a threat.Demonstrations, marches, and gatheringscan be forbidden; searches and house raidscan be made day and night withoutwarrants; every single person who conteststhis situation can be punished withfinancial charges or prison according tostipulations built into the “state ofemergency” legislation.

During the three days of national mourningimposed by François Hollande, thegovernment made their first decisionsresponding to the attacks. First, they